Connect with us

Features

Are we to buy our solar energy with dollars?

Published

on

By Eng. Parakrama Jayasinghe

Email : parajayasinghe@gmail.com

A Presidential Press release, dated 13th June 2021; clearly defines the policy on our Energy Sector. The direction indicated is congruent with the presidential policy declaration “Vision for Prosperity and Splendour”. This is not a moment to vacillate and get embroiled in personal or political agendas. The situation in the country is much too precarious with the Covid-19 raging and the spectre of the impact of Climate Change haunting us. The foreign reserves are falling, impacting the rupee and the cost of living. The agitation and indiscipline on the streets, in the midst of a Pandemic are signs of the social and economic instability creeping in. Sri Lanka can overcome the crisis but it needs sound leadership to mobilise and motivate the people to utilise its own resources in a prudent and fair manner.

A country, endowed with talented and educated human resources, abundant sun, wind, fertile soil and water. All these are valuable assets when it comes to opting to renewable energy. Renewable energy will not bring millions to individual businessmen but will give them sound incomes. However, a very large number of people will be become prosumers, that is those actively contributing to producing energy and at the same time using the generated energy themselves. The excess will be sold to the national grid as already practiced by the Solar Roof Top systems.

In this way, the country will save a large amount of foreign exchange, the environment will benefit as no fossil will be used and the consumers will benefit as they will be also producers and earning money as a result. There will also be a change in the economic scenario as power generation will be decentralised. The character of the Ceylon Electricity Board will be totally changed, from being a loss-making “Colossus” to becoming a sophisticated research and development unit servicing the entire country with training and back0-up facilities. Singapore has very successfully graduated to this system.

The President, in a recent progress review meeting, left no room for the interpretation of his Policy Target of reaching 70% of Renewable Energy for Electricity Generation by 2030 (unfortunately diluted down from the original 80% RE) that his vision is for Renewable Energy and there should be no attempts to misinterpret this by calls for so called “Clean Energy”. There is no such clean energy outside the realm of renewable energy and no fossil fuel can be given that distinction.

This national target has to be formalized now by a Cabinet decision and gazetted; otherwise, the President’s policy could very well be surreptitiously overturned.

Pursuing this goal, the contributions of various forms of indigenous sources of renewable energy have to be harnessed. Of these, Solar Energy holds pride of place with the progress made in recent years, particularly by Roof Top Solar PV systems , aided by the most visionary provision of the Surya Bala Sangraamaya which has to date reached a level of over 350 MW installed and many more in stages of implementation. The most challenging target set by the President however, would call for development of other larger installations both ground mounted and floating in the coming years.

The Ministry, as well as the CEB, have been working on several such projects with a 100 MW Solar Park in Siyambaladuwa for which the required land has already been earmarked and a proposed 150 MW Solar park in Pooneryn to follow shortly.

It is under these circumstances that I am compelled to raise alarm bells as noted in the title of this Paper. Are we to buy our Solar Energy in Dollars?

 

My article A Fresh Look at Solar Energy -Devoid of preconceptions and bias for and against.(https://island.lk/devoid-of-preconceptions-and-bias-for-and-against/) highlighted the many aspects of this most valuable resource, that mother nature has endowed on us in Sri Lanka and the need for most careful plans and programmes to gain the best advantage to Sri Lanka ,

The objective should be broader than the mere addition of energy to the grid. This would contribute to the national economy much more than what is given by the amount of electricity generated, by way of highlevel employment, development of local entrepreneurs and possibility of upstream and downstream integration not to mention the savings in foreign exchange.

With the current moves to implement the 100 MW Solar Park in Siyambaladuwa, it is most important that the other relevant issues are given due consideration.

 

Looking at the larger picture

The President’s goal of 80 RE as expressed in the “0Vision for Prosperity and Splendour” is based on a number of far reaching concepts. The reduction of Sri Lanka’s dependence on imported fossil fuels and thereby ensuring the future energy security, is the most apparent and noteworthy goal. But along with it should come the additional spin off benefits which would accrue, whether specifically stated or not. Only by ensuring these spin-off benefits, while reaching the primary goal, that the “Splendour” of the vision would be achieved.

