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Opinion

Debate or no debate, addressing critical issues important for voters

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by Gamini Jayaweera

In recent weeks, we have observed a disheartening spectacle unfold between the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) as they engage in a futile tussle, each blaming the other for the failure to arrange a debate between their respective leaders and economic policy teams. This debate, crucial for enlightening the voting populace ahead of both the Presidential and General elections, remains elusive due to the entrenched animosity between the parties.

Consequently, the electorate grapples with disillusionment and disenchantment, triggered by the pervasive negative posturing exhibited by these factions, all while professing to champion system change and advocate for a governance model marked by inclusivity and transparency.

Both party leaders exude an air of unwavering confidence, believing they possess the panacea for our nation’s longstanding woes — be it the chronic mismanagement of the economy, the bloated and inefficient public sector, the archaic and dysfunctional constitution, the ailing healthcare system, the dilapidated state of education, or the pervasive corruption staining our political landscape and workforce. Yet, despite their professed solutions, they balk at the opportunity to engage in a substantive debate, opting instead for recycled rhetoric hailing their past ministerial achievements as the ultimate testament to their capabilities.

It begs the question: if they deeply hold the keys to resolving these entrenched issues, why shy away from a platform that could elucidate their strategies and policies for the benefit of undecided voters? As they bask in the glow of favourable poll numbers and draw sizable crowds to their political rallies, it becomes imperative to scrutinise their positions on critical matters. Therefore, I have taken it upon myself to pose several pressing questions, hopeful that the responses from these leaders will empower our electorate to make informed decisions come election day.

Economic Reforms

The promises of providing food for the impoverished, lowering essential commodity prices, ensuring equitable education, and universal healthcare are praiseworthy. However, the glaring question remains: how do they intend to finance these initiatives in the short term? Both parties have criticised current tax policies, labelling them unjustifiable burdens on the populace.

If elected, how do the NPP and the SJB plan to fill the revenue gap created by abolishing these taxes? Moreover, what strategies will they employ to stimulate economic growth and attract local and foreign investments? What specific details on their proposed policies and initiatives would provide voters with a clearer understanding of their economic reform agendas?

Public Sector Reform

It is evident that the public sector is bloated and inefficient, draining taxpayer funds without delivering commensurate value. Bold restructuring is necessary to curb waste and instil accountability. Yet, such reforms inevitably entail job losses. How do the SJB and the NPP propose to restructure these institutions while mitigating the impact on workers?

How will the administration ensure that displaced workers are effectively supported through redeployment, comprehensive redundancy packages, or access to retraining programs for alternative career pathways? Moreover, in the case of redeployment, where will these individuals find available vacancies and which industries will offer opportunities for retraining? Additionally, how will the necessary funds be allocated to ensure substantial redundancy packages for those affected by workforce transitions?

Administrative Service

The Sri Lanka Administrative Service (SLAS) comprises trained professionals, adept at government procedures. They collaborate closely with the President, the Prime Minister, and Ministers to formulate and execute policies, maintaining political neutrality and upholding SLAS integrity.

However, recent years have seen a decline in SLAS professionalism and integrity due to appointments based on political connections rather than merit. Can the NPP and the SJB commit to reversing this trend by appointing qualified SLAS officers to Secretarial positions in the ministries?

Diplomatic Service and International Relations

The image and reputation of a country rely heavily on competent diplomats who advocate for its interests globally. Historically, skilled diplomats have upheld our nation’s dignity and earned respect through responsible and professional representation in international relations.

Regrettably, recent appointments within the Foreign Service have often prioritised personal connections and political affiliations over merit. This neglects career diplomats and well-trained civil servants, leading to a decline in our international standing. Can the NPP and SJB assure they will not perpetuate this trend?

Public Sector Procurement Process

In 2017, the then President grimly revealed that over 50% of Sri Lanka’s public procurement contracts were tainted by the insidious grip of bribery and corruption. Shockingly, despite this alarming disclosure, successive governments, including the current administration, have regrettably fallen short in instituting the requisite measures to combat this pervasive menace, which continues to corrode the very fabric of our society.

