Opinion
Debate or no debate, addressing critical issues important for voters

by Gamini Jayaweera
In recent weeks, we have observed a disheartening spectacle unfold between the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) as they engage in a futile tussle, each blaming the other for the failure to arrange a debate between their respective leaders and economic policy teams. This debate, crucial for enlightening the voting populace ahead of both the Presidential and General elections, remains elusive due to the entrenched animosity between the parties.
Consequently, the electorate grapples with disillusionment and disenchantment, triggered by the pervasive negative posturing exhibited by these factions, all while professing to champion system change and advocate for a governance model marked by inclusivity and transparency.
Both party leaders exude an air of unwavering confidence, believing they possess the panacea for our nation’s longstanding woes — be it the chronic mismanagement of the economy, the bloated and inefficient public sector, the archaic and dysfunctional constitution, the ailing healthcare system, the dilapidated state of education, or the pervasive corruption staining our political landscape and workforce. Yet, despite their professed solutions, they balk at the opportunity to engage in a substantive debate, opting instead for recycled rhetoric hailing their past ministerial achievements as the ultimate testament to their capabilities.
It begs the question: if they deeply hold the keys to resolving these entrenched issues, why shy away from a platform that could elucidate their strategies and policies for the benefit of undecided voters? As they bask in the glow of favourable poll numbers and draw sizable crowds to their political rallies, it becomes imperative to scrutinise their positions on critical matters. Therefore, I have taken it upon myself to pose several pressing questions, hopeful that the responses from these leaders will empower our electorate to make informed decisions come election day.
Economic Reforms
The promises of providing food for the impoverished, lowering essential commodity prices, ensuring equitable education, and universal healthcare are praiseworthy. However, the glaring question remains: how do they intend to finance these initiatives in the short term? Both parties have criticised current tax policies, labelling them unjustifiable burdens on the populace.
If elected, how do the NPP and the SJB plan to fill the revenue gap created by abolishing these taxes? Moreover, what strategies will they employ to stimulate economic growth and attract local and foreign investments? What specific details on their proposed policies and initiatives would provide voters with a clearer understanding of their economic reform agendas?
Public Sector Reform
It is evident that the public sector is bloated and inefficient, draining taxpayer funds without delivering commensurate value. Bold restructuring is necessary to curb waste and instil accountability. Yet, such reforms inevitably entail job losses. How do the SJB and the NPP propose to restructure these institutions while mitigating the impact on workers?
How will the administration ensure that displaced workers are effectively supported through redeployment, comprehensive redundancy packages, or access to retraining programs for alternative career pathways? Moreover, in the case of redeployment, where will these individuals find available vacancies and which industries will offer opportunities for retraining? Additionally, how will the necessary funds be allocated to ensure substantial redundancy packages for those affected by workforce transitions?
Administrative Service
The Sri Lanka Administrative Service (SLAS) comprises trained professionals, adept at government procedures. They collaborate closely with the President, the Prime Minister, and Ministers to formulate and execute policies, maintaining political neutrality and upholding SLAS integrity.
However, recent years have seen a decline in SLAS professionalism and integrity due to appointments based on political connections rather than merit. Can the NPP and the SJB commit to reversing this trend by appointing qualified SLAS officers to Secretarial positions in the ministries?
Diplomatic Service and International Relations
The image and reputation of a country rely heavily on competent diplomats who advocate for its interests globally. Historically, skilled diplomats have upheld our nation’s dignity and earned respect through responsible and professional representation in international relations.
Regrettably, recent appointments within the Foreign Service have often prioritised personal connections and political affiliations over merit. This neglects career diplomats and well-trained civil servants, leading to a decline in our international standing. Can the NPP and SJB assure they will not perpetuate this trend?
Public Sector Procurement Process
In 2017, the then President grimly revealed that over 50% of Sri Lanka’s public procurement contracts were tainted by the insidious grip of bribery and corruption. Shockingly, despite this alarming disclosure, successive governments, including the current administration, have regrettably fallen short in instituting the requisite measures to combat this pervasive menace, which continues to corrode the very fabric of our society.