I am repeating here these important principles which should not be lost sight of at this critical juncture, and the opportunity be lost forever. These principles to ensure that Sri Lanka truly achieves future energy security and the additional advantages are

 

* The energy industry must at least now strive to become a National Industry. The competency of our entrepreneurs and technologists this is already well proven.

*The entrepreneurship in the energy sector should be viewed as a major potential contributor to the growth of the GDP, not a mere service in ensuring the energy supply for other sectors in the economy to grow.

*The development of Renewable Energy resources and services is a significant avenue of developing employment opportunities.

*The reduction of the drain on foreign exchange by eliminating the continued use of imported fossil fuels.

*In case of bioenergy the added advantage of multiple spin off benefits to the rural economy, with the added advantage of being a source of firm power, with no drain of foreign exchange

 

The challenge now is to ensure that the adherence to these principles is held as sacrosanct in the efforts to develop the larger solar and wind projects in the pipe line.

 

The Pitfalls to be avoided.

I am addressing these remarks on the Siyambaladuwa 100 MW solar project in particular, but similar consideration must be given for any other such solar and wind projects too.

The desire for the CEB to have large power plants in one location is acceptable from their point of view. However, both Wind and Solar Projects have the advantage that any size of project conceived however large, consists of a large number of solar panels currently reaching over 500 watts per panel and a discrete number of wind generators, which too have now reached capacities of 5 MW each. Therefore, the packaging of the number of individual units for a particular project is made purely on economic considerations.

What is important to realize is that such considerations must take into account, the principles outlined above to gain the greatest advantage to the country, which unfortunately seems to be glossed over by the planners, for various reasons. A holistic view in a national perspective would highlight the immense direct financial value and other economic and social benefits and energy security on one hand and the potential dangers in overlooking these on the other hand.

Let us look at the Siyanbaladuwa project as the example before any unwise decisions are made.

 

The project capacity – 100 MW installed

Targeted Grid Substation – Moneragala

Land Acquisition – Already made

 

Sri Lankan entrepreneurs and engineers have already proven their capacity of developing projects up to 10 MW. Therefore the logical policy should be to plan this project to be awarded to ten local entrepreneurs, to handle packages of 10 MW, properly structured and managed by the CEB, by National Competitive Bidding, so that the tariff would be in Sri Lanka rupee terms considering that we don’t have to pay for our sunshine. And there would be no drain on foreign exchange except for the initial one-time expenditure on import of the necessary equipment and a limited amount for any minimal spares imports only. The local entrepreneurs and the lending institutions and even the smaller investors in the stock exchange have shown their eagerness to contribute to this form of national venture. So, there is no validity in any argument on the availability of funds or the technical capabilities.

The alternative would be to invite foreign participation, usually couched in arguments of lack of adequate expertise, which as shown above are not tenable in the present situation, and the lure of so called ” Foreign Direct Investment ” and inward flow of Dollars at this critical juncture. But the question must be asked is, in how many such projects approved by the BOI, how much funds were sourced from the local banks limiting the credit available for the local entrepreneurs. The most blatant example is the Korean Investor in the Thulhiriya Textile Mill, who vanished leaving a multibillion loan unsettled for a local bank.

In the present situation the conditions are even worse. Let us assume that the investor would bring in the total capital required. Which may be assumed as US $ 100 Million for the 100 MW by one or more foreign investors. It is clear that they would have the advantage of the currently depleted cost of funds in the global market, which is not available for the local competitors in an open international tender. However, it is certain that the foreign investor in exchange would demand a Dollar Linked Tariff. Using an estimated final tariff of US $ 0.07/kWh, the following interesting numbers emerge.

(See image 1)

 

So against a dubious inflow of $ 100 Million we would be sending out 260 % , all of which other than the initial capital could have been retained in Sri Lanka. Moreover, with the ever depreciating rupee, this amount of dollar would be costing us much more in rupee terms. Let us be generous to assume that the a mere 3% depreciation of the rupee annually. Therefore this drain would amount to a colossal Rupees 75.8 Billions over the 20 year project life including cost of spares. .

Against this, for an initial foreign exchange cost of US $ 80,000,000 for a group of local companies the entire expenditure over the project period would be Initial capital on US$ . 80,000,000 plus the Import component of spares during project period @ 1.5 % of capital per year. If this is also adjusted @ 3% Depreciation per year the total foreign exchange drain is Rs 23.06 Billion only, against the Rs 75.8 Billion mentioned above.