The woeful underperformance of certain state institutions can be attributed to a myriad of factors. On one hand, these organizations suffer from a glaring absence of vision, transparency, accountability, and efficient systems and procedures. On the other hand, they turn a blind eye to the imperative of corporate governance, as rampant corruption infects the procurement process of public contracts and fosters a culture of unethical conduct. Furthermore, a dearth of business acumen at the leadership echelon has only exacerbated the lacklustre performance exhibited by most of our state institutions.

What are NPP and SJB proposals to implement a transparent public sector Procurement Process to ensure that the government is getting value for taxpayers’ money?

Public Sector Car Permits

It is widely acknowledged that certain professional groups in our society receive exclusive benefits from the government, including free car permits for vehicle imports and reserved placements for their children in prestigious government schools. The rationale behind these privileges raises questions: why are these groups afforded special treatment that is not extended to other government sector employees? Is it because they possess significant industrial influence, capable of exerting considerable pressure on the government through strike actions? Shouldn’t the government prioritise valuing the contributions of all its employees equally?

Trade Unions

Trade unions wield considerable influence in our society, often resorting to strikes as a means of protest. While legitimate grievances deserve to be addressed, politically motivated se the nation. What measures will the parties introduce to ensure that trade unions act responsibly and transparently? Could the NPP and the SJB potentially implement Trade Union laws requiring strikes to undergo democratic balloting, along with mandated clear notice periods aimed at minimizing disruption?

Pension Reform of Parliamentarians

The issue of full pensions for ministers and MPs after a mere ten years of service raises questions of fairness and equity. How do the parties plan to address this disparity and align the pension schemes of public servants with those of other citizens?

Dual Citizenship

The prohibition on dual citizens holding positions of responsibility within the government sector restricts the talent pool available to enact meaningful change. They are gathering in thousands for political meetings organised by the NPP. If so, what reforms will NPP and SJB propose to tap into the expertise of the overseas community while safeguarding against corruption and political interference?

Port City

The creation of a 25-year Tax Holiday zone with other incentives, called Port City within Sri Lanka to encourage foreign investors is under severe criticism from opposition parties due to many reasons. Reports suggest the introduction of a distinct tax system in the Port City, diverging from the national tax framework in Sri Lanka. This development raises concerns about the potential adverse effects of a dual tax system, including the demotivation of the workforce and economic inefficiencies. Considering these concerns, what proposals are being considered by the SJB and the NPP to reform this disparate tax structure and ensure uniformity across the country’s tax regime?

I understand that despite the proposed 25-year tax holiday, foreign investors are hesitant to participate in the scheme. It appears that as of now, there have been no tangible investments made by foreign entities in the Port City. How do you plan to ensure the success of this project, or will you allow it to languish as another ‘White Elephant’ doomed to inevitable failure?

Constitutional Reforms

The Executive Presidency and the Proportional Representation electoral system have been criticised by many politicians as well as the public for increased corruption and political favouritism compared to the introduction of the current system with the previous electoral system which operated prior to 1978.

During a rally in Sweden, the leader of the NPP party passionately advocated for Proportional Representation, emphasing its role in allowing minority communities to have their voices heard in Parliament. He argued that ensuring adequate representation from minority groups is crucial for fostering peace and harmony among diverse communities. However, this argument appears weak when considering the reality that major political parties like NPP, SJB, UNP, and SLPP often fail to provide opportunities for minority leaders to emerge within their ranks.

By neglecting to cultivate leadership from minority communities, these parties effectively bar individuals from those backgrounds from ascending to the positions of President or Prime Minister. It is worth noting that parties such as the NPP and the SJB could learn from examples set by the Conservative Party in the UK and the Democratic Party in the USA, both of which have seen leaders of Indian and African origin rise to the positions of Prime Minister and President, respectively. The question then arises: why hinder the possibility for a Tamil, a Muslim, or any member of another community to lead your party? Do you believe it would be beneficial to reduce sectarian voting by encouraging minorities to hold prominent positions within the major political parties?

