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The Vision Splendid of D S Senanayake



On 05 October, 2022, The Island carried an article by Dr C. S. Weeraratna with the title “Deteriorating rural economy, and food Security”. On reading this, I was motivated to send a chapter from the biography of D. S. Senanayake by H. A. J. Hulugalle titled ‘The Vision Splendid.’ The book has much more information on Senanayake’s plan for Sri Lanka’s Agricultural development. It deals with Senanayake’s passion for the subject, as well as his in-depth knowledge, acquired over half a century. Even today, one could be inspired by how he approached Food and Agriculture.


birthday falls on the 20th of October


In the book D. S. Senanayake published in 1935, he said: “It is a remarkable fact that we in Ceylon, while repeating in season and out, that ours is an agricultural country and that her prosperity is inextricably bound up with her agricultural progress, should yet be apparently content to pay a bill in a year of depression (1933) of nearly 87 million rupees for the imports of our food and drink”. Twenty years after his death, the cost of imports of ‘food exceed the figure of a thousand million.

Senanayake felt that the decline of food production in Ceylon in modern times was due to the fact that this form of agriculture was despised by the educated and well-to-do. The main burden of food production was borne by the land-starved and debt-ridden peasantry. “It is almost as if”, he wrote, “that some sense of inferiority that is sometimes seen to overwhelm a Ceylonese in the presence of his European brother has also attached itself to the native products. Rice and other grains, eggs, onions, chillies and ginger are humble, though useful, commodities. Fruit has a status only a trifle higher than these. To be engaged in their production is something to be ashamed of”.

The commercial and plantation crops were not only more respectable: they were more profitable in good times, and commanded credit from bankers and brokers. Senanayake had no illusions about the inevitable result of neglecting food production. He said that “the great attraction of the commercial crops, the dignity that seemed to attach to them, the comparative ease with large returns for outlay came in, blinded the wealthier Ceylonese to the dangers lying hidden beneath their glamour and drew them away from the essentially safer and sounder, though less splendid, cultivation of products to provide a direct means of sustenance to the home population. The middle classes emulated their wealthier brethren, and the peasant, left to his own devices, was content to scratch the soil and receive just whatever Nature provided”.

Today, the gravest problem in Ceylon as in some other developing countries is the rapid increase of population outstripping economic development. The Nobel Prize winner and Oxford Professor of Economics, Sir John Hicks, after making a study of the Ceylon problem, said that “with birth and death rates as they are at present, the population will go on increasing rapidly, and there is no possible development which could enable an unlimited population to support itself on the Island”.

Senanayake published his book before malaria was controlled during the second world war, causing a ‘population explosion’. But he foresaw the problem to which Sir John Hicks and other writers on the subject have drawn attention. He wrote: “By all laws relating to the growth of population formulated by competent statisticians, the rate of increase of the population of this Island will continue to be maintained. It is obvious, then, that the problem of how to sustain these increasing numbers cannot much longer be ignored: it has perforce to be fairly and squarely faced, and a solution urgently sought”.

For him, the development of agriculture was the highest form of patriotism in the conditions in which Ceylon found herself. He quoted with approval the following passage from the Businessmen’s Commission in the United States:

“Agriculture is not merely a way of making money by raising crops; it is not merely an industry or a business; it is essentially a public function or service performed by private individuals for the care and use of the land in the national interest: and the farmers in the course of securing a living and a private profit are the custodians of the basis of the national life. Agriculture is therefore affected with a clear and unquestionable public interest, and its status is a matter of national concern calling for deliberate and far-sighted policies, not only to conserve the national and human resources involved in it but to provide the national security, promote a well-rounded prosperity and secure social and political stability”.

The Land Bill, which Senanayake introduced in the State Council in 1933 was the direct result of a Report made by the Executive Committee of Agriculture of which he was the Chairman.

