Midweek Review
Sri Lanka’s collective failure on the Geneva front
by Shamindra Ferdinando
Successive governments facilitated a high profile treacherous Geneva process by conveniently or incompetently refraining from exploiting former RAF pilot Michael Wolfgang Laurence Morris or Lord Naseby’s shocking disclosure in the House of Lords on Oct 12, 2017 to set the record straight as regards unsubstantiated war crimes.
The real issue is not defeat suffered by Sri Lanka at the UNHRC yesterday (23) but the failure on the part of successive governments to properly defend the armed forces.
Sri Lanka defeated the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which was widely considered to be invincible and the most ruthless terrorist organisation in the world, following a nearly three-year long combined security forces campaign. The war was brought to a successful conclusion on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon on May 19, 2009.
Sri Lanka’s collective failure to take advantage of Lord Naseby’s revelation as well as other related credible information in the public domain is nothing but betrayal of the war-winning armed forces. Lord Naseby provided the much needed ammunition to expose the Geneva lie two years after the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government betrayed the armed forces at the UNHRC in Oct 2015.
On behalf of Sri Lanka, the then Permanent Representative in Geneva Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinghe accepted the ‘Accountability Resolution 30/1’ on a specific directive from Premier Wickremesinghe-FM Mangala Samaraweera. Aryasinghe, who had earlier strongly opposed the US-led resolution at the informal discussions with the Core Group of Sri Lanka, is our Ambassador in Washington now.
A controversial US statement
The first indication that unsubstantiated war crimes accusations can be successfully countered was received at the first ever Colombo Defence Seminar conducted in late May-June 2011 during Lt. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya’s tenure as the Commander of the Army (July 2009-July 2013). Jayasuriya succeeded war-winning Army Commander Gen. Sarath Fonseka in the wake of an unprecedented dispute between the Rajapaksas and Fonseka. The Sinha Regiment veteran ended up as the common candidate at the 2010 presidential election challenging Mahinda Rajapaksa his Commander in Chief only a few months before.
Thanks to Wikileaks, the US role in making Fonseka the common candidate as well as ensuring the one-time LTTE proxy, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) extending support to him is in the public domain. The day the TNA declared its support to Fonseka, the unsubstantiated war crimes accusations should have been unceremoniously discarded. But, unfortunately, the war crimes accusations persisted even after the predominantly Tamil speaking northern and eastern electoral districts overwhelmingly voted for him.
At the first Defence Seminar, the then US Defence Advisor in Colombo Lt. Col. Lawrence questioned the very basis of allegations, including the execution of surrendered terrorists directed at the Army (58 Division/formerly Task Force I). The US official was responding to a query posed by retired Major General Ashok K. Mehta, formerly of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) deployed here, to Major General Shavendra Silva, the first General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the celebrated 58 Division. Silva, the incumbent Army Chief was there in his capacity as Sri Lanka’s then No 02 at the UN. Smith’s voluntary and spontaneous revelation, made weeks after the UNSG’s Panel of Experts (PoE) aka the Darusman report accused Sri Lanka of killing as many as 40,000 (paragraph 137) embarrassed the US (Sri Lanka Defence Symposium: Now, US suspects credibility of LTTE surrender offer with strap line…dismisses KP, Nadesan as ‘mouthpieces’ with no real authority – The Island, June 3, 2011)
The US State Department had no option but to claim Lt. Colonel Smith hadn’t represented the US at the seminar. The political leadership and Army Headquarters never exploited the US official’s statement. In fact, Smith’s statement made six years before Lord Naseby’s disclosure based on the then British Defence Advisor Lt. Col. Anthony Gash’s wartime dispatches, should have been the basis for Sri L:anka’s defence. It would be pertinent to examine why the first Rajapaksa administration never bothered to examine the US official’s statement. In fact, the Army never really pursued the matter during the tenure of Army Commanders – Daya Ratnayaka (Aug 2013-Feb 2015), Chrishantha de Silva (Feb-2015-June 2017) and Mahesh Senanayake (June 2017-August 2019) as Commander of the Army. Lord Naseby made his disclosure during Mahesh Senanayake’s tenure as the Commander. But, the Army never examined/exploited Lt. Col. Smith’s statement and that of Lord Naseby as part of Sri Lanka’s overall defence in Geneva.