These differences are illustrated in the chart below. (See images 1 and two)

 

This is the basis for my question in the title of this article. We will by spending in Dollars for the use of our own sunshine, which we could harness ourselves for a similar or lower cost in rupees and also ensure the much desired energy security and reduction of drain on foreign exchange.

The folly of a similar nature was permitted during the Mahaweli Project downstream development. The project packaging was done in a manner to exclude the local contractors and the awards were made to foreign companies. However, the actual work was done by local contractors on sub contracts very competently. But their experience still remains unaccepted for prequalification of the larger scale of projects. Many decades after, such monumental follies need not be repeated. We must not make the mistake of falling, during daytime, into the pit that we fell into at night, as the local saying goes.



Features

Empowering Futures: Navigating intersection of innovation in globalised eduscape

Published

on

In a recent interview with BBC’s Katty Kay, Sal Khan, the founder of Khan Academy and author of Brave New Words, presents a compelling and optimistic vision for the integration of Artificial Intelligence (AI) into classrooms. His views align closely with the themes of innovation, equity, and lifelong learning that frame current debates in global education.

The global education landscape is undergoing profound transformation, driven by rapid technological innovation, shifting socio-economic demands, and the imperatives of globalisation. As education systems, worldwide, grapple with questions of relevance, equity, and sustainability, the emergence of a fluid and interconnected learning ecosystem—what scholars and policymakers increasingly term the eduscape—demands urgent attention and critical reflection. This eduscape is not merely a digital evolution; it encapsulates the convergence of pedagogy, policy, and technology in a transnational context, marked by both opportunity and inequity.

A tool: Powerful assistant

At the forefront of this transformation is the integration of Artificial Intelligence (AI) into teaching and learning. Khan articulated a compelling vision for AI in education during the interview with Katty Kay. He envisions AI not as a substitute for educators but as a powerful assistant—enhancing personalisation, supporting creativity, and facilitating lifelong learning. His perspective reflects a growing body of scholarship that positions AI as a tool to augment human capabilities and address long-standing structural challenges in education.

However, the promise of innovation cannot be separated from the realities of educational inequity. The digital divide, disparities in access, and uneven capacity for adoption threaten to widen existing gaps. Moreover, the global diffusion of educational technologies raises questions about cultural homogenisation and the erosion of local pedagogical traditions. To navigate these tensions, a nuanced approach is required—one that blends technological advancement with inclusive policy, pedagogical integrity, and cultural responsiveness.

Investigation

I attempt to examine how innovation, equity, and lifelong learning intersect to shape education systems capable of empowering future generations. Drawing on recent developments in AI-enhanced learning, theories of constructivist and competency-based education, and global policy frameworks, such as Global Citizenship Education (GCE), this analysis aims to illuminate the pathways through which education can become more adaptive, inclusive, and transformative. Ultimately, this investigation seeks to articulate a vision for education that is not only future-oriented but also grounded in ethical and humanistic values.

The integration of Artificial Intelligence (AI) into education, as envisioned by Sal Khan, represents a transformative yet complex shift in pedagogy. Khan presents AI as a tool to personalise learning, re-engage students, and augment rather than replace the role of educators. While this perspective aligns with broader scholarly enthusiasm for educational technology, critical examination reveals the nuanced challenges and conditionalities associated with implementing innovation within global educational systems (see Figure 1: ChatGPT-AI generated infographic).

Innovation: Transformative but Conditional

Technological innovations, such as AI tutors, learning analytics, and immersive simulations, have reshaped learning environments by enhancing personalisation and engagement. Tools like Khanmigo (AI-powered tutoring assistant developed by Khan Academy) demonstrate AI’s potential to support differentiated instruction and enable formative assessment in real time. These innovations are congruent with constructivist learning theories, which emphasise the active construction of knowledge through interaction and experience.

However, innovation is not inherently emancipatory. Some argue that without critical pedagogical grounding, digital tools risk reinforcing pre-existing hierarchies and inequalities. For instance, AI systems that lack cultural and linguistic sensitivity may marginalise diverse learner populations. Additionally, algorithmic systems can over-standardise learning and diminish opportunities for creative and critical thinking, if not guided by thoughtful instructional design. Hence, innovation must be deployed with a clear alignment to pedagogical goals and equity principles.

