Opinion
Debate or no debate, addressing critical issues important for voters
by Gamini Jayaweera
In recent weeks, we have observed a disheartening spectacle unfold between the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) as they engage in a futile tussle, each blaming the other for the failure to arrange a debate between their respective leaders and economic policy teams. This debate, crucial for enlightening the voting populace ahead of both the Presidential and General elections, remains elusive due to the entrenched animosity between the parties.
Consequently, the electorate grapples with disillusionment and disenchantment, triggered by the pervasive negative posturing exhibited by these factions, all while professing to champion system change and advocate for a governance model marked by inclusivity and transparency.
Both party leaders exude an air of unwavering confidence, believing they possess the panacea for our nation’s longstanding woes — be it the chronic mismanagement of the economy, the bloated and inefficient public sector, the archaic and dysfunctional constitution, the ailing healthcare system, the dilapidated state of education, or the pervasive corruption staining our political landscape and workforce. Yet, despite their professed solutions, they balk at the opportunity to engage in a substantive debate, opting instead for recycled rhetoric hailing their past ministerial achievements as the ultimate testament to their capabilities.
It begs the question: if they deeply hold the keys to resolving these entrenched issues, why shy away from a platform that could elucidate their strategies and policies for the benefit of undecided voters? As they bask in the glow of favourable poll numbers and draw sizable crowds to their political rallies, it becomes imperative to scrutinise their positions on critical matters. Therefore, I have taken it upon myself to pose several pressing questions, hopeful that the responses from these leaders will empower our electorate to make informed decisions come election day.
Economic Reforms
The promises of providing food for the impoverished, lowering essential commodity prices, ensuring equitable education, and universal healthcare are praiseworthy. However, the glaring question remains: how do they intend to finance these initiatives in the short term? Both parties have criticised current tax policies, labelling them unjustifiable burdens on the populace.
If elected, how do the NPP and the SJB plan to fill the revenue gap created by abolishing these taxes? Moreover, what strategies will they employ to stimulate economic growth and attract local and foreign investments? What specific details on their proposed policies and initiatives would provide voters with a clearer understanding of their economic reform agendas?
Public Sector Reform
It is evident that the public sector is bloated and inefficient, draining taxpayer funds without delivering commensurate value. Bold restructuring is necessary to curb waste and instil accountability. Yet, such reforms inevitably entail job losses. How do the SJB and the NPP propose to restructure these institutions while mitigating the impact on workers?
How will the administration ensure that displaced workers are effectively supported through redeployment, comprehensive redundancy packages, or access to retraining programs for alternative career pathways? Moreover, in the case of redeployment, where will these individuals find available vacancies and which industries will offer opportunities for retraining? Additionally, how will the necessary funds be allocated to ensure substantial redundancy packages for those affected by workforce transitions?
Administrative Service
The Sri Lanka Administrative Service (SLAS) comprises trained professionals, adept at government procedures. They collaborate closely with the President, the Prime Minister, and Ministers to formulate and execute policies, maintaining political neutrality and upholding SLAS integrity.
However, recent years have seen a decline in SLAS professionalism and integrity due to appointments based on political connections rather than merit. Can the NPP and the SJB commit to reversing this trend by appointing qualified SLAS officers to Secretarial positions in the ministries?
Diplomatic Service and International Relations
The image and reputation of a country rely heavily on competent diplomats who advocate for its interests globally. Historically, skilled diplomats have upheld our nation’s dignity and earned respect through responsible and professional representation in international relations.
Regrettably, recent appointments within the Foreign Service have often prioritised personal connections and political affiliations over merit. This neglects career diplomats and well-trained civil servants, leading to a decline in our international standing. Can the NPP and SJB assure they will not perpetuate this trend?
Public Sector Procurement Process
In 2017, the then President grimly revealed that over 50% of Sri Lanka’s public procurement contracts were tainted by the insidious grip of bribery and corruption. Shockingly, despite this alarming disclosure, successive governments, including the current administration, have regrettably fallen short in instituting the requisite measures to combat this pervasive menace, which continues to corrode the very fabric of our society.
The woeful underperformance of certain state institutions can be attributed to a myriad of factors. On one hand, these organizations suffer from a glaring absence of vision, transparency, accountability, and efficient systems and procedures. On the other hand, they turn a blind eye to the imperative of corporate governance, as rampant corruption infects the procurement process of public contracts and fosters a culture of unethical conduct. Furthermore, a dearth of business acumen at the leadership echelon has only exacerbated the lacklustre performance exhibited by most of our state institutions.
What are NPP and SJB proposals to implement a transparent public sector Procurement Process to ensure that the government is getting value for taxpayers’ money?