The politically motivated US decision to slap a travel ban on incumbent Army Commander in Feb 2020 should be examined against the backdrop of the criminal negligence on Sri Lanka’s part to counter lies propagated in spite of having powerful ammunition. Actually a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) is necessary to ascertain the shocking lapses on the part of political and military leaderships that led to ‘Accountability Resolution 30/1’ in 2015 and the expansion of relentless and continuing Western campaign.
Yahapalanaya rejects Naseby disclosure
Treacherous politicians, some sections of the media and diplomatic community and the civil the society worked overtime to suppress Lord Naseby’s disclosure that threatened to undermine the devious Geneva project. The Geneva operation was meant to introduce a new Constitution that did away with Sri Lanka’s unitary status in the guise of addressing accountability issues. The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration spearheaded the despicable project. The then Joint Opposition (now SLPP) co-operated in that endeavor by being part of a parliamentary process to draft a new Constitution, spearheaded by Premier Wickremesinghe. President Sirisena remained an onlooker whereas his parliamentary group participated in the process. Wimal Weerawansa’s National Freedom Front (NFF) subsequently quit the process though his efforts to convince the JO to do so failed.
Lord Naseby’s disclosure threatened to weaken the yahapalana project. The Foreign Ministry under Ravi Karunanayake (RK received the appointment in the wake of Samaraweera’s removal as FM in May 2017) ridiculed Lord Naseby’s statement.
Did the Sri Lanka High Commission in London bring Lord Naseby’s statement to the Foreign Ministry’s attention? For want of a Foreign Ministry response to Lord Naseby’s very important statement, even a week after it was made, the writer, on Oct 20, 2017, sought an explanation from the Foreign Ministry. The Foreign Ministry response really disappointed a vast majority of people, who expected the government to use the House of Lords disclosure to counter lies that had been propagated by various interested parties. Instead of taking advantage of Lord Naseby’s statement, the Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mahishini Colonne declared: “The Government of Sri Lanka remains committed to the national processes, aimed at realizing the vision of a reconciled, stable, peaceful and prosperous nation. Engaging in arguments and debates in the international domain over the number of civilians who may have died at a particular time in the country will not help resolve any issues, in a meaningful manner, locally, except a feel good factor for a few individuals who may think that they have won a debate or scored points over someone or the other.”
The writer also raised Lord Naseby’s disclosure with the four-party Tamil National Alliance (TNA), one-time mouthpiece of the LTTE and the main Opposition in Parliament. The TNA refrained from responding to The Island queries submitted to TNA leader R. Sampanthan. In spite of over a dozen calls/sms to Raghu Balachandran of Sampanthan’s Office, The Island never received the TNA’s response. You may want to know when the set of questions regarding TNA’s response to Lord Naseby’s disclosure was submitted to that party. The Island submitted the following questions to TNA and Opposition Leader R. Sampanthan on Nov. 27, 2017 and repeatedly reminded the Opposition Leader’s Office of the delay on its part to respond: Have you (TNA) studied Lord Naseby’s statement made in the House of Lords on Oct. 12, 2017? What is TNA’s position on Naseby’s claims? Did TNA leaders discuss Naseby’s claim among themselves? Did TNA respond to MP Dinesh Gunawardena’s statements in Parliament on Naseby’s disclosure? And did TNA take up this issue with the UK High Commissioner James Dauris?
UK plays politics with Gash reports
The British HC too side-stepped the issue. When the writer raised the issue with Lord Naseby soon after his explosive Oct 12, 2017 disclosure, the Conservative Party member said that he received an assurance from the Minister of State for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Mark Field, that the issue at hand would be examined (FCO to study Naseby’s proposals – The Island, Oct 26, 2017). However, when the writer sought an explanation from the British HC in Colombo on the same matter, the mission dismissed Lord Naseby’s statement on the basis he was not speaking for the British government (Naseby’s call doesn’t reflect UK’s stand – HC, The Island Dec 6, 2017).
The UK never hesitated to praise Channel 4 News that propagated accusations that the Sri Lankan military massacred over 40,000 civilians. The then UK Prime Minister David Cameron went out of his way to praise the Channel 4 team accompanying him to Colombo for CHOGM 2013 when he addressed the media at the BMICH. Questions at this peculiar press conference were only fielded from a handpicked lot, especially from his retinue of embedded reporters from the UK brought with him. Is that another display of “British sense of justice and fair play”? But one plucky Lankan journalist Rajpal Abeynayake clearly shouted out “bloody hypocrites” as Cameron got up and left without taking any questions from independent journalists.