The woeful underperformance of certain state institutions can be attributed to a myriad of factors. On one hand, these organizations suffer from a glaring absence of vision, transparency, accountability, and efficient systems and procedures. On the other hand, they turn a blind eye to the imperative of corporate governance, as rampant corruption infects the procurement process of public contracts and fosters a culture of unethical conduct. Furthermore, a dearth of business acumen at the leadership echelon has only exacerbated the lacklustre performance exhibited by most of our state institutions.
What are NPP and SJB proposals to implement a transparent public sector Procurement Process to ensure that the government is getting value for taxpayers’ money?
Public Sector Car Permits
It is widely acknowledged that certain professional groups in our society receive exclusive benefits from the government, including free car permits for vehicle imports and reserved placements for their children in prestigious government schools. The rationale behind these privileges raises questions: why are these groups afforded special treatment that is not extended to other government sector employees? Is it because they possess significant industrial influence, capable of exerting considerable pressure on the government through strike actions? Shouldn’t the government prioritise valuing the contributions of all its employees equally?
Trade Unions
Trade unions wield considerable influence in our society, often resorting to strikes as a means of protest. While legitimate grievances deserve to be addressed, politically motivated se the nation. What measures will the parties introduce to ensure that trade unions act responsibly and transparently? Could the NPP and the SJB potentially implement Trade Union laws requiring strikes to undergo democratic balloting, along with mandated clear notice periods aimed at minimizing disruption?
Pension Reform of Parliamentarians
The issue of full pensions for ministers and MPs after a mere ten years of service raises questions of fairness and equity. How do the parties plan to address this disparity and align the pension schemes of public servants with those of other citizens?
Dual Citizenship
The prohibition on dual citizens holding positions of responsibility within the government sector restricts the talent pool available to enact meaningful change. They are gathering in thousands for political meetings organised by the NPP. If so, what reforms will NPP and SJB propose to tap into the expertise of the overseas community while safeguarding against corruption and political interference?
Port City
The creation of a 25-year Tax Holiday zone with other incentives, called Port City within Sri Lanka to encourage foreign investors is under severe criticism from opposition parties due to many reasons. Reports suggest the introduction of a distinct tax system in the Port City, diverging from the national tax framework in Sri Lanka. This development raises concerns about the potential adverse effects of a dual tax system, including the demotivation of the workforce and economic inefficiencies. Considering these concerns, what proposals are being considered by the SJB and the NPP to reform this disparate tax structure and ensure uniformity across the country’s tax regime?
I understand that despite the proposed 25-year tax holiday, foreign investors are hesitant to participate in the scheme. It appears that as of now, there have been no tangible investments made by foreign entities in the Port City. How do you plan to ensure the success of this project, or will you allow it to languish as another ‘White Elephant’ doomed to inevitable failure?
Constitutional Reforms
The Executive Presidency and the Proportional Representation electoral system have been criticised by many politicians as well as the public for increased corruption and political favouritism compared to the introduction of the current system with the previous electoral system which operated prior to 1978.
During a rally in Sweden, the leader of the NPP party passionately advocated for Proportional Representation, emphasing its role in allowing minority communities to have their voices heard in Parliament. He argued that ensuring adequate representation from minority groups is crucial for fostering peace and harmony among diverse communities. However, this argument appears weak when considering the reality that major political parties like NPP, SJB, UNP, and SLPP often fail to provide opportunities for minority leaders to emerge within their ranks.
By neglecting to cultivate leadership from minority communities, these parties effectively bar individuals from those backgrounds from ascending to the positions of President or Prime Minister. It is worth noting that parties such as the NPP and the SJB could learn from examples set by the Conservative Party in the UK and the Democratic Party in the USA, both of which have seen leaders of Indian and African origin rise to the positions of Prime Minister and President, respectively. The question then arises: why hinder the possibility for a Tamil, a Muslim, or any member of another community to lead your party? Do you believe it would be beneficial to reduce sectarian voting by encouraging minorities to hold prominent positions within the major political parties?