The Report said: “When one considers the economic condition of the Ceylonese people, no amount of optimism can conceal the gradual downward trend which has set in, or the signs of grave alarm for the future. The avenues of lucrative employment are rapidly getting filled up, and unless fresh avenues are explored we will soon be placed in a grave situation.

“The university and colleges and schools are turning out large numbers of young men with high educational qualifications, but one must be blind not to see that a large proportion of these young men can never hope to obtain lucrative employment of the kind which they expect. The future generation of middle class Ceylonese cannot all hope to find employment in the professions and clerical services. There is only one direction to which they can turn for their economic salvation: and that is the land. From ancient times the fruits of the soil have been almost the only source of the wealth of this country, and this will be true for many years to come. One remedy for the ills, which a continuance of the present state of affairs is bound to intensify, is to provide middleclass Ceylonese with land and the facilities for developing land, and thus foster the establishment of a class of rural gentry which did exist at one time but is now fast disappearing”.

In these days of socialist planning, it may be a heresy to talk of a landed gentry but the object of the land reforms now being implemented is not very different from those of the Executive Committee. Its Report was endorsed by the State Council, ratified by the Governor and approved by the Secretary of State. But we are as far as ever from the goal of a well-educated and resident farming class. Senanayake’s book was a blue-print for agricultural development. Had it been acted upon vigorously after his death, the Island’s economy would undoubtedly be in a better shape than it is today.

He did not expect the private agricultural sector to solve the country’s food problem without a massive contribution by the State. In the following passage from Agriculture and Patriotism he indicated how the State could help:

“As our present Governor, Sir Edward Stubbs, remarked on one occasion, it is not enough to recognise the fact that Ceylon is not self-sufficient, we must act upon it. The new land policy which Sir Hugh Clifford may be said to have inaugurated has settled the question as regards the proper functions of Government when dealing with what is known in Ceylon as ‘Crown Land’. It will always be one of the most primary and imperative duties to guard the land – this great asset of the people, of the taxpayers – from encroachment by individuals or groups of individuals; and further, to the, best of its ability, to see that it is alienated in the manner most nicely calculated to promote the prosperity of the Island and the highest interests of its inhabitants”.

An idea of the ground covered by Senanayake’s book can be gained by a glance at its chapter headings: Population and Food Supply, The New Land Policy, The New-Tenure and Colonization, The Tradition of Irrigation, Irrigation Policy, The State and Agricultural Credit, Debt Conciliation and Normal Financing, Intensive Cultivation, Dietetics and Husbandry, The Faith of Co-operation, The Practice of Co-operation, Marketing, Agricultural Labour.

The Co-operative Movement was very close to Senanayake’s heart. It was introduced to Ceylon by the Colonial Government but it was taken up by him arid expanded. A fuller account of the Co-operative movement in Ceylon will be found in a later chapter.

Senanayake recognized the need for giving financial assistance to the new colonists under irrigation schemes. He stressed the importance of intensive cultivation, especially in areas near towns, and drew attention to the ingenious system of agriculture practiced by the French small ‘maraicher’, with the knowledge and experience which only decades of careful thought, attention and experiment could have engendered. He also encouraged men like Dr. Lucius Nicholls, who was then in the Ceylon medical service, to carry out investigations on the food values of the diets of various classes of the population and suggest how they could be improved. Agricultural education was another subject which claimed his attention. “Few unofficials”, he wrote, “have done so much to advance the cause of agriculture in this country as Father LeGoc O.M.1. Quite apart from the work he is doing in promoting in the students of St. Joseph’s College a liking for agricultural activity, his researches in the field of biology have been of very great use to the officers of the Government Departments. It is perhaps little known, for instance, that a long step was made possible in the cultivation of suitable fodder grasses by the results achieved by the Rev. Father’s experimentation. Could we but have a few more in the Island who would, for the love of agriculture and in recognition of its importance in the scheme of our well- being, be prepared to assist us to build our prosperity on the firm basis of tilling and grazing, we should have reason to account ourselves a most fortunate people”.

