Features

Was the Third Prime Minister of Ceylon the son of a murderer ?

Published

4 years ago

2022/12/18

Thilina Walpola

THE TRIAL OF JOHN KOTELAWALA (SENIOR)

By Hugh Karunanayake

John Kotelawala (Senior) was the father of Sir John Kotelawala the third Prime Minister of independent Ceylon, who held office from 1953 to 1956. John Kotelawala (Snr) was born in 1865 in the village of Bandaragama. Having attended the village school where he learnt his English, he attended schools in Colombo and then started life as a third class constable clerk in the Ceylon Police Force in the 1880s.

As a policeman he was good in detective work and his general application to his duties impressive, and was within a few years promoted to the rank of Inspector. It was then that he sought the hand of, and married Alice Attygalle, the daughter of Mudaliyar D.C.G. Attygalle of Colamunne. He resigned from the police soon after his marriage.

Mudaliyar Attygalle was a man of considerable wealth, owning several coconut estates, plumbago mines, and other properties in the Kurunegala and Dodangaslanda areas. He was also a great benefactor to a number of charities. Among his many acts of philanthropy was the donation for public use, of the Kurunegala Rest House which he built entirely at his own expense. The building stands in the main street of Kurunegala to this day.

Mudaliyar Attygalles family consisted of his wife, son, and three daughters. The son, who was born in 1885, was a minor when the Mudaliyar died in 1901. John Kotelawala, the Mudaliyar’s only son in law at the time of his death, took over the management of the Mudaliyar’s estate which was left to his widow by his will.

By 1904, Francis, the Mudaliyar’s son realizing that his brother-in-law was utilizing profits from the estate for his own benefit, applied for letters of “venia aetatis” by which the Governor of Ceylon had the power to make a major of a https://d.docs.live.net/765edf3312b1769f/Documents/THE%20TRIAL%20OF%20JOHN%20KOTELAWALA.docxminor in the eyes of the law. The letters were accordingly granted to Francis by the Governor, and he took over the management of the family properties.

Kotelawala not only resisted this, but also openly showed his defiance and there was considerable friction between him and his brother-in-law. He tried various ruses to gain possession of some of the properties, but failed in all his attempts. He was particularly interested in a property which he made out to the family as a piece of abandoned plumbago land, whereas it was in fact a lucrative mine later known as the Kahatagaha mine. This turned out to be one of the largest and most lucrative plumbago mines in Sri Lanka.

He tried every trick in the book to gain possession of the mine, including fraud, deceit, and threats to the family, but failed; the main obstacle being his brother in law Francis. He is said to have even threatened to commit suicide in front of his mother in law by pretending to cut his throat with a knife that he produced, to which his mother in law gently informed him that she had not the slightest objection to that, and called off his bluff. Kotelawala was a physical culturist and a pupil of the Hungarian, Eugene Sandow, and projected an image of a tough and bold person who would not tolerate opposition.

The friction between him and his in laws included an incident where he attempted to take forcible possession of a family owned mine, but was chased away by workers loyal to Francis. He had to run away and humiliatingly take refuge in a boutique in which he locked himself up in fear. That incident would have hurt his projected tough image more than the actual thrashing he may have received if he fell into the hands of the angry workers. Being a man of considerable vanity, he had been sulking and threatening dire consequences. In October 1906 John Kotelawala (snr) sailed for Japan in order to float a company called the Ceylon Trading Co, most probably to provide him with an alibi as unfolding events would reveal.

THE DECEASED – FRANCIS DIXON ATTYGALLE

Francis Attygalle was said to be a most unassuming man with an engaging disposition, and very popular with his employees. He had two sisters other than his older sister Alice Kotelawala. They were Lena and Ellen. Lena was given in marriage to Colonel TG Jayewardene brother of EW Jayewardene, father of former President J.R.Jayewardene. The younger sister Ellen later married F.R. Senanayake brother of DS Senanayake, Ceylon’s First Prime Minister. There is no denying the fact that the family of the three sisters dominated politics and governments in Sri Lanka during most of the Twentieth Century.

The Attygalle sisters by their marriage to the Kotelaweala- Senanayake- Jayewardene triumvirate is said to have shoe horned these “political nobodies” into “somebodies’, the upward mobility being provided by the Attygalle family wealth. The Attygalle inheritance was massive, and the three daughters brought with them substantial dowries in addition to their inheritance. By 1927 T.G. Jayewardene owned 2,861 acres of tea, rubber, and coconut, Alice Kotelawala 2,058 acres of rubber and coconut and Ellen Senanayake 3,027 acres mainly of coconut.

Francis Attygalle attended school at Wesley College and was boarded in the home of Mr CP Dias Head Master of the school who lived in the Pettah near Price Park, which was then a quiet, residential area. Even after leaving school Francis continued to live in Mr Dias’s house making it his Colombo headquarters. On the evening of December 5, 1906 he was reclining on a chair in the verandah of Mr Dias’s home, when he was called out by a boy who wanted him to meet a man named Baron Singho who was ostensibly seeking assistance to get a job. Having dismissed the man, Francis was returning to the house when he was shot by a gun fired from a few yards away. The 22-year old Francis died two days later in hospital after making a dying disposition.

John Kotelawela returned to Ceylon by ship on the morning of January 24, 1907 and was promptly arrested by a police party headed by Mr Herbert Dowbiggin, Superintendent of Police, Colombo, who was in charge of investigations into the murder. Three persons were charged with the murder. They were Baron Singho, Singhone Perera, and John Kotelawala.