Equity: The Persistent Digital Divide

Equity remains one of the most pressing challenges in the digital eduscape. Although AI-enabled education offers tools to support inclusion, the digital divide persists across and within nations. In many contexts, students lack consistent internet access, digital devices, or the digital literacy required to navigate AI-mediated learning environments. As UNESCO underscores, technological access alone does not guarantee inclusion; educational systems must also invest in teacher training, inclusive curricula, and culturally responsive pedagogies.

Actually, inclusive education is not a technical issue but a structural one, requiring curriculum redesign and institutional commitment to address barriers related to disability, language, gender, and geography. AI can support equity only when these broader systemic factors are simultaneously addressed.

Lifelong Learning: Expanding Educational Horizons

AI-facilitated learning also intersects with the growing emphasis on lifelong learning. The concept of education as a continuous process aligns with global workforce demands and the emergence of micro-credentials, modular online learning, and flexible learning pathways. Also, lifelong learning environments, supported by AI and personalised platforms, offer learners greater autonomy and alignment with real-world competencies.

Nevertheless, these innovations carry risks. Without adequate institutional support, learners may be overwhelmed by fragmented learning opportunities and credential inflation. Moreover, those in marginalised communities may struggle to participate in such systems due to digital exclusion or lack of social capital. Thus, while lifelong learning is vital, it must be equitably accessible and embedded within coherent policy frameworks.

Globalisation: Balancing Global and Local Needs

Globalisation plays a dual role in shaping educational transformation. On one hand, it facilitates cross-border collaboration, knowledge exchange, and technological diffusion. On the other, it can homogenise educational practices and marginalise local cultures. While platforms, like Khan Academy, aim to offer globally accessible learning, they may inadvertently reflect dominant cultural assumptions about knowledge, language, and pedagogy.

To mitigate this, UNESCO promotes Global Citizenship Education (GCE), which encourages students to engage critically with global challenges while valuing local identity and diversity. Integrating GCE into AI-driven systems presents an opportunity to foster civic-mindedness and ethical engagement, but it also requires intentional curricular design and policy support.

Human Agency: Anchoring Ethical AI Use

Despite the capabilities of AI, the role of teachers remains central. As Khan emphasises, educators provide the social-emotional scaffolding, ethical guidance, and cultural context that AI lacks. Further, AI should support teachers in making informed instructional decisions, not replace them.

The impact of AI on learning depends less on the technology itself than on the values, intentions, and pedagogical frameworks that shape its use. Ethical AI integration requires professional development, participatory design processes, and safeguards to prevent misuse or over-reliance. Teachers, students, and communities must be active agents in determining how technology shapes learning.

Synthesis

While AI offers powerful tools to enhance personalisation, access, and creativity, its implementation must be grounded in inclusive, context-sensitive, and ethically informed practices. The global eduscape is marked by asymmetries in infrastructure, capacity, and cultural fit. Therefore, empowering futures requires more than technological adoption—it demands a reimagining of education that is human-centred, culturally responsive, and globally aware.

Conclusion

As the global education landscape evolves, the integration of innovation, equity, and lifelong learning emerges not as optional enhancements but as foundational pillars for sustainable educational transformation. Sal Khan’s vision of AI as a pedagogical scaffold—rather than a replacement for human educators—epitomises the balanced and ethical approach required to navigate the complex terrain of the modern eduscape. His insights underscore the importance of

aligning technological tools with human-centred values, equity-focused frameworks, and culturally responsive pedagogy.

Artificial Intelligence, when applied judiciously, holds immense potential to personalise learning, re-engage students, support teacher decision-making, and foster creativity.

Yet, its transformative capacity depends heavily on the context in which it is embedded. Without adequate attention to digital infrastructure, teacher training, policy integration, and socio-economic disparities, the very technologies designed to democratise education may inadvertently deepen inequalities.

This attempt is to explore the interplay between global innovation trends and local educational realities, highlighting both the possibilities and the perils of rapid digital transformation. It affirms that lifelong learning—flexible, modular, and competency-based—must be central to educational planning in the 21st century, especially in preparing learners to adapt to technological disruption and global change.