It may be mentioned in this connection that Sir Geoffrey Butler’s reference, quoted in an earlier chapter of this book, to the Cambridge men he met in Ceylon, one of whom had worked in the Cavendish Laboratory, was to Father Le Goc who was a con- temporary there of Lord Rutherford.

Sir Arthur Ranasinha has disclosed in his memoirs the genesis of the book Agriculture and Patriotism. “As his agricultural policy became crystallized”, writes Ranasinha, “I suggested to him that it would be desirable to outline his ideas in a series of Press articles. The suggestion came to my mind when I saw in the Press some articles on the development of arid Palestine by men and money of the Zionist Movement. ‘D.S.’ accepted my suggestion with enthusiasm, and we began thinking out, discussing and writing a series of articles to be published in a newspaper. These articles were later collected and published as a booklet entitled “Agriculture and Patriotism”.

A series of articles was written by the present writer in the Ceylon Daily News after a visit of several weeks to Palestine at the beginning of 1935. I lived in the Jewish settlements such as Rehovath, Givat Brenner and Emek. During this trip I was sent to Golda Meir, who was then in charge of a labour office and she invited me to her home in Tel Aviv on the sand dunes. Later she was Prime Minister of Israel which was previously a part of the British Mandate of Palestine. I brought back to Ceylon a book in English called The Fellah’s Farm, by a Mr. Villeani, of the agicultural experts. He had taken an Arab farmer and put him to work on an allotment of land. A neighbouring land under the same conditions was cultivated by methods used in modern farming. The Arab’s Land was worked under the supervision of the Superintendent and all his work was indexed in detail. Villeani had gathered interesting material enabling him to compare both methods of agiculture. I gave this book to Senanayake who was attracted by this kind of research and I have been told by Sir Arthur Ranasinha, who helped Senanayake with the book entitled Agriculture and Patriotism, that the idea of writing it came from The Fellah’s Farm.

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Ailing rubber sector?



Rubber production in Sri Lanka commenced in 1876, with the planting of nearly 2,000 rubber seedlings at the Henarathgoda Botanical Gardens in Gampaha. The total extent under rubber in 1890 was around 50 ha and in the early 1900s it increased to around 10,000 ha. By 1982 the total extent under rubber was around 180,000 ha. However, the total extent under rubber declined subsequently and at present it is around 130,000 ha.

If the present financial situation of the country is given serious consideration, it is obvious that the income from our export needs to be increased. Rubber is one of the important export crop. It contributes about 0.6% of the total GDP.

Based on Central Bank annual reports the total rubber production in 2013 was 130.4 .1 million Kg and by 2021 it has plummeted to 76.9 million kg. The corresponding average yields are 1247 kg/ha and 679 kg/ ha respectively. These figures indicate that the Sri Lankan rubber sector is ailing in spite of several institutions/projects such as Rubber Development Dep, Rubber Research Institute and STAR project.

According to Statistical Data of the Ministry of Plantation Crops, 130,349 ha are under rubber. 89,246 ha are in the small holder (SH) rubber sector and 41,103 ha are managed by Regional Plantation Companies (RPC). The productivity (kg/ha) of the SH sector in 2013 was 1247 and has decreased to 679 by 2021 a drop of 45%. These values indicate that the productivity of the SH sector has decreased substantially during 2013-2021.

Those in the SH sector gets relevant skills and knowledge through the extension officers who work at grass root level. Thus, extension officers have an important role to play in the proper management of the rubber plantations and increasing rubber yields of the SH sector. It is because of the importance of management practices in the rubber sector, in early 1980 the Advisory Services Dept. was established with the involvement of the Smallholder Rubber Rehabilitation project (SRRP) to make the SH aware of the practices which have an important bearing on the rubber yields. At that time there were nearly 150 rubber extension officers, working for the Advisory Services Department of the Rubber Research Board to assist the SH in the eight districts, to grow, process and market rubber. However, at present there are only around 20 extension staff in the Rubber Research Board and as a result the rubber extension programme appears to be very weak which may have contributed to the decrease (45% ) in the productivity of the SH rubber sector. Extension service has a vital role to play in motivating farmers to cultivate rubber and increase its productivity. Hence, if the government is keen to increase the productivity of this sector, which plays an important role in increasing export earnings, it is essential that the Ministry of Plantation Industries provides an effective extension service and has a Rubber Advisory Department. Perhaps, the Ministry may amalgamate the Rubber Development Department and the Extension Department of RRI as was in the past. It is not necessary for the government to incur additional expenses to implement such changes.