Public Sector Car Permits
It is widely acknowledged that certain professional groups in our society receive exclusive benefits from the government, including free car permits for vehicle imports and reserved placements for their children in prestigious government schools. The rationale behind these privileges raises questions: why are these groups afforded special treatment that is not extended to other government sector employees? Is it because they possess significant industrial influence, capable of exerting considerable pressure on the government through strike actions? Shouldn’t the government prioritise valuing the contributions of all its employees equally?
Trade Unions
Trade unions wield considerable influence in our society, often resorting to strikes as a means of protest. While legitimate grievances deserve to be addressed, politically motivated se the nation. What measures will the parties introduce to ensure that trade unions act responsibly and transparently? Could the NPP and the SJB potentially implement Trade Union laws requiring strikes to undergo democratic balloting, along with mandated clear notice periods aimed at minimizing disruption?
Pension Reform of Parliamentarians
The issue of full pensions for ministers and MPs after a mere ten years of service raises questions of fairness and equity. How do the parties plan to address this disparity and align the pension schemes of public servants with those of other citizens?
Dual Citizenship
The prohibition on dual citizens holding positions of responsibility within the government sector restricts the talent pool available to enact meaningful change. They are gathering in thousands for political meetings organised by the NPP. If so, what reforms will NPP and SJB propose to tap into the expertise of the overseas community while safeguarding against corruption and political interference?
Port City
The creation of a 25-year Tax Holiday zone with other incentives, called Port City within Sri Lanka to encourage foreign investors is under severe criticism from opposition parties due to many reasons. Reports suggest the introduction of a distinct tax system in the Port City, diverging from the national tax framework in Sri Lanka. This development raises concerns about the potential adverse effects of a dual tax system, including the demotivation of the workforce and economic inefficiencies. Considering these concerns, what proposals are being considered by the SJB and the NPP to reform this disparate tax structure and ensure uniformity across the country’s tax regime?
I understand that despite the proposed 25-year tax holiday, foreign investors are hesitant to participate in the scheme. It appears that as of now, there have been no tangible investments made by foreign entities in the Port City. How do you plan to ensure the success of this project, or will you allow it to languish as another ‘White Elephant’ doomed to inevitable failure?
Constitutional Reforms
The Executive Presidency and the Proportional Representation electoral system have been criticised by many politicians as well as the public for increased corruption and political favouritism compared to the introduction of the current system with the previous electoral system which operated prior to 1978.
During a rally in Sweden, the leader of the NPP party passionately advocated for Proportional Representation, emphasing its role in allowing minority communities to have their voices heard in Parliament. He argued that ensuring adequate representation from minority groups is crucial for fostering peace and harmony among diverse communities. However, this argument appears weak when considering the reality that major political parties like NPP, SJB, UNP, and SLPP often fail to provide opportunities for minority leaders to emerge within their ranks.
By neglecting to cultivate leadership from minority communities, these parties effectively bar individuals from those backgrounds from ascending to the positions of President or Prime Minister. It is worth noting that parties such as the NPP and the SJB could learn from examples set by the Conservative Party in the UK and the Democratic Party in the USA, both of which have seen leaders of Indian and African origin rise to the positions of Prime Minister and President, respectively. The question then arises: why hinder the possibility for a Tamil, a Muslim, or any member of another community to lead your party? Do you believe it would be beneficial to reduce sectarian voting by encouraging minorities to hold prominent positions within the major political parties?
Will your party commit to abolishing the Executive Presidency if elected to form the next government? Additionally, do you pledge to fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, thereby granting Provincial Councils comprehensive powers, including control over the police force? During a rally in Canada, when asked these crucial questions, the leader of the NPP evaded providing a clear answer, suggesting that it was not an immediate priority. However, it is vital for voters to have this information before casting their democratic ballots in the upcoming election.
Judiciary
It is a well-known factor that some of the Judges and the President Counsel have been appointed by the governing party based on political affiliations rather than the qualifications, experience, and suitability of the person to those positions. What are your proposals to introduce reforms in this area to ensure that the Judiciary is free from making politically motivated decisions and it will be free from political interference?
Appointment of Heads of Forces
There have been plenty of criticism, arguments, and accusations about appointing Heads for the three Forces. What Proposals do you have to ensure that those selections are done by independent Commissions attached to these Forces and the appointments are made on the recommendations by these commissions?
Environment
During the last few decades Politicians, Businessmen and Party supporters have been given the permission to clear out well established forests and other green sites and build commercial properties such as tourist hotels, golf courses, etc. These construction sites have destroyed the natural habitat making the weather patterns behave in strange ways. What are your proposals to protect our forests and the natural habitat from corrupt businesspeople, political henchmen, and politicians?
Conclusion
In conclusion, the voting public deserves clarity and accountability from those vying for leadership. There are many other valid questions and I hope that the voters will raise those issues in coming months. It is incumbent upon the SJB and the NPP to rise above partisan squabbles and engage in substantive dialogue. I believe that only through informed debate can we pave the way for a brighter future for Sri Lanka and her people.