Will your party commit to abolishing the Executive Presidency if elected to form the next government? Additionally, do you pledge to fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, thereby granting Provincial Councils comprehensive powers, including control over the police force? During a rally in Canada, when asked these crucial questions, the leader of the NPP evaded providing a clear answer, suggesting that it was not an immediate priority. However, it is vital for voters to have this information before casting their democratic ballots in the upcoming election.
Judiciary
It is a well-known factor that some of the Judges and the President Counsel have been appointed by the governing party based on political affiliations rather than the qualifications, experience, and suitability of the person to those positions. What are your proposals to introduce reforms in this area to ensure that the Judiciary is free from making politically motivated decisions and it will be free from political interference?
Appointment of Heads of Forces
There have been plenty of criticism, arguments, and accusations about appointing Heads for the three Forces. What Proposals do you have to ensure that those selections are done by independent Commissions attached to these Forces and the appointments are made on the recommendations by these commissions?
Environment
During the last few decades Politicians, Businessmen and Party supporters have been given the permission to clear out well established forests and other green sites and build commercial properties such as tourist hotels, golf courses, etc. These construction sites have destroyed the natural habitat making the weather patterns behave in strange ways. What are your proposals to protect our forests and the natural habitat from corrupt businesspeople, political henchmen, and politicians?
Conclusion
In conclusion, the voting public deserves clarity and accountability from those vying for leadership. There are many other valid questions and I hope that the voters will raise those issues in coming months. It is incumbent upon the SJB and the NPP to rise above partisan squabbles and engage in substantive dialogue. I believe that only through informed debate can we pave the way for a brighter future for Sri Lanka and her people.
Opinion
Drs. Navaratnam’s consultation fee three rupees NOT Rs. 300

Thank you for publishing the article written by Mr Arjuna Hulugalle on my British Empire Medal award. I appreciate the prominence you have given the accolade, but I just wanted to bring to your notice that there was an incorrect reference to charges for patient consultations made by my late parents Dr and Dr Mrs Navaratnam.
I believe it was a type written error and it should read “to every patient the consultation fee was rupees three (NOT Rs 300.00” as stated in the article). My parents did not believe in taking money from their patients as theirs was a service to humanity, but if they did charge patients it was a nominal fee of three rupees or more often than not free of charge.
I hope you will publish this correction on my behalf as my late parents left a tremendous legacy of humanity, kindness and compassion and this does not reflect what they stood for.
Preshanthi Navaratnam
Opinion
81st Birth Anniversary of Dr. (Mrs.) Dulcie de Silva – A tribute

“In the end, it is not the years in your life that count. It is the life in your years.” — a quote from Abraham Lincoln that offers me a unique perspective to reflect on the life and work of Dr Mrs. Dulcie de Silva, whose 81st birthday falls on May 12, 2025. She is fondly addressed as Dulcie. Her life so far has been full of loving relationships, intellectual curiosity, a strong commitment to helping others, and an interesting career in public health with a focus on training primary healthcare workers. These qualities have made her one of Sri Lanka’s most memorable public health figures in recent times.
Dr de Silva’s move to the Institute of Hygiene Kalutara (now the National Institute of Health Sciences – NIHS) in 1976 as a Medical Officer was a defining moment in her life. That was when she truly embraced public health as her lifelong path. Later, she became part of the faculty, training primary healthcare workers, and stood out as one of its pioneers. She had the good fortune to be mentored by the late Dr Godwin Fernando, who took on the role of Chief Medical Officer of Health Kalutara in 1972. She also worked alongside a passionate group of co-workers from various health fields.
In the early 1970s, public health started going through a major transformation, especially in how front-line health workers were trained. This shift really kicked off when Dr Godwin Fernando became Chief Medical Officer of Health.
The transformation was not easy. It was a tough journey driven by Dr Fernando’s strategies, in partnership with his team — with Dr de Silva playing a key role. There was careful planning and structured roll-outs aimed at addressing the country’s health training needs more effectively. Getting approval from the ministry and cabinet was a major hurdle. Dr Fernando and his team had to navigate uncertainty and challenges to get NIHS recognized as a decentralized unit of the Ministry of Health. He had the willpower and skills to face whatever came his way. “Si vis pacem, para bellum” (If you want peace, prepare for war). Dr Fernando had a rare ability to anticipate the future. He was incredibly resilient — able to adapt, recover, and continue. With these strengths, he led an effort to persuade, negotiate, defend, and compromise in the interest of what became a nationally recognized achievement.