Dr. L.M.K.Tilakaratna, former Director of RRI, writing to THE ISLAND some time ago very correctly has indicated that communication gap between the RRI scientists and those in the SH is one of the reasons for the decrease in productivity. The rubber training centre located in Matugama which played a very important role in providing knowledge and skills to the SH sectors is not functioning. It is the responsibility of the Chairman of Rubber Research Board (RRB) to see that these activities which have an important bearing on the productivity of the rubber sector are carried out without any interruption. But, the Chairmen of RRB during the last few years appears to have not taken appropriate effective action on these issues. Perhaps it may be because they did not have adequate knowledge on the rubber industry.

Around 70% of the rubber holdings belong to the smallholder sector. There are nearly 100,000 rubber small holders (SH) who need to be provided with technical know- how of the activities involved from land preparation to processing, so that the rubber production is increased qualitatively and quantitatively. In this regard the extension activities are important. It is essential that a better extension service by a trained staff is provided to the rubber smallholders if the government is keen to increase the productivity of this sector.

Dr. C.S. Weeraratna,

Former Director, Advisory Services Department, Rubber Research Board.

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‘Sethusamudram stupid project’: BJP TNA Chief Annamalai points out ‘multiple’ objections: Response



ANI has, in a news item under the above caption in The Sunday Island has said the BJP Tamil Nadu K. Annamalai has reiterated his claim that the Sethusamudram waterway project fails on multiple fronts, one of which being the potential damage to the ‘Ram Sethu’ [bridge] which according to the epic ‘Ramayana’ was created to rescue Sita from the clutches of Ravana’. What a frivolous objection based on myth or legend at the expense of a development project. However, it is said that the Indian government intends to explore an alternative alignment so that no damage will be done to the Rama Sethu, which means that the Indian government is actively pursuing action on a request from Tamil Nadu to undertake the project by citing the benefits in international navigation through Palk Straits due to the shortening of distance and time.

It is recorded that this project was conceived as far back as in 1860 by Alfred Dunas Taylor during British rule and since then several feasibility studies had been done taking into consideration the objection of religious groups, fisheries, environmental and economic aspects. It is more likely, India may seriously concede to the request by Tamil Nadu and in which case, how will Sri Lanka be affected is a matter to be thought of and action taken to present our views. If this project is undertaken, ships will by-pass our main ports in the South, Colombo and Hambantota and load and unload cargo either at Kankesanthurai or Trincomalee. Our exports and imports will then have to be transported to Kankesanthurai or Trincomalee by rail, road or by ship. Thus, the importance of our main two ports on which we have invested to improve by large scale borrowing will be lost. On the other hand, if objections are raised by Sri Lanka, India may consider further improvements to Kankesanthurai and Trinco harbours as is seen India taking interest in undertaking projects to improve North in relaying the railway track destroyed by the LTTE, roads and also constructing houses including those of Tamil origin settled in estates and also the proposal to connect electricity supply, a vital utility for development of any country, from Tamil Nadu. With Jaffna having an International Airport and improved harbour facilities, Jaffna will be the main business hub, replacing Colombo. Added to all developments done to the North, now comes the news of proposals to implement the 13th Amendment, which will give wide powers for Northerners to transact business and self-rule, so to say, which would be advantages to India as our Tamil leaders look up to India. The keen interest India has taken to resolve the economic crisis by assuring IMF of its support is indicative of India’s interest in the affairs of our country, and maintaining peace in the South Asian region by thwarting attempts of China.

