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Opinion

Some early musings on presidential election

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By an apolitical aficionado

Things are beginning to hot up and even persistently simmer quite a bit ahead of the presidential election to be held in a few months. Multiple parties and candidates are vying for power, each of them holds out its promises, challenges, and visions for the future. Some of these were graphically articulated at the May Day processions, meetings and rallies of just a few days ago. All and sundry from different pollical hues, affiliations and governing principles have hastened to claim that each is God’s personal gift to Sri Lanka. It is perhaps time to have an early look at the current status of the panning situation which seems to be in a constant state of flux, look at the relative chances of the key contenders, and assess their strengths and weaknesses in the eyes of the electorate.

The United National Party (UNP), under the leadership of the current President of the country, Ranil Wickremesinghe, has been credited with steering Sri Lanka out of an economic morass. At least on that score, he has a point. On May Day, he invited all Opposition parties to co-operate him to put the economy on an even keel Some of the minions of these parties may do the high jump but it is most unlikely that the upper echelons of the parties would join Ranil. Apart from all that, criticisms have been levelled against Wickremasinghe for his autocratic leadership style and even generally perceived disregard for expert advice. While his economic policies may have brought short-term relief, concerns linger about the long-term implications of consolidating power under his leadership and the impact his radical policies would have on the nation. Most unfortunately, the draconian measures, including drastic taxes, that had to be implemented have fanned the ire of the general public. He has generally been prone to giving in to certain forces that have the potential to scuttle his ship, lest they take the law into their own hands. How the electorate would look at the prospect of handing over the country to Ranil for another five years; your guess is as good as mine.

Sajith Premadasa, leading the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), presents himself as a voice of the people, shouting even from the rooftops in a quest towards rallying the masses against corruption, inequity, and inequality. However, his confrontational rhetoric and failure to modulate his voice have drawn repeated criticisms. Despite his declarations, people may have serious doubts as to whether he will be able to work on eliminating corruption as they allege that there are quite a few bad apples in his camp too. Moreover, internal divisions within the party, notably with Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, raise questions about Premadasa’s ability to unite the party and lead effectively. However, there is a group of capable persons in his camp as well but there are some concerns as to whether they will have freedom to act. Premadasa has gone on record to say that he will negotiate a new programme with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and this has led to some doubts being expressed in certain quarters about the feasibility of it and the chances of securing agreement with the IMF on many issues. If Sajith comes to power and the IMF decides to hold fast to its agenda, it would indeed be a case of the proverbial engineer hoisted by his own petard.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake lead the JVP and the NPP, promising to tackle corruption head-on. Despite lacking concrete economic policies, even if they have at least some policies that have not been unveiled so far, the JVP’s anti-corruption stance resonates with many voters. Quite surprisingly perhaps, their policies have appealed to some of the educated and the academics as well as the young, who are not knowledgeable about the JVP’s history. These groups did a disastrous experiment at the last presidential election by voting for a person, expecting him to rule with an iron fist. The JVP’s past involvement in violence and murders, as well as its failure to apologise for past atrocities, could hinder its electoral prospects. Many say that a leopard never changes its spots and as such they are quite concerned about the JVP coming to power.

These are the main players and all others who might enter the fray would just be kind of also-ran nincompoops. Yet for all that, from a different perspective, one cannot forget the role that is likely to be played by smaller parties and ethnic groups mixing up with the major players in this crucible of uncertainty. Smaller parties often represent specific ethnic or minority groups within Sri Lanka, such as the Tamil and Moor communities. These parties play a crucial role in advocating for the interests and rights of their respective constituencies. Their participation in the electoral process ensures that diverse voices are heard and considered in the political arena. In a multi-party system like Sri Lanka’s, smaller parties can hold the balance of power, especially in coalition politics. While larger parties may dominate the political discourse, smaller parties can negotiate and form alliances to secure concessions or policy commitments. As such, their endorsement or support can be instrumental in determining the outcome of elections and forming government coalitions. Smaller parties often champion specific policy agendas or social issues that may not receive adequate attention from mainstream parties. By focusing on niche areas such as environmental conservation, human rights, or regional development, these parties can shape the public discourse and influence the policy priorities of larger parties. Even if they do not possess significant electoral representation, their advocacy efforts can lead to policy changes and reforms.

Sri Lanka’s political landscape is deeply intertwined with ethnic and communal identities, particularly between the majority Sinhalese community and minority Tamil and Muslim communities. Smaller parties representing these ethnic groups can mobilise their support base around issues related to language rights, cultural autonomy, and minority rights. Their presence ensures that these issues remain central to the political agenda and that the concerns of minority communities are not overlooked. Yet for all that, the presence of smaller parties contributes to a vibrant and pluralistic democracy by offering voters a diverse range of choices beyond the dominant political players. This pluralism encourages political competition, debate, and accountability, fostering a more robust democratic culture where different voices and perspectives are valued and represented.

Overall, while smaller parties and ethnic groups may not always command significant electoral support or representation, their role in shaping the political discourse, advocating for minority rights, and fostering democratic pluralism is crucial in ensuring a more inclusive and representative political system in Sri Lanka.