The UK should really examine its role here, how it had intentionally contributed to terrorism much to the disappointment of the majority of Sri Lankans. Let me remind you of a statement made by one-time UK High Commissioner in Colombo David Tattham in 1996 soon after the armed forces brought the Jaffna peninsula under the government control. Tattham, during a visit to Jaffna, urged the Diaspora not to fund the LTTE. But the UK didn’t take any notice of Tattham’s appeal. The LTTE was allowed to operate there with impunity.
Relevance of Offord’s speech
Despite being up to all types of villainy around the world (for example what did the ICC say recently about the behviour of her troops in Afghanistan and how London shamelessly passed hasty legislation to save their skins), the British are now championing human rights here in its new capacity as leader of the Sri Lanka Core Group without even examining the post-war situation. Perhaps a statement delivered by Matthew Offord, the current Chairman of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Sri Lanka (Lord Naseby is the Honorary President and Founder) on March 18, 2021 in the House of Commons debate on UK’s commitment to reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka underscored the need for a fresh examination of the war, post-war and related matters.
The following is the text of elected member Offord’s speech: “I start by highlighting my chairmanship of the all-party parliamentary group on Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka’s relationship with the rest of the world has been strongly shaped since the end of the conflict by allegations that the Army committed war crimes and crimes against humanity during the final phase of the civil war.
“A UN panel of experts reported in April 2011 that there were credible allegations of those crimes by both Government and Tamil Tiger forces. It remains my opinion that both sides were at fault. However, I regret the Government of Sri Lanka’s decision to withdraw support for UNHRC resolution 30/1 and note that previous domestic initiatives have failed to deliver meaningful accountability. I therefore urge the Sri Lankan Government to engage in a process that has the confidence of all on the island.
“But it would be remiss to state that the current Sri Lankan Government has failed to act. The Office on Missing Persons and the Office for Reparations are to be retained and strengthened, so that communities may build trust. It will be good to see reform of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and progress on the release of political prisoners. We must act as a critical friend to the country. We need to help strengthen democratic institutions, and we must trust Sri Lanka to develop its own judicial and non-judicial mechanisms.
“Since the end of the conflict, reconciliation has occurred among Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities. People are able to live wherever they wish. They benefit from state resources, such as free education and health services. Private land that was occupied by the military has been returned, former conflict areas have been de-mined with assistance from the United Kingdom, and more than 12,000 ex-LTTE— Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam—cadres have been rehabilitated. There is greater connectivity throughout the island and globally, and all of this has transformed the business sector and the lives of everyone in the country.
“But we should remember that a fresh resolution and accountability are not a panacea for addressing underlying tensions. Questions about how to address the legacy of the Sri Lankan conflict must be answered: what kind of justice is attainable? How should the victims of violations be treated in the process? What might punishment look like, and how can justice play a constructive role in forging a lasting peace?
“Draft legislation for a truth and reconciliation commission had been prepared under the previous Sri Lankan Government, and that could be revisited. If it gains universal support in Sri Lanka, truth seeking among all stakeholders, including the diaspora in many of our communities and constituencies could make a lasting difference. When these issues have been resolved, a sustainable and acceptable peace will endure. Given the goodwill between our two countries, I ask the Minister: how can the UK help to facilitate a TRC mechanism that is unique to the needs of Sri Lanka?”
Offord took a sensible and impartial stand on the Sri Lanka issue at the poorly attended debate.
Unfortunately, Offord has either deliberately or inadvertently been silent on the need to examine Gash reports pertaining to the Vanni war. The elected House of Commons member owed the public an explanation. Why shouldn’t the Conservative party member ask his government to release the entire set of Gash reports to help ascertain the truth?
Recently, former Sri Lanka Chief Justice Sarath Nanda Silva told the writer that examination of wartime dispatches from Colombo-based defence advisors and defence attaches would help Geneva to establish the truth. Those who had been pushing Sri Lanka on the human rights front are silent on their own records and tend to depend on faceless accusers. The CJ, 41 was referring to PoE declaration that war crimes accuser wouldn’t be examined till 2031. If Offord is really keen on post-war Sri Lanka reconciliation he should push for a thorough inquiry. By depriving access to wartime British HC dispatches from Colombo, one cannot help with the reconciliation.