Will your party commit to abolishing the Executive Presidency if elected to form the next government? Additionally, do you pledge to fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, thereby granting Provincial Councils comprehensive powers, including control over the police force? During a rally in Canada, when asked these crucial questions, the leader of the NPP evaded providing a clear answer, suggesting that it was not an immediate priority. However, it is vital for voters to have this information before casting their democratic ballots in the upcoming election.

Judiciary

It is a well-known factor that some of the Judges and the President Counsel have been appointed by the governing party based on political affiliations rather than the qualifications, experience, and suitability of the person to those positions. What are your proposals to introduce reforms in this area to ensure that the Judiciary is free from making politically motivated decisions and it will be free from political interference?

Appointment of Heads of Forces

There have been plenty of criticism, arguments, and accusations about appointing Heads for the three Forces. What Proposals do you have to ensure that those selections are done by independent Commissions attached to these Forces and the appointments are made on the recommendations by these commissions?

Environment

During the last few decades Politicians, Businessmen and Party supporters have been given the permission to clear out well established forests and other green sites and build commercial properties such as tourist hotels, golf courses, etc. These construction sites have destroyed the natural habitat making the weather patterns behave in strange ways. What are your proposals to protect our forests and the natural habitat from corrupt businesspeople, political henchmen, and politicians?

Conclusion

In conclusion, the voting public deserves clarity and accountability from those vying for leadership. There are many other valid questions and I hope that the voters will raise those issues in coming months. It is incumbent upon the SJB and the NPP to rise above partisan squabbles and engage in substantive dialogue. I believe that only through informed debate can we pave the way for a brighter future for Sri Lanka and her people.



Opinion

Ministerial resignation and new political culture

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Kumara Jayakody

The resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody comes after several weeks of controversy over his ministerial role. The controversy sharpened when the minister was indicted by the Commission on Bribery and Corruption for a transaction he was involved in ten years ago as a government official in the Fertiliser Corporation. The other issue was the government’s purchase of substandard coal from a new supplier. Minister Jayakody’s resignation followed the appointment of a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry to investigate coal and petroleum purchases. The minister who resigned, along with the Secretary to the Ministry of Energy, Udayanga Hemapala, stated that they did not wish to compromise the integrity of the investigation to be undertaken by the Commission of Inquiry.

The government’s initial resistance to holding the minister accountable for the costly purchase was based on the argument that the official procedure had been followed in ordering the coal. However, the fact that the procedure permitted a disadvantageous purchase which has come to light on this occasion suggests a weakness in the process. The government’s appointment of the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry to examine purchases as far back as 2009 follows from this observation. In this time 450 purchases are reported to have been made, and if several of them were as disadvantageous as this one, the cost to the country can be imagined. The need to investigate transactions since 2009 also arises from the possibility that loopholes in official government procedures in the past would have permitted private enrichment at a high cost to the country.

Concerns have been expressed in the past that the purchase of coal and petroleum, often on an emergency basis, enabled the use of emergency procurement processes which do not require going through the full tender procedures. The government has pledged to eradicate corruption as its priority. As a result, the general population would expect it to do everything within its power to correct those systems that permitted such corruption. Accountability is not only forward looking to ensure non-corrupt practices in the present, it is also backward looking to ensure that corrupt practices of the past are discontinued. This would be a matter of concern to those who headed government ministries and departments in previous governments. Those who have misapplied the systems can be expected to do their utmost to resist any investigation into the past.