This entire journey gave Dr de Silva the experience to equip herself with future-ready skills and long-term success. She believed that “a vision is not enough; it must be combined with venture. It is not enough to stare up the steps; one must also step upstairs.” She believed bringing new life to your life requires focus, dedication, and emotional energy. She was driven by purpose and eventually became the fifth Director of NIHS in 1997 serving until her retirement in 2004.
The golden years of NIHS began with its full autonomy as a decentralized body under the Ministry of Health. This stage involved major developments in human resources, infrastructure and curriculum redesign, to mention but a few.
From the early 1980s, NIHS took new steps in its training programs. A notable example was the community development project in Adikarigoda, a small village near Kalutara, which became a “community school” offering direct training and research opportunities. Dr Halfdan T. Mahler, then Director-General of the World Health Organization, visited both NIHS and this village in the mid-1980s. He was deeply moved by the sense of unity and spirit there. In appreciation, Dr Mahler made a personal donation to restart a preschool project that had stalled for years. Dr Mahler is known for launching the “Health for All by the Year 2000” strategy.
Dr de Silva had a talent for managing problems. She was a moral compass who made steady, thoughtful decisions. Her leadership style was marked by calm strength, confidence, and consistency. She was known for doing ordinary things in extraordinary ways and following the principle: “Never impose on others what you would not choose for yourself.”
She was an erudite person with immense potential and experience in teaching and learning — providing a dynamic environment that nurtured intellectual curiosity, critical thinking, and ethical leadership. She believed in lifelong learning. “Ancora imparo” (Still, I am learning) — the Italian quote fits her perfectly.
Dr de Silva’s family and social life were filled with joyful moments and admirable qualities. She was always kind-hearted, cheerful, and modest — someone who lived with grace and grit. I remember the birthday parties of our sons and daughters back in the 1970s when we lived in the NIHS quarters. Today, you have your elder sons, daughter, grandchildren, and Mr. Andrew de Silva — once Secretary of Education close to you in your senior years.
You now lead a virtuous family life deeply rooted in religious and spiritual pursuits. “A virtuous wife was one who led the good life. A good laywoman endowed with religious devotion, moral virtues, and openness as well as wisdom and learning and gifting to charity makes success of her life in this very existence.” (Samyutta Nikaya)
Dr de Silva returned to public life though in a limited way after ten years of retirement, as a co-founder of the NIHS Pensioners’ Association, formed in December 2014. She served as its president for nine consecutive years. The association’s mission is to support the health, social, and spiritual needs of its members, while also showing continued loyalty to NIHS. One of its major achievements was naming the NIHS Auditorium as “Dr Godwin Fernando Memorial Auditorium” — a lasting tribute to a public health pioneer. The association celebrated its 10th anniversary in December 2024, marking a significant milestone.
On aging, Dr de Silva believes that with the right attitude and healthy spirit, aging can bring joy and new rewards. She feels positive aging is about being confident, staying active, and living fully.
She has answered some of life’s deepest questions: How should I live my life? For what should I aim? What values should I live by? These are what some call “Socrates questions.”
Dr de Silva has lived a psychologically rich life — never boring, always full of new experiences. She is a rare blend of qualities in one person. She lived authentically and gracefully and is undoubtedly a true legend of our time. Her contributions to public health are clear and lasting.
As she continues her retirement journey, I wish her good health and much joy in the years ahead.
The wonderful memories we share are priceless.
A.K. Seneviratne
A Former Senior Tutor, Public Health
NIHS Kalutara
Opinion
Ratmalana: An international airport without modern navigational and landing aids

History
In 1934 the State Council of Ceylon decided that an airport with easy access to Colombo was a necessity and declared that Ratmalana was the best site available. Accordingly, an airfield was built, and the first landing took place on 27 November 1935 at what became Ceylon’s first dedicated aircraft landing ground. During World War II the airport expanded, and a ‘hard’ runway was built.