Opinion
Tribute to a distinguished BOI leader
Mr. Tuli Cooray, former Deputy Director General of the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka (BOI) and former Secretary General of the Joint Apparel Association Forum (JAAF), passed away three months ago, leaving a distinguished legacy of public service and dedication to national economic development.
An alumnus of the University of Colombo, Mr. Cooray graduated with a Special Degree in Economics. He began his career as a Planning Officer at the Ministry of Plan Implementation and later served as an Assistant Director in the Ministry of Finance (Planning Division).
He subsequently joined the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC), where he rose from Manager to Senior Manager and later Director. During this period, he also served at the Treasury as an Assistant Director. With the transformation of the GCEC into the BOI, he was appointed Executive Director of the Investment Department and later elevated to the position of Deputy Director General.
In recognition of his vast experience and expertise, he was appointed Director General of the Budget Implementation and Policy Coordination Division at the Ministry of Finance and Planning. Following his retirement from government service, he continued to contribute to the national economy through his work with JAAF.
Mr. Cooray was widely respected as a seasoned professional with exceptional expertise in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and facilitating investor relations. His commitment, leadership, and humane qualities earned him the admiration and affection of colleagues across institutions.
He was also one of the pioneers of the BOI Past Officers’ Association, and his passing is deeply felt by its members. His demise has created a void that is difficult to fill, particularly within the BOI, where his contributions remain invaluable.
Mr. Cooray will be remembered not only for his professional excellence but also for his integrity, humility, and the lasting impact he made on those who had the privilege of working with him.
The BOI Past Officers’ Association
jagathcds@gmail.com
Opinion
When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers
“As a small and open country, Singapore will always be vulnerable to what happens around us. As Lee Kuan Yew used to say: “when elephants fight, the grass suffers, but when elephants make love, the grass also suffers“. Therefore, we must be aware of what is happening around us, and prepare ourselves for changes and surprises.” – Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, during the debate on the President’s Address in Singapore Parliament on 16 May, 2018, commenting on the uncertain external environment during the first Trump Administration.
“When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers”
is a well-known African proverb commonly used in geopolitics to describe smaller nations caught in the crossfire of conflicts between major powers. At the 1981 Commonwealth conference, when Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere quoted this Swahili proverb, the Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew famously retorted, “When elephants make love, the grass suffers, too”. In other words, not only when big powers (such as the US, Russia, EU, China or India) clash, the surrounding “grass” (smaller nations) get “trampled” or suffer collateral damage but even when big powers collaborate or enter into friendly agreements, small nations can still be disadvantaged through unintended consequences of those deals. Since then, Singaporean leaders have often quoted this proverb to highlight the broader reality for smaller states, during great power rivalry and from their alliances. They did this to underline the need to prepare Singapore for challenges stemming from the uncertain external environment and to maintain high resilience against global crises.
Like Singapore, as a small and open country, Sri Lanka too is always vulnerable to what happens around us. Hence, we must be alert to what is happening around us, and be ready not only to face challenges but to explore opportunities.
When Elephants Fight
To begin with, President Trump’s “Operation Epic Fury”.
Did we prepare adequately for changes and surprises that could arise from the deteriorating situation in the Gulf region? For example, the impact the conflict has on the safety and welfare of Sri Lankans living in West Asia or on our petroleum and LNG imports. The situation in the Gulf remains fluid with potential for further escalation, with the possibility of a long-term conflict.
The region, which is the GCC, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Syria and Azerbaijan (I believe exports to Azerbaijan are through Iran), accounts for slightly over $1 billion of our exports. The region is one of the most important markets for tea (US$546 million out of US$1,408 million in 2024. According to some estimates, this could even be higher). As we export mostly low-grown teas to these countries, the impact of the conflict on low-grown tea producers, who are mainly smallholders, would be extremely strong. Then there are other sectors like fruits and vegetables where the impact would be immediate, unless of course exporters manage to divert these perishable products to other markets. If the conflict continues for a few more weeks or months, managing these challenges will be a difficult task for the nation, not simply for the government. It is also necessary to remember the Russia – Ukraine war, now on to its fifth year, and its impact on Sri Lanka’s economy.
Mother of all bad timing
What is more unfortunate is that the Gulf conflict is occurring on top of an already intensifying global trade war. One observer called it the “mother of all bad timing”. The combination is deadly.