Politically Astute

One of the main reasons for the government’s continuing popularity among the general population, as reflected in February 2026 public opinion poll by Verité Research, has been its willingness to address the problem of corruption. Public opinion studies have consistently shown that corruption remains one of the top concerns of citizens in Sri Lanka. The arrests and indictments of members of former governments have been viewed with general satisfaction as paving the way to a less corrupt society. At the same time, the resignations of Minister Kumara Jayakody and Secretary Udayanga Hemapala are an indication that not even government members will be spared if they are found to have crossed red lines. This is an important signal, as public confidence depends not only on holding political opponents to account but also on demonstrating fairness and consistency within one’s own ranks.

There appears to be a strategy on the part of the opposition to target government leaders and allege corruption so that ministers will be forced to step down. Organised protests against other ministers, and demonstrations outside their homes, are on the rise. The government appears not to want to give in to this opposition strategy and therefore delayed the resignation of Minister Jayakody until it had itself established the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry. It enabled the minister to step down without it seeming that the government was yielding to opposition pressure. In political terms, this was a calibrated response that sought to balance the need for accountability with the need to maintain authority and coherence in governance.

The demand by opposition parties to focus attention on the coal problem could also be seen as an attempt to shift the national debate from the corruption of the past to controversies in the present. The opposition’s endeavour would be to take the heat off themselves in regard to the corruption of the past and turn it onto the government by making it the focus of inquiries into corruption. The decision to set up a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry accompanied by the resignation of the minister and the ministry secretary was a politically astute way of demonstrating that the government will have no tolerance for corruption. It will also help to remind the general public about the rampant corruption of past governments which prevents the opposition’s corruption accusations against the government from gaining traction amongst the people.

New Practice

The resignation of a government minister who faces allegations but has not been convicted is still a relatively new practice in Sri Lanka. The general practice in Sri Lanka up to the present time has been for those in government service, if found to be at fault, to be transferred rather than removed from office. This is commonly seen in the case of police officers who, if found to have used excessive force or engaged in abuse, are transferred to another station rather than subjected to more serious disciplinary action. A similar pattern was seen in the case of former minister Keheliya Rambukwella, who faced allegations of corruption in the health field but was reassigned to a different portfolio rather than removed from government.

Against this background, the present resignation assumes greater importance. It signals a willingness to break with past practices and to establish a higher standard of conduct in public office. However, a single instance does not in itself create a lasting change. What is required is the consistent application of the same principle across all cases, irrespective of political affiliation or convenience. This is where the government has an opportunity to strengthen its credibility. By ensuring that the same standards of accountability are applied to its own members as to those of previous governments, it can demonstrate that its commitment to good governance is not selective.

The establishment of the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry, the willingness to accept ministerial resignation, and the recognition of systemic weaknesses in procurement are all steps in the right direction. The challenge now is to ensure that these steps are followed through with determination and consistency. If the investigations are conducted impartially and lead to meaningful reforms, the present controversy could mark a turning point. The resignation of the minister should not be seen as an isolated event but as the beginning of a new practice. If it becomes part of a broader pattern of accountability, it can contribute to a new political culture and to restoring public trust in government.

by Jehan Perera

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Opinion

Shutting roof top solar panels – a crime

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The Island newspaper’s lead news item on the 12th of April 2026 was on the CEB request to shut down rooftop solar power during the low demand periods. Their argument is that rooftop solar panels produce about 300 MW power during the day and there is no procedure to balance the grid with such a load.

We as well as a large academic and industrial consortium members have been trying to promote solar energy as a viable and sustainable power source since the early 1990’s. We formed the Solar Energy Society and made representations to Government politicians about the need to have solar power generation. This continuous promotional work contributed to the rapid increase in PV solar companies from three in the early 1990’s to over 650 active PV solar companies established today in the country. These companies have created tens of thousands of high-quality jobs, as well as moving in the right direction for sustainable development.