To assist aircraft landing in bad weather and resulting bad visibility, a transmitter was built at Talangama to generate a radio signal beam, called a ‘radio range’, directed along the extended centreline of the Ratmalana runway. If the aircraft was tracking along the correct path, pilots would hear a continuous tone in their headsets. However, if they were left of the desired track, they would hear the letter ‘A’ transmitted in Morse Code (‘dit-dah’); or if right of the beam, the Morse letter ‘N’ (‘dah-dit’). The objective was to hear a continuous signal guiding them toward Ratmalana along the extended centreline of the runway.
Later, a low-frequency Non-Directional Radio Beacon (NDB) transmitter was installed at Attidiya in the vicinity of the airport, and used in conjunction with an Automatic Direction Finder (ADF) onboard the aircraft. A needle on a compass dial in the aircraft pointed to Attidiya, giving directional guidance. Although this system was useful, when most needed, for example during thunderstorm activity, there was static interference and the needles pointed toward the storm instead of at Attidiya. So, a Very High Frequency Omni Directional Radio Range (VOR) was installed for more accuracy and reliability.
After WW2 Ratmalana Airport was served by a few international airlines such as Air Ceylon, Indian Airlines, BOAC (British Overseas Airways Corporation) and TWA (Trans World Airlines). But in 1968 the airport lost its ‘international’ status when Bandaranaike International Airport opened and all international operations moved to Katunayake. Subsequently, the equipment at Ratmalana was allowed to deteriorate; radio navigational let-down aids were no longer operative, and there was no proper control tower. The civil training aircraft of the government’s flying school had neither radios nor radio aids to navigation.
Even the runway lights didn’t work, and domestic flights had to depend on kerosene lamps to demarcate the runway limits. Flares from oil lamps were the guiding light for all traffic landing at Ratmalana Airport. One redeeming grace, in the night, in those days, was that the Sapugaskanda Oil Refinery was in full production and a giant flare of the burning gasses was the guiding light to all domestic traffic landing at the Ratmalana Airport. The Pilots spotted the flare from far away and flew over the Refinery and then turned on the runway heading and could see the runway edge kerosene flares, flickering dimly in a dark patch that was the Ratmalana airport!
Post-1977 and the Dharmista government, another problem was created for Ratmalana operations. Sri Lanka’s capital was moved to Sri Jayewardenepura, Kotte, and a new Parliament complex built there. Unfortunately, the parliamentary precinct was only 3.6 nautical miles (NM) from the end of the Ratmalana runway ‘as the crow flies’, and less than 1 NM from the Talangama transmitters. In most countries overflying the Parliament is prohibited, and Sri Lanka decreed it wouldn’t be an exception to the rule.
This decision was detrimental to freedom of aircraft movements to the Ratmalana runway, preventing longer, safer, conventional landing approaches. At the time Air Ceylon, the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) and other domestic flights were still using Ratmalana airport. Many professionals observed that it was akin to someone building a house near an existing railway line and then complaining that it was too noisy and requiring the railway to divert. This is not unlike the widely-known ‘NIMBY’ phenomenon: Not In My Back Yard.
Consequently, aviators had to accept the non-availability of precision navigational aids at Ratmalana as the Talangama transmitters lost their significance. The Urban Development Authority (UDA) eventually took vacant possession of the Talangama precinct, and the Sri Lanka Army’s Gemunu Watch infantry regiment established a camp there.