Early last year, when President Trump announced his intention to weaponise tariffs and use them as bargaining tools for his geopolitical goals, most observers anticipated that he would mainly use tariffs to limit imports from the countries with which the United States had large trade deficits: China, Mexico, Vietnam, the European Union, Japan and Canada. The main elephants, who export to the United States. But when reciprocal tariffs were declared on 2nd April, some of the highest reciprocal tariffs were on Saint Pierre and Miquelon (50%), a French territory off Canada with a population of 6000 people, and Lesotho (50%), one of the poorest countries in Southern Africa. Sri Lanka was hit with a 44% reciprocal tariff. In dollar terms, Sri Lanka’s goods trade deficit with the United States was very small (US$ 2.9 billion in 2025) when compared to those of China (US$ 295 billion in 2024) or Vietnam (US$ 123 billion in 2024).
Though the adverse impact of US additional ad valorem duty has substantially reduced due to the recent US Supreme Court decision on reciprocal tariffs, the turbulence in the US market would continue for the foreseeable future. The United States of America is the largest market for Sri Lanka and accounts for nearly 25% of our exports. Yet, Sri Lanka’s exports to the United States had remained almost stagnant (around the US $ 3 billion range) during the last ten years, due to the dilution of the competitive advantage of some of our main export products in that market. The continued instability in our largest market, where Sri Lanka is not very competitive, doesn’t bode well for Sri Lanka’s economy.
When Elephants Make Love
In rapidly shifting geopolitical environments, countries use proactive anticipatory diplomacy to minimise the adverse implications from possible disruptions and conflicts. Recently concluded Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations between India and the EU (January 2026) and India and the UK (May 2025) are very good examples for such proactive diplomacy. These negotiations were formally launched in June 2007 and were on the back burner for many years. These were expedited as strategic responses to growing U.S. protectionism. Implementation of these agreements would commence during this year.
When negotiations for a free trade agreement between India and the European Union (which included the United Kingdom) were formally launched, anticipating far-reaching consequences of such an agreement on other developing countries, the Commonwealth Secretariat requested the University of Sussex to undertake a study on a possible implication of such an agreement on other low-income developing countries. The authors of that study had considered the impact of an EU–India Free Trade Agreement on the trade of excluded countries and had underlined, “The SAARC countries are, by a long way, the most vulnerable to negative impacts from the FTA. Their exports are more similar to India’s…. Bangladesh is most exposed in the EU market, followed by Pakistan and Sri Lanka.”
So, now these agreements are finalised; what will be the implications of these FTAs between India and the UK and the EU on Sri Lanka? According to available information, the FTA will be a game-changer for the Indian apparel exporters, as it would provide a nearly ten per cent tariff advantage to them. That would level the playing field for India, vis-à-vis their regional competitors. As a result, apparel exports from India to the UK and the EU are projected to increase significantly by 2030. As the sizes of the EU’s and the UK’s apparel markets are not going to expand proportionately, these growths need to come from the market shares of other main exporters like Sri Lanka.
So, “also, when elephants make love, the grass suffers.”
Impact on Sri Lanka
As a small, export dependent country with limited product and market diversification, Sri Lanka will always be vulnerable to what happens in our main markets. Therefore, we must be aware of what is happening in those markets, and prepare ourselves to face the challenges proactively. Today, amid intense geopolitical conflicts, tensions and tariff shifts, countries adopt high agility and strategic planning. If we look at what our neighbours have been doing in London, Brussels and Tokyo, we can learn some lessons on how to navigate through these turbulences.
(The writer is a retired public servant and can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
by Gomi Senadhira
Opinion
QR-based fuel quota
The introduction of the QR code–based fuel quota system can be seen as a timely and necessary measure, implemented as part of broader austerity efforts to manage limited fuel resources. In the face of ongoing global fuel instability and economic challenges, such a system is aimed at ensuring equitable distribution and preventing excessive consumption. While it is undeniable that this policy may disrupt the daily routines of certain segments of the population, it is important for citizens to recognize the larger national interest at stake and cooperate with these temporary measures until stability returns to the global fuel market.
At the same time, this initiative presents an important opportunity for the Government to address long-standing gaps in regulatory enforcement. In particular, the implementation of the QR code system could have been strategically linked to the issuance of valid revenue licenses for vehicles. Restricting QR code access only to vehicles that are properly registered and have paid their revenue dues would have helped strengthen compliance and improve state revenue collection.
Available data from the relevant authorities indicate that a significant number of vehicles—especially three-wheelers and motorcycles—continue to operate without valid revenue licences. This represents a substantial loss of income to the State and highlights a weakness in enforcement mechanisms. By integrating the fuel quota system with revenue license verification, the government could have effectively encouraged vehicle owners to regularise their documentation while simultaneously improving fiscal discipline.
In summary, while the QR code fuel system is a commendable step toward managing scarce resources, aligning it with existing regulatory requirements would have amplified its benefits. Such an approach would not only support fuel conservation but also enhance government revenue and promote greater accountability among vehicle owners.
Sariputhra
Colombo 05
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