However, all these efforts appear to have been in vain since the CEB policy makers have continuously rejected solar energy as a viable alternative. Their power generation plans at that time did not include solar energy at all but only relied on imported coal power plants and diesel power generation. Even at the meetings where CEB senior staff were present, we emphasised the importance of installation of battery storage facilities and grid balancing for which they have done nothing at all over the past three decades. Now they have grudgingly accepted the need to include solar energy, which was an election promise of the present government. The government policy is that Sri Lanka should go for renewables to satisfy 70% of its energy needs by 2030 and soon move towards the green hydrogen technology by using solar and wind energy.

The question is why the diesel generators and hydropower stations cannot be shut off one by one to accommodate the solar power generated during the daytime. Unlike a coal-fired plant, diesel generators and hydro power plants can be shut off in a relatively shorter period of time. Norochchalai Lakvijaya power plant produces around 900 MW of power while the total country requirement is 2500 MW on a daily basis. The remainder is provided by diesel generators, hydro and other renewable energy sources.

The need for work to achieve this goal of grid balancing should be the primary responsibility of the CEB. Modern grid balancing systems are in operation in countries such as Germany where around 56% of its energy come from renewable sources. They also plan to increase this to reach 80% of the energy required through renewables by 2030. Our CEB is hell bent on diesel power plants. Who benefits from such emergency power purchases is anybody’s guess?

The Government and the CEB should realise that all roof top solar plants are privately financed through personal funds or bank loans with no financial burden on the Government. It is a crime to request them not to operate these solar panels and get the necessary credits for the power transmitted to the national grid. It appears that the results of CEB’s lack of grid balancing experience and unwillingness to learn over three decades have now passed to the privately-funded rooftop solar panel owners. It is unfortunate that the Government is not considering the contributions of ordinary individuals who provide clean power to the national grid at no cost to the Government. Over 150,000 rooftop solar panels owners are severely affected by these ruthless decisions by the CEB, and this will lead to the un-popularity of this new government in the end.

by Professors Oliver Ileperuma and I M Dharmadasa

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Opinion

Nilanthi Jayasinghe – An Appreciation

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It was with shock that I realized that the article in the Sunday Island of April 5 about the winsome graduate gazing serenely at her surroundings was, in fact, an obituary about Nilanthi Jayasinghe, a former colleague who I had held in high esteem. I had lost touch with Nilanthi since my retirement and this news that she had passed away, saddened me deeply

I knew and had worked with Nilanthi – Mrs Jayasinghe as we used to call her – at the Open University of Sri Lanka in the 1990s. As Director, Operations, she was a figure that we as heads of academic departments, relied on; a central bastion of the complex structure that underpinned academic activities at Sri Lanka’s major distance education provider. Few people realize what it takes to provide distance education in an environment not geared to this form of teaching/learning – the volume of Information that has to be created, printed and delivered; the variety of timetables that have to be scheduled; the massive amount of continuous assessment assignments and tests that have to be prepared and sent out; the organization of a multitude of face-to face teaching sessions; the complex scheduling of examinations and tests – all this needed to be attended to for a student population of more than 20,000 and for 23 centres of study dotted across Sri Lanka.

It was an unenviable task but Nilanthi Jayasinghe with her flair for organization, handled it all with aplomb and a deep sense of commitment. If there were delays and inconclusive action on our part, she never reprimanded but would work with us to sort things out. Her work as Director, Operations brought her into contact with staff across the spectrum-from the Vice-Chancellor to the apprentice in the Open University’s Printing Press. Nilanthi treated everyone with dignity and as a result, was respected by all at the university. She was sensitive, kind-hearted, a good friend who would readily share problems and help to solve them. The year NIlanthi retired, I was out of the island. When I came back to the Open University, I felt bereft without the steadfast support of her stalwart presence .

The article in the ‘Sunday Island’ describes her life after retirement, looking after family members and enjoying the presence of a granddaughter.

After a lifetime of commitment to others, Nilanthi Jayasinghe truly deserved this happiness.

May she be blessed with peace.

Ryhana Raheem

Professor Emeritus
Open University of Sri Lanka.

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