During December’s clear nights and cooler mornings, temperature inversions combined with the northeasterly winds blowing smoke from the Sapugaskanda Oil Refinery seriously compromise visibility on the final approach to Ratmalana airport. (See image 1)
On the morning of 14 December 2014, a SLAF Antonov An-32 transport aircraft on a ferry flight from Katunayake attempted to approach for landing at Ratmalana airport and crashed. This prompted the then Air Force Commander to write to the then Director General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) to reinstall navigational facilities (see letter below). Now, after almost 11 years, Airport and Aviation Sri Lanka (AASL) is slowly realising that not only the ‘seen’ but also ‘unseen’ facilities at Ratmalana should be brought up to international standard in the name of air safety. Wide publicity was given to the fact that the government’s intention was to make Ratmalana an international business aircraft hub by way of regaining its past importance. In fact, it is now known as the Colombo International Airport Ratmalana (CIAR). (See image 2)

Image 2
Meanwhile, another security-sensitive building has been erected and commissioned on vacant land at the former site of the Talangama transmitters, barely 1 NM from the Parliament and 4.4 NM from the Ratmalana runway end. That is the Akuregoda Military Head Quarters, which has created an effective manmade barrier to limit operation of legitimate air traffic to Ratmalana, consequently imposing more restrictions on inbound operations. Furthermore, it appears that there was no ‘master plan’ for Ratmalana International Airport, in a case of the left hand not knowing what the right hand was doing. (See image 3)
Air safety dictates that jet aircraft should have at least an 8 mile straight-in (no turns) final approach. Now it is not possible to do that with the unplanned presence of sensitive buildings on the final approach to Ratmalana. Ideally, as in other countries, all three parties – the local municipality town planner; Civil Aviation Authority/ Airport and Aviation Ltd (CAASL/ AASL); and building developer – must make these long-term decisions. In Australia, for instance, the Civil Aviation Safety Authority and relevant airports authorities have control of manmade obstacles for a radius of 25 miles. In Sri Lanka, unplanned buildings, called ‘man-made relief’ as against ‘geographic relief’ (terrain), have compromised feasibility of the intended city airport.
Another example is the General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University (KDU), the tallest building in the vicinity of Ratmalana Airport that should never have been allowed to be built that high. This is symptomatic of a malady the entire country is suffering from: people in the know are afraid to speak up. Subsequently, no one is held accountable for these poor, uncoordinated decisions without true professionals being consulted, resulting in tunnel vision. As a pithy Sinhala saying goes, “ledaa malath, bada suddai” (‘although the patient died, the bowels were clean’).
Accommodating ‘business jets’ (‘bizjets’, or executive jets) at Ratmalana Airport will be a good source of revenue, and a step in the right direction. Putting aside criticism of how Ratmalana Airport was allowed to run down, I write to offer a practical solution to mitigate the adverse effects of unplanned buildings. While the Akuregoda military base is working around the clock, the overflying prohibition may be justified. But Parliament sits only on certain days and for limited hours.
Therefore, the authorities should provisionally allow air traffic, inbound to Ratmalana, to overfly the Parliament complex on days and times when there are no sittings. A Notice to Airmen (NOTAM) to that effect could be issued as and when necessary.
The over-flight of the Parliament would become ‘Restricted Airspace’, not ‘Prohibited Airspace’. With airspace thus shared for the benefit of all users, longer and therefore safer approaches could be designed to facilitate those small but fast bizjets from overseas operating in and out of Ratmalana Airport.
The differences in airspace regulation and restrictions are as published by the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO).
Restricted Area/Airspace is defined as an area of airspace where flight is permitted only under certain conditions. These conditions may include obtaining permission from the airspace’s controlling authority, flying at a certain altitude, or following a specific route. Restricted airspace is typically used for military training, testing, or other activities that require special precautions.
A restricted area is an airspace of defined dimensions above the land areas or territorial waters of a state, within which the flight of aircraft is restricted in accordance with specific conditions. (ICAO Annex 2: Rules of the Air)
Prohibited Area/Airspace is an area of airspace where flight is completely prohibited. This type of airspace is typically established for national security reasons, such as protecting sensitive government facilities or military bases. In some cases, prohibited airspace may also be established for safety reasons, such as around airports or other areas with high levels of air traffic.