The writer is sure Offord understands the British lost credibility by offering sanctuary to LTTE activist Adele Balasingham, wife of Anton Balasingham, British citizen of Sri Lankan origin. Did the British ever inquire into the possibility of Adele’s direct involvement with women suicide cadres? The possibility of Adele knowing the woman suicide bomber who targeted former Indian PM and Congress I leader Rajiv Gandhi can never be ruled out. If New Delhi is really interested in finding the truth it should be the first party to pick up this line of thinking.
How Sri Lanka helped enemy strategy
Sri Lanka facilitated Western strategy against the country by allowing anti-Sri Lanka propagandists a free hand. One-time Deputy Minister and retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera addressing a media briefing organized by civil society organization ‘Eliya’ backing Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidature at the 2019 presidential poll said that Lord Naseby’s disclosure could be the basis for Sri Lanka’s defence at the Geneva body. The Navy veteran was flanked by the then The Island political columnist C.A. Chandraprema (our present Permanent Representative in Geneva) and Ven. Medagoda Abhayatissa. Weerasekera, now the Public Security Minister, faulted the yahapalana government for not exploiting Lord Naseby’s revelation to Sri Lanka’s advantage (Lord Naseby’s call to revise Vanni death toll: Parliament faulted for not taking up vital issue – The Island Nov 8, 2017).
The SLPP government certainly owed the public an explanation how it used/failed to use Lord Naseby’s disclosure along with other credible information such as Lt. Col. Smith’s stand at the 2011 Colombo Defence seminar, Wikileaks revelations and still confidential UN report that dealt with the Vanni conflict and placed the total number of dead at 7,721 to build up a strong case.
The writer during separate media briefings during the Yahapalana administration raised the accountability issue and was told by Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, Mahinda Samarasinghe and Dayasiri Jayasekera the cabinet had never discussed Sri Lanka’s response to alleged war crimes allegations. Fonseka’s colleagues in Nov 2017 (Dayasiri Jayasekera in his capacity as the Cabinet spokesperson) and Aug 2018 (Mahinda Samarasinghe in his capacity as the SLFP spokesperson) revealed a pathetic situation. They acknowledged that the Cabinet of ministers had not discussed Sri Lanka’s defence nor examined the Geneva Resolution. Jayasekera reacted angrily when the writer queried about the lapse on the part of the government. Jayasekera declared that a statement made by Lord Naseby in the House of Lords would be used by the government appropriately at the right time, though the Cabinet was yet to discuss it.
Jayasekera said that they wouldn’t take up issues pursued by The Island the way the newspaper wanted. It had not been taken up by the Cabinet on the basis it wasn’t considered a grave matter, the Minister said. The Minister initially asserted that Lord Naseby’s statement wasn’t directly relevant to the Geneva issue (Cabinet spokesman provoked by query on govt response to Naseby move – The Island Nov 16, 2017).
When the writer asked the then Deputy Minister of National Policies and Economic Affairs Dr. Harsha de Silva whether Lord Naseby’s disclosure could be used at the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of the country’s human rights record at Geneva, the then UNPer said that the matter was not directly relevant to the UPR. He was responding to a query by The Island in his capacity as the leader of the country’s delegation to the UPR (The issue never discussed at cabinet: House of Lords statement not directly relevant to UPR-Dr. De Silva – The Island, Nov 14, 2017)
In spite of the change of government in Nov 2019, the country is yet to take tangible measures to expose the Geneva lie. The handling of the 46th Geneva session proved again Sri Lanka’s failure. Those responsible should keep in mind Geneva lie cannot be exposed by propaganda alone.
Midweek Review
Culture shift; research for people’s benefit
by Professor Athula Sumathipala
Two elections went without much fuss unlike in the past, particularly without any post-election violence. The new cabinet of ministers have sworn in, especially with a Minister for Science and Technology and the parliament has started its business. However, cannot be ‘business as usual’.
During the inauguration of the first session of the tenth parliament, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reiterated the role of science, technology and research in nation building. He stated that “we believe that the area where our economy can undergo a significant transformation is science and technology. If we examine the developed countries around the world, each has invested a substantial portion of its annual budget in new research”.
He also went on to say that “our goal is to make a significant leap in the field of scientific research. This is why we have established a dedicated Ministry of Science and Technology and appointed former Professor Chrishantha Abeysena from the Ragama Medical Faculty, who has vast experience in the field”. We have also appointed individuals like Prof Gomika Udugamasuriya, who has conducted major research in the United States and brought international recognition to Sri Lanka, as the Advisor to the President on Science and Technology. We expect this transformation in science and technology to bring about a major impact”.