These are random thoughts of mine to be considered by authorities and wish to conclude posing a question – are we to be a colony of India, as we had been in the past with Portuguese, Dutch and the British?

G. A. D Sirimal


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Should only private sector employees pay income tax?



File photo of a recent protest against tax hikes

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera

Who currently amongst those who receive a salaried income is not on the streets protesting against the need to pay income tax? The obvious answer is only those working in the private sector. The private sector is often slammed for its reluctance to criticise the government for everything wrong with our country. So their reticence may once again result in only private sector employees paying income tax if the government caves into the demands of the public sector employees and trade unionists.

Based on media reports and television visuals, most state sector employees and those working in state-owned enterprises are on the streets demanding that they not be subject to income tax. Yes, a few say they don’t mind paying income tax but at a lower rate and whilst some demand greater transparency regarding how taxpayer money is spent. However, the overall impression created is that state sector employees don’t want to pay income tax.

As someone who worked in the private sector for nearly three decades and paid significant amounts as income tax, I, too, despised the lack of transparency and equity. However, I did not have the luxury of coming to the streets, refusing to pay the tax, or seeking judicial intervention. I had no choice. My employer deducted the tax and remitted the balance to my bank account.

Shockingly, those protesting against paying income tax are not on the breadline. I see there are two segments. The first lot is mostly public sector employees who are at least in middle management. The second is those in state-owned enterprises earning significantly high salaries and overtime despite being overstaffed.

Those working in the public sector who are out on the street are mostly university graduates who benefited from free education, demanded and received a government job, and earned a pension they never contributed to post-retirement. So their reluctance to pay income tax is perplexing, although many would put it down to the entrenched entitlement mindset.


As usual, the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA) has been the most vociferous of those objecting to increased income tax rates. That is not surprising because even in 2015, they went to the supreme court seeking relief from paying income tax at the highest rate then of 24%. When they failed, they approached the government requesting that doctors be categorised as part of the small and medium enterprises (SMEs) subjected to only 14%!

So it is unsurprising that they do not want to pay income tax at 36%. It amazes me that doctors, despite benefiting from free university education, the right to engage in private practice, and regular car permits have a great reluctance to pay income tax at the same rates as others. Many stories are circulating about how doctors ask patients to settle their fees in cash, particularly post-surgery, to avoid income tax on their fees.

The good doctors have been joined by judges, university professors, university teachers, engineers and bankers. The only lot that has not joined the protests are those working in the department of Inland Revenue! It would be ironic but not surprising if they do.

It is a shocking indictment of our country’s social fabric that the most supposedly educated citizens feel that they should not be paying income tax and that only those employed in the private sector should bear the income tax burden.


Having said that, I certainly endorse those who protest, saying there is a lack of will on the part of the government to reduce state expenditure and, of course, a lack of transparency as to how our taxes are spent and that rampant corruption is going unchecked.

The appointment of cabinet ministers and state ministers well above what is required solely for political expediency is a case in point. That those appointed are inefficient and some stand accused of corruption makes it even harder to digest.

The much-debated expenditure allocation of Rs 200 million for the independence day celebration whilst asking ordinary citizens to tighten their belts is proof of utter insensitivity and an entrenched mindset of political entitlement. Moreover, the explanation given by the President that the world might think that the country lacks the financial resources to celebrate independence day has left me and many other millions totally incredulous.

Several international aid agencies have assessed that over five million of the population cannot adequately feed themselves, and malnutrition among children is at an all-time high. In addition, foreign and local correspondents have filed media reports of the dire situation in our country. As such, the world is aware of our predicament, and this fact should not escape the President and his cabinet. So who are they trying to deceive?