In a variegated early assessment of the political scenario, the UNP, with its track record of economic stability, may appeal to some voters seeking continuity, solidity and expertise. However, concerns about authoritarianism and elitism could undermine its support base. The SJB, under Premadasa’s leadership, taps into populist sentiments but faces challenges in uniting the party and presenting a coherent vision beyond anti-corruption rhetoric. The JVP’s anti-corruption stance could attract disillusioned voters, but its lack of clear economic policies and unresolved issues from its past may limit its electoral appeal. With all these considerations casting shadows over many a group, in the upcoming Presidential Election of 2024, Sri Lankan voters may find themselves facing what appears to be a Hobson’s Choice; a seemingly limited selection between imperfect options. With each major party and candidate presenting their own set of strengths and weaknesses, voters are tasked with navigating through a rather complex political landscape. However, amidst the challenges and uncertainties, it is a forgone conclusion that voters must, simply MUST, exercise their democratic rights thoughtfully and responsibly. While the choices may not be ideal, the act of participation itself is vital in shaping the future of the nation. Ultimately, the electorate must weigh the available options, considering not only immediate concerns but also long-term implications, as they make their decision in this pivotal moment for Sri Lanka’s democracy.

As the 2024 presidential election approaches, voters face a crucial decision that will shape the country’s future. Each party and its candidate have their strengths and weaknesses, and it is ultimately up to the electorate to weigh these factors and decide who should rule the country. With economic challenges, corruption, and internal divisions looming large, the stakes are high as Sri Lanka stands at a crossroads.



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Opinion

The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement

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By Lalin I De Silva

Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:

Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?

Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.

That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”

This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.

Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.

The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.

This deserves national attention.

We Produce — But Do We Connect?

Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.

Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.

The farmer often does not know the final consumer.

The consumer rarely knows the farmer.

Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.

Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.

Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.

That is not value-chain management.

It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.

25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies

A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.

The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.

Its purpose must be practical.

Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.

The first task would be to understand the district itself.

What fruits are grown?

Where are they grown?

When are they available?

Which traditional varieties are disappearing?

Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?

Where are the post-harvest losses?

What do farmers need?

What do consumers actually want?

From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.

Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.

From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit

Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.

You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.

You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.

That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.

The problem is not technology.

The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.

Traceability could change that.

The principle is simple:

Know your farmer. Know your fruit.

Let the Consumer Lead

For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.

“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.

A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:

What does the consumer need, value and trust?

If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.

Retailers respond.

Farmers respond.

Nurseries respond.

Researchers respond.

Investors respond.

Government eventually has to respond.

That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.

Start With Children

Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:

Two Fruits a Day.

Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:

“What are our fruits today?”

Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.

Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.

Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.

It must become part of family culture.

Kandy Could Begin

Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.

Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.

A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.

The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.

It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.

Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.

Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.

We simply have to recognise its value.

Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.

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Opinion

‘Outpost of Empire’

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Review

by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing

“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”

Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.

The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.

Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.

As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.

Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.

The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.

Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.

I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author

Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.

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Opinion

Speaker’s dilemma

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The Opposition, in its wisdom (or perhaps stupidity), has submitted yet another No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against the Speaker of Parliament. Perhaps it hopes to score some brownie points in the eyes of the public, which is hardly indifferent to such developments. Yet, knowing full well that the motion is unlikely to succeed, the exercise may well prove futile — akin to banging one’s head against a solid rock.

Nevertheless, the nearly fifty allegations levelled against the Speaker, whether justified or mere mudslinging, cannot simply be brushed aside. Such allegations may well have a bearing on the individual concerned, particularly where it matters most — his conscience — and few would dispute that possibility.

From a protocol standpoint, the Speaker occupies one of the highest positions in the country, ranking third in the hierarchy of state. He consequently belongs to the uppermost echelons of public life, with acquaintances and associates extending across a wide spectrum of society, including diplomats and other distinguished personalities. Such a position carries with it not merely prestige and privilege, but also an onerous responsibility to uphold the dignity and integrity of the office.

As the guardian of Parliament, the Speaker is expected to maintain standards of conduct, impartiality and discipline that are beyond reproach.

Whether the allegations are justifiable or not may be of little consequence to members of the ruling party, who will undoubtedly defend their colleague to the hilt. Nevertheless, the stigma arising from such allegations may prove difficult to erase, particularly in the eyes of his family, close associates and, ultimately, the voters who placed their trust in him. Of course, it is common knowledge that politics can be a dirty game and that, as Lord Acton famously observed, “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

Yet, nothing could be more devastating than a person losing his own soul in the process. On the one hand, stepping down could be construed as an admission of responsibility for the allegations levelled against him. On the other, allowing the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) to proceed could expose him to further public scrutiny and potentially inflict lasting damage on his character, dignity and reputation. Thus, he finds himself caught between two unenviable choices, each carrying consequences that may extend far beyond the immediate political fallout.

The Speaker is therefore confronted with a classic Hobson’s choice, with neither option likely to be without consequences. After all, in politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests.

WILLIAM

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