To truly empower future generations, education systems must be agile yet grounded, innovative yet inclusive, and global in outlook yet locally relevant. This requires not only investment in technology but also a commitment to inclusive policy design, community engagement, and ethical foresight. Moving forward, sustained cross-national research, policy experimentation, and institutional collaboration will be essential to shaping an eduscape that serves all learners—equitably, creatively, and sustainably.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)

Continue Reading

Features

Government’s success in building trust needs to expand

Published

on

President Dissanayake with Turk

The government has been trying to overcome the most serious economic breakdown in the country’s modern history. By negotiating without prevarication with the International Monetary Fund and by allowing the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the police and the courts to do their work, it has persuaded foreign partners and the general public that it can be trusted. That credibility now gives the government an opportunity that its predecessors failed to obtain. It can and must use the trust it has gained to confront the legacy of war and heal a country that is still divided.

The clearest indication of its credibility is the new relationship with the IMF.  Last week the Executive Board of the IMF completed the fourth review of the Extended Fund Facility and authorised the disbursement of another USD 350 million to Sri Lanka. At the same sitting it granted waivers after the government admitted that it had under reported expenditure arrears during earlier reviews and outlined steps to improve the integrity of its data. Instead of imposing penalties, the IMF was  lenient to acknowledge the corrective action and the deeper commitment to fiscal transparency.

In other cases, as in Ukraine in 2001 and Dominican Republic in 2004, the IMF has frozen assistance when borrowers misstate information. That it refrained on this occasion speaks well about the confidence it places in the government’s determination to reform. Tariff increases, steeper taxes and the withdrawal of blanket subsidies have caused economic hardship to the people, yet the government has persisted. Reserves have stabilised, inflation is low and output is returning to modest growth even as turbulence in global trade poses fresh risks. Debt restructuring with bilateral and commercial creditors is close to completion, and the automatic electricity tariff formula, another unpopular measure, has been brought into play.

People’s Priorities

As a result of inflation  that took place in the past, and the failure of salaries to catch up, real income is still below precrisis levels.  A survey undertaken by the National Peace Council in August 2024 just before the presidential election revealed that the first priority of people in their choice of candidate was economic development. The study conducted by Dr. Mahesh Senanayake and Ms. Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo offers valuable insights into the key drivers of voter behaviour within Sri Lanka’s dynamic political context.  Despite the continuing economic problems, voters seem willing to wait as they continue  to place their trust in the government’s sincerity.

The NPC survey examines how factors such as economic concerns, perceptions of leadership, trust in public institutions, and prevailing social issues influence electoral decisions. The research showed that voters overwhelmingly prioritised candidates who would offer clear strategies to address Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, fight corruption, and ensure good governance. 93% of respondents indicated they would vote based on a candidate’s ability to resolve the economic crisis. 83% prioritised candidates committed to tackling corruption. 86% favoured candidates with strong educational backgrounds, signaling a preference for qualified, competent leaders over political dynasties.

 Trust also depends on tackling corruption. Nothing corrodes confidence faster than impunity. It is in relation to accountability for economic crimes that progress is most visible.  Recently,  a bench of three judges, acting on an indictment filed by the Bribery Commission, sentenced two former ministers to prison terms of twenty and twentyfive years for misappropriating public funds in a sportsequipment procurement scandal. The convictions, the first of their scale against former cabinet members, signal that no office is beyond the reach of the law and that economic crimes will be answered in court.

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption together with the police and judiciary is showing that state institutions can tackle the problems of corruption if the government does not interfere to block them discharging their mandates.  The same principles should hold where it concerns non-economic  crimes as well. The recent arrest of a former Karuna group cadre for the murder of the Vice Chancellor of Eastern University nearly twenty years ago, shows this is possible. The success in dealing with economic crimes and making those guilty of those crimes accountable to the law and the courts shows the way to dealing with the festering problem of human rights violations that took place during the three decades of war.

International Involvement

The failure of successive governments to deal satisfactorily with the issue of war crimes has led to demands for international involvement in ensuring accountability for war crimes and serious human rights violations. This has been resisted by successive governments on the grounds that direct international involvement in the form of being investigators, prosecutors and judges will be an unacceptable erosion of national sovereignty which will give power to those from the international community who have no longer term stake in the country in the same way Sri Lankan citizens have. In the past this was also an excuse for inaction.