A principle of good leadership is being able to “walk the talk.” In that respect, the President and his cabinet have been woefully lacking. My criticism is not just limited to the current President and cabinet. The parliament, which includes those in the opposition, can easily demonstrate their commitment to austerity measures that they demand from us by voting to curtail their benefits, such as closing down the parliamentary restaurant where it is claimed that sumptuous meals are served. In the overall context of government expenditure, it might be a meagre amount. However, they need to be seen “walking the talk”.

A media report reported that Rs 800 million had been spent on refurbishing a residence occupied by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. If this report is indeed correct, then it is an abominable act by someone who keeps repeating that he is with the common person.

A recent report that the Kurunegala Municipal Council has spent Rs. 60 million to remove a stone at a construction site where a building was being constructed for a Maternity and Child Clinic, whereas the approved cost was Rs. 9.3 million reflects the corruption that permeates all state institutions. That none will be charged and jailed for this offence is guaranteed.

I have highlighted a few minor examples of taxpayer money being robbed and wasted. It is, therefore, not surprising that some feel that being subjected to income tax is unfair.


There is no doubt that the tax net should be widened. Many liable to tax are not doing so as they are wilfully avoiding tax payment, with many not having a file at the IRD. It was recently reported that as many as 113 members of parliament do not have tax files. In many conversations, a question is raised whether all traders in Pettah have a tax file. From my experience in the private sector, I know that most wholesalers and distributors are either not paying taxes or what they pay is significantly understated. It is generally believed that most of the 500,000 grocery stores are not within the tax net. The IRD is at fault for not forcing these miscreants to register.

An eminently sensible proposal by Dr Nishan De Mel, head of the research agency Verite is to increase the withholding tax (WHT) on interest income to 10 per cent. He has argued that the additional tax collected would enable the government to give a tax reduction to those earning salaries above Rs 100,000 to maybe Rs. 500,000 per month. His suggestion is based on the assumption that most of our country’s “super rich” are underpaying taxes. Taxes collected as the source is guaranteed income for the state. An argument that may be put forward against this is that it will penalise pensioners who may not be liable for tax. The IRD issuing a tax direction can resolve this by confirming that the recipient is not liable for tax. The reluctance of the government to adopt the suggestion is perplexing, if not surprising.


Returning to why most state sector employees are reluctant to pay income tax, I believe that the reluctance has been ingrained in their DNA by successive governments by exempting them from income tax. This is because so many good social attributes are taught, and people are exposed to them at a young age.

In my case, my parents inculcated in me that I have a social responsibility to those underprivileged and, of course, the need to adhere to the law of any country I live. At 18, when I worked part-time as a petrol station attendant in the UK whilst studying, my salary was subject to income tax. Despite my nominal wage, I was conditioned to the need to pay income tax. It is the same discipline I adhered to during my working career, and even after my retirement pay my taxes every quarter without any underpayment or delay. It is the same for all private sector employees in our country, where the employer deducts income tax from the salary. So they are conditioned at an early age to the proverb, “Nothing is certain in life other than death and taxes.”

Those employed in state-owned enterprises have gotten used to the employer bearing the tax on their behalf. So the new rule that the employer will no longer be allowed to absorb the tax is causing them much distress. Yet, shockingly, such a scheme has been in existence. The mindset of state employees was illustrated when recently, an employee of the Ministry of Finance justified this practice by saying, “What does it matter whether the employer bears the tax? After all, the IRD receives the tax” It is a shocking reflection of the prevailing attitude.

It is a universally accepted social principle that those better off must contribute a fair share towards maintaining those less well off and other services that the state provides, either free or at subsidised price levels. The responsibility of paying income tax is even more critical in a society that has accepted free education and free health care should be a right of every citizen. It is, therefore, difficult to comprehend why our supposedly educated citizens who have immensely benefited from free education are now unappreciative of the need to repay the state and the citizens a fair share of their income. I am shocked that university professors and teachers, who are assumed to be a fountain of knowledge and appreciate social responsibilities, are also out on the street protesting against the increase in income tax rates. The same applies to those at the Central Bank, who should understand our economy’s perilous state more than others.

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