A prohibited area is an airspace of defined dimensions, above the land area or territorial waters of a state, within which the flight of aircraft is prohibited. (ICAO Annex 2: Rules of the Air)
Furthermore, Ratmalana Airport lacks a proper Control Tower with a 360-degree range of visibility of the airport area. It is time to ‘think out of the box’. A new Control Tower could be sited in the highest point in the vicinity. Perhaps at the KDU building to mitigate the situation. At Wellington Airport, serving the capital of New Zealand, the control tower is on top of a shopping mall! (See image 4)

Image 4: Wellington Airport, New Zealand, control tower above a shopping Mall
A, research shows that light training aircraft and other small aircraft of the size and mass of business jets cannot create catastrophic destruction to strong buildings such as our Parliament or the Akuregoda military base, similar to what happened on September 11, 2001 in the USA with large passenger jets. (See image 5)
The Current Status at Colombo International Airport Ratmalana.
A map of Ratmalana Airport with heights of significant obstacles. The height above Mean Sea Level (MSL) is the first figure. The height above the airport reference point is within brackets. Note: The KDU is 212 ft. above MSL, standing at a height of 190ft. (See image 5)
Although publicised as an ‘international airport’, Ratmalana does not even have a ground-based precision electronic navigation or landing aid such as a Very high Frequency (VHF) Omnidirectional Radio range (VOR) or an Instrument Landing System (ILS). An excuse for that lack is that unplanned buildings such as the Sri Lanka Air Force Museum are obstructing navigational signals. Even if ground-based radio navigational aids are not available, modern satellite-based navigational aids such as a Global Positioning System (GPS) could be used.
India has already launched satellites into space and positioned a Geo-Augmented Navigation (‘GAGAN’) satellite for GPS navigation over this part of the world. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka has failed to request India to share use of the system. In the above map ‘RM’ (top left) is the NDB situated at Attidiya, and is not aligned with the extended centreline of the existing runway.
The Ratmalana terminal building was built in the likeness of many ‘colonial’ airports in the 1950s. It was often used for international movie backdrops. Unfortunately, the airport administration demolished parts of this historic terminal to accommodate an ugly temporary structure.
There is still no air traffic control tower conforming to international standards with a 360-degree view. From the building that is being used, air traffic control officers cannot see the south side of the airport and the runway at the Galle Road end.

The author (5ft 6in tall) beside the controversial hazardous wall at Colombo International Airport, Ratmalana
Speaking of the Galle Road end, there is still that concrete (or cement brick) wall which is considered a hazard by all experienced pilots, yet the authorities continue to ignore demands for its removal. To clarify, a hazard, according to EASA (European Union Aviation Safety Agency), is “a condition or an object with the potential to cause or contribute to an aircraft incident or accident.”
The EASA goes on to state that one way of identifying a ‘hazard’ is accepting the opinion of experts with professional knowledge. Accordingly, 22 very experienced pilots with experience totalling 330,500 hours petitioned the then Director of Civil Aviation to remove the concrete wall at Colombo International Airport Ratmalana and replace it with a frangible fence. The letter is produced below.
2nd November ‘18
The Director General,
Civil Aviation Authority,
Minuwangoda Road,
Katunayake.
Dear Sir,
The Concrete Wall at the Galle Road End at the Ratmalana Airport
Attached herewith is a petition signed by 22 very experienced pilots, who feel strongly about the presence of the concrete wall at the Galle Road end of the Ratmalana Airport.
The petitioners have a total of 330,500 hours and consist of a cross-section of some of the most experienced pilots in the land.
It is hoped that you will heed their call and at least get the process going.
Thanking you in anticipation.
Yours truly,
Capt. G A Fernando
The author (5ft 6in tall) beside the controversial hazardous wall at Colombo International Airport, Ratmalana
But the airport authorities couldn’t care less. I believe that the main reason for this sad situation is that none of the present airport administrators are or have been aviators.
“If you think that Air Safety is expensive, try an accident” Jerome Lederer, President, Flight Safety Foundation, USA
gafplane@sltnet.lk
The Writer is Immediate past President, Aircraft Owners and Operators Association (AOAOA)
RCyAF/ SLAF, Air Ceylon, Air Lanka, Singapore Airlines (SIA), SriLankan Airlines
President, Colombo Flying Club.
President, UL Club (an Association of Former Air Lanka and SriLankan Airlines Employees)
Life Member of the Organisations of Professional Associations (OPA)
by Capt G A Fernando
MBA (UK)
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