It was the case for the prosecution that as a result of family disputes, John Kotelawala had decided to destroy his brother in law Francis Attygalle. He conspired with Singhone Perera, a former police constable who served under him, to kill Atyygalle. Singhone had left the Police force at the same time as Kotelawala, and was employed as a rent collector by the latter, who also provided him accommodation in one of his houses.

According to the prosecution, Singhone who was a trusted servant of Kotelawala, was paid Rs 500 through a bogus mortgage payment as a consideration for the killing, and having arranged the killing, Kotelawala left for Japan in October 1906 to create an alibi for himself. Singhone then contacted Piloris Fernando alias Pila a 23-year old native of Wadduwa, and brought him to Colombo where he resided in Singhone’s home for some weeks prior to the murder. On November 16, Singhone arranged with Pila who was a good marksman, to purchase a gun from Walker and Sons, Pettah, under an assumed name. The gun was purchased by Pila and brought to Singhone’s house where it was concealed in a wooden box.

On the night of December 5, they went across Price Park and approached Mr Dias ‘ garden. According to Pila, who turned Crown witness in the case, Singhone asked him to wait near the gate while he went into the compound with the gun. Singhone then had Baron lure Francis out of the house and shot him. He is then said to have left the gun and the bag and hurried back to the gate where he met Pila, gave him fie rupees and asked him to go back to his village.

The prosecution was based largely on Pila’s evidence as Crown Witness, and it could be presumed that his version of what transpired was tailored to protect his role in the killing. What was more likely the case was that Pila who was an expert marksman did the shooting, and was directed by Singhone to arrive at a rendezvous near the gate where he would wait to execute Pila. Unfortunately for Sighone, Pila sensing danger had not returned to him, instead walking back through a devious route to his village in Wadduwa, without meeting Singhone. The prosecution case however had to depend partly on Pila’s evidence, and it alleged that Singhone conspired with Kotelawala to murder Francis and in accordance with Pila’s evidence, Singhone did the shooting as well.

THE TRIAL

The trial in the Supreme Court commenced on April 15, 1907 before an English speaking jury consisting entirely of Europeans. The prosecution was led by Mr C.M. Fernando Senior Crown Counsel, assisted by Messrs H.J.C.Pereira, R.H.Morgan, James Van Langenberg, C Brooke Elliott and B.W. Bawa. The accused were defended by Mr C Hayley, Eardley Norton, Thomas Thornhill, and R.L. Pereira.

A significant factor was that the defence expenses of Sighone Perera was met by John Kotelawala, a fact that was readily admitted by defence counsel. While conceding that there was no implication of guilt in such conduct, the prosecution averred that the defence of Singhone Perera had been arranged by Kotelawala even before he arrived in Ceylon from his visit to Japan, a fact which the prosecution believed pointed strongly in favour of its case.

From the evidence that was led at the trial, it was clear, regardless of who did the actual shooting, that Singhone conspired with Pila to murder Francis.

Singhone however was loyal to his erstwhile master, and did not reveal anything to implicate John Kotelawala, although circumstantial evidence suggested a link between the two, working towards the common objective of destroying Attygalle. It was established by the prosecution that Kotelawala made threats to the deceased, and had a strong motive to eliminate him. It was not possible for the case for the Crown to be tested by the jury, because Kotelawala committed suicide in the remand prison having consumed arsenic, after Pila’s evidence was led. He had apparently concealed the arsenic in the sleeve of his coat for over two months in readiness for use when necessary.

At the conclusion of the trial, Singhone Perera was convicted, and paid the supreme penalty. Baron Singho was acquitted.

THE AFTERMATH

John Kotelawala was popular with the carters and harbour workers of Colombo whose welfare he had espoused with passion. Rumours that he was poisoned by the authorities spread around the city and large crowds gathered around his home “Fellowsleigh” in Asoka Gardens, and turned violent destroying public property. The home of the Crown prosecutor CM Fernando. ” Netherton ‘ in Union Place was under police protection for several weeks, until calm was restored.

John Kotelawala left two sons, John Lionel (later Sir John), and Justin, and a daughter Freda who later married Dr CVS Corea. Corea’s son, the late Dr Gamani Corea was an internationally renowned economist.The trial of the accused received considerable publicity by which newspapers reported proceedings in detail, on a daily basis. In later years however, the national press in Sri Lanka appears to have thrown a blanket of silence over the case, presumably under the influence of interested persons whose political destinies may have been affected by the publicity.

Consequently, not many in Sri Lanka especially during the second half of the twentieth century, were familiar with the case which was widely regarded as one of the most sensational murder trials in the country. The conspiracy of silence was so effective that even members of the legal fraternity, when referring to this case called it the “K” case, rather than the “Kotelawala ” case.

It has also been rumoured that most of the copies of the book by A.L. de Witt and G.E.G. Weerasinghe entitled “The Attygalle Murder Case” (from which most of the material in this article was extracted) were destroyed by interested persons, and very few copies exist.

(This article was first published by the writer in The Ceylankan Journal of The Ceylon Society of Australia # 27 of August 2004.)

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Features

Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify

Published

19 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham meets Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in Kyiv. (BBC)

The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.

While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.

The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.

Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.

The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.

These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.

In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’

Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.

Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.

However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.

While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.

A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.

Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.

Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.

In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.

However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.

Features

“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”

Published

20 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya opening the event

OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation

The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.

Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.

The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.

In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.

She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.

The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.

She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress

The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.

The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”

Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.

Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.

The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.

Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.

The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.

Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.

Features

Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …

Published

20 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.

For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.

Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.

Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.

What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada

It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.

According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.

With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”

One attendee summed it up perfectly:

“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.

“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto

“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”

And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.

Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada

Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.

It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.

One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.

Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.