UN Human Rights High Commissioner Volker Turk dealt diplomatically with this issue. His offer of international assistance was to offer support to domestic mechanisms. He said, “Sri Lanka has struggled to move forward with domestic accountability mechanisms that are credible and have the trust and confidence of victims. This is why Sri Lankans have looked outside for justice, through assistance at the international level. Ultimately it is the State’s responsibility and it is important that this process is nationally owned – and it can be complemented and supported by international means.”

However, the reluctance to get into the area of war crimes persists due to the possibility of political backlash.  The visit of the High Commissioner to the Chemmani mass grave site was made possible because the Magistrate’s Court in Jaffna stood firm and acceded to the demand made by human rights lawyer K. S. Ratnavale that the High Commissioner should be given access to the Chemmani site. The court overruled objections by the government representatives who said that the High Commissioner should be given access only to the entrance to the Chemmani site and not to the mass grave itself.  A process that is independent and open to scrutiny would strengthen the government’s standing both at home and abroad.

 Winning Trust

 Allowing independent observers to monitor evidence preservation, witness protection and laboratory analysis could offer the assurance victims now demand. The government already has a model for such openness.  It has accepted extensive external oversight of its fiscal policy. IMF staff examine Treasury books each quarter, verify information and insist on course corrections when targets are missed.  The general population now believes this supervision helps rather than weakens the country. It is regarded as a seal of confidence that attracts investment and assures taxpayers that rules apply to all.

Sri Lanka will not lay the ghosts of its war to rest until the truth about the missing persons is ascertained.  Although not much reported in  the media in the English and Sinhala languages, in the north and east, the issue of the Chemmani mass grave has revived painful memories and made this the topic of everyday discussion. In view of justifiable concerns and past failures to protect evidence, an international role in safeguarding evidence can be considered. In addition, international experts can be brought in to ensure that the evidence is gathered and analysed in a scientific way drawing on international experience.

Just as the government has won the trust of the IMF and the general public regarding its commitment to improving their economic lives, it can win the trust of the people of the north and east who lost their loved ones in the war. The government can design an accountability process that is credible, nationally owned and internationally respected. This can pave the way for national reconciliation of which Sri Lanka can be an example to the world that is increasingly conflictual and divided.

by Jehan Perera

Continue Reading

Features

Oh Palestine, Palestine: Unchaining education

Published

on

Struggle for food in Gaza

Why do the books deceive?
Why is every letter of the alphabet chained,
every human mouth bridled

From Concerto Al-Quds by Adonis (On Palestine): Trans: Khaled Mattawa

Why is every letter of the alphabet chained, indeed, as this poet asks. If I may attempt an answer to this question, I will want to raise it as an epistemological and pedagogic concern. And I do have to raise it as a question of Palestine as well, for our lives caught in the systems of knowledge production, and shaped by their parameters, have to reckon with one of the greatest political infamies of our shared global history: Palestine.

Many of us watch with horror the war on Gaza. We are anxious about the ongoing conflict, and the uptick on the war, with USA bombing Iran and the counter offensives. The war in Ukraine had already raised concerns about an impending World War III. Continuous wars, one leading to the other, had always been a part of our lives in recent times. We had always put it down to geopolitics and the West’s need to dominate and shape the world order in the way it wants to. Palestine had always been central to this. But this understanding, important as it is, has to be combined with a theoretical and semiotic understanding of what Palestine stands for, in very material terms; its peoples, the multiple dispossessions that the land has undergone, the horror of war and mayhem, the resistance of the Intifadas – in other words, in historical and political terms. We need to do this as our own act of solidarity and strategy, because our “books deceive.”

Colonialism, Neocolonialism and Neoliberalism

Let me begin, genealogically, with neoliberalism, the current political and economic moment. It is no overstatement to say that today neoliberalism as an economic and cultural truth of modernity (progress) has become naturalised, an uncontested premise of our economic and political system, an economic and political world order that combines colonialism with extreme economic appropriation, misappropriation. Neoliberalism is a neocolonial moment, in which the world’s working population is turned into an exploited (reserve) army of labour for global capital. We see colonial capital reinvented as global capital and financial markets, crisscrossing the world and masquerading as the new world order, the messianic deliverer. Yet, Palestine tells us, no!

One of the enduring colonial characteristics of the neoliberal moment is the way land in the third world, and in colonised regions across the globe, has been a chief marker of the process of dispossessing people of their livelihoods in their places of living. Global capital recolonises land through marketising it as a commodity. Colonialism has always been about land, the control of land, the control of the people of the land, the exploitation of land, and the exploitation of the labour of its people.

In the neocolonial, neoliberal world we live in, this colonial legacy repeats itself not just as farce, but as tragi-comedy. And then we have the tragedy of Palestine. Neoliberalism can be understood as the deep vulgarisation of the tragedy of colonialism. As neocolonial subjects, we gleefully adapt, change and create policies on education that have become a blanket endorsement of the global north’s, and the global order’s, politics and policies. Committees, Commissions and Collaborations converge to market these policies. The books continue to deceive.

Decolonising Knowledge: The Other

Decolonising knowledge has gained some traction in the postcolonial world, particularly in the areas of knowledge production and in education. It does put up a valiant challenge to colonial premises of advancements. Yet, much of this interesting trend, a politically demanding one, has become entangled for the most part, in creating east/west or north/south binaries. More often than not decolonisation merely re-narrates colonial paradigms in nationalist idioms, an act that Frantz Fanon, the arch anti-colonialist theorist warned us against in Black Skin White Masks and Wretched of the Earth. While we look on with horror at what is unfolding in Palestine, a century after the brazenly racist, colonialist Balfour Declaration that inaugurated the settlement of European Jews in Palestine, Palestine might well be a starting point for us to engage in a conversation on decolonisation. In such a re-examination of what Palestine was and is today, we may have to side step geopolitics as the point of entry and instead recentre colonial pursuits and persuasions as our primary focus.

The area around West Asia (called the Middle East from the European perspective) has always been, materially and metaphorically speaking, the pathway to the land masses around Russia, China and the Indian subcontinent in Asia. Politically and culturally, it was the crucible in which a European identity was forged, forming its crucial Other. The crusades are an early indication of it. In early modernity, the lines harden. Can one forget the expulsion of Jews and Muslims from Spain in 1492, the same year, Columbus lands in Bahamas, to inaugurate that side of the genocide project? When Emilia in the play Othello, tells Desdemona, “I know a lady in Venice would have walked barefoot to Palestine for a touch of his [Lodovico] nether lip,” we can immediately see the central role Palestine plays in the nascent colonial imaginary of Shakespeare’s Europe. Shakespeare’s classic play on race immediately centres this othering of Othello as a question of the European Christian versus all others, including other Christians. The play is not just about race, but is about race and sexuality, one of those constitutive anxieties of the European psyche that helped shape colonial appropriations in the name of a putative moral superiority. Sometimes we seem to be still stuck in early modernity. Tracing the place of Palestine in the colonial imagery is important for any epistemological project of decolonisation.

Epistemologically and pedagogically, the question of Palestine should lead us to question our own nationalisms and nation state prerogatives. The Naqba in Palestine was in 1948, the same year, the people of Malaiyaham in Sri Lanka were disenfranchised, just a year after the conflagration that the independence of India and Pakistan was. These were not fortuitous. We have story after story to tell of this series of dispossessions. As Mahmood Mamdani insists, in Neither Settler nor Native, writing on Palestine, one needs to think beyond the nation and nationalism. Beyond the specificities of the conflict and war in Palestine, solidarity for Palestine may want to begin with this exploration of our shared colonial legacy, leading us into far reaching queries about the sociopolitical order of global capital in the world today. Decolonisation lies at the heart of an active democratisation process of the polity, both nations, and nation states, challenging the global world order at the same time. In any project that examines our knowledge systems, and in any putative attempt to decolonise education, we may need to begin with that.

As Adonis, the poet, writer and theorist, has enjoined us, every letter of the alphabet needs to speak freely, openly and honestly. Palestine, in 2025, has to show us the way and the friends of Palestine have to set the tone for this challenge. And then, just then, we may be able to turn around and look back at what happened in 1996, in Chemmani, and look at the children buried in the shallow graves of mass murder, without flinching, all while accepting responsibility.

In Jerusalem, and I mean within the ancient walls,
I walk from one epoch to another without a memory
to guide me. The prophets over there are sharing
the history of the holy … ascending to heaven
and returning less discouraged and melancholy, because love
and peace are holy and are coming to town.

From, “In Jerusalem” by Mahmoud Darwish

(Sivamohan Sumathy is attached to the Department of English at the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies

by Sivamohan Sumathy

Continue Reading

Trending