The two-thirds mandate received by the President was ensured by the floating voters paving the way for a new political culture. The strong powerful message via a two-thirds mandate is not only for the politicians. It sends a strong signal to the government officials, and it does not stop there. It’s an equally strong, message for intellectuals, academic, and scientists.
It is also important to realise that the positions given to people in top research institutions are not privileges to be abused based on personal agenda, and the issue of zero tolerance for corruption and abuse of power is equally applicable to them too. Similarly, the message to the researchers is not just ‘publish or perish’. It’s not going to be business as usual and therefore the new slogan is, culture shift – research for peoples benefit; research for service and product development.
Research & Development, Innovation and Technology Transfer
The post-industrial knowledge economy of today clearly displays the close correlation among economic growth, innovation and indigenous research capacity. University-based research has been the most effective driver of such economically-relevant innovation. As a result, leveraging the public investment in universities and other institutions to stimulate innovative research and development (R&D) is now a critical need for a country to remain competitive in the global arena.
Most high-ranking universities in the world are not just teaching universities but they have transformed into to research universities. However, Sri Lanka needs a paradigm shift to make research and innovation core components of and not just in postgraduate education, but also in undergraduate to produce individuals with both a creative vision for innovation as well as sufficient intellectual breadth and depth to realise that vision. There is a clear association between a country’s health, research and development investment.
What is a strategy?
To me, a strategy is about capturing opportunities arising in a dynamic world, as scientific opportunities cannot always be foreseen. The flexibility to respond to novel ideas with solid potential is therefore crucial for success. For example, the Covid-19 pandemic created an unprecedented window of opportunity for research worldwide. Sri Lanka requires innovative R&D contributions to re-stabilise the economy, to ensure national security and for sustainable development in strategically important areas.
Therefore, a ‘culture shift’ is a must if research is for peoples benefit.
Culture shift – what does it entail?
Any culture shift demands change in thinking, feelings and behaviours; the triad. According to the cognitive theory thoughts are central to any feelings or behaviour. The way people think determine how they feel and behave. Therefore, ‘attitudes’ which is a significant component of thinking need to change for any modification in thinking or behaviour to happen.
What is success?
At the end of the day what we all want, either as individuals or as a society is ‘success’. It’s also crucial to understand that success is not a destination but it’s a journey But how do you define success?
The definition of ‘success’ is determined by one’s attitude towards ‘success’. Does it mean personal success or material gains for one’s own benefits or does it mean the public good arising from one’s efforts? Therefore, the resulting vision, strategy, focus all heavily depend on the attitude towards success, which is the driving force.
But that success should essentially be beyond “self”. Hence if one gets his attitude wrong, the resulting vision, strategy, focus all can be directed towards a ‘success’ which may even be a destructive one. The classic example is the LTTE separatist war, the war that brought destruction to every one irrespective of the language one spoke. Similarly, where knowledge is power and that too can cater to a destructive end.
Success in research
For a researcher, an institution where he is affiliated may have a proud history, may be a place of research excellence with a reputation for cutting edge research, an institution supporting future research leaders. But what does it mean to an ordinary citizen? What would such an institution offer for them? The ‘so what’ question, for the ordinary citizen.
It’s high time to reflect on this – research for whose benefit?
An academic or research institution can be a place that can offer a degree, a job, better life, promotion, good marriage, patent, opportunity to see the world through academic travel, publications, a thesis to hang dust in a library. However, let’s question over selves – what is there beyond us and for public good.
Serious reflection on what is beyond us is an urgent need; that is what the culture shift – research for people’s benefits demands. A paradigm shift in the way we look at the benefits and impact of research one does. In simplest term, impact is making a difference to people’s lives.
Why beyond us? Because we are products of free public education, we use public funds for research, and even public knowledge; the knowledge is also on most occasions is something others have left behind and we are enriching them through research.
Therefore, we have a moral and ethical obligation to think beyond us. It’s not only the politicians who should be transparent and accountable. We academics too are answerable to the public. This is the salient feature not recognised enough by the academia.
This is the culture shift I am talking about. Therefore, in the journey towards a ‘culture shift’, the ethos and the attitudes are crucial. Bad attitude is like a flat tire, you cannot go anywhere without changing it. Hence attitude change is central to everything.
Please also do remember change is generally resisted and challenging the ‘norm’ may be faced with significant animosity, especially from ego centric, self-centred, especially insecure personalities and power brokers.
In order to achieve an attitude change, it has to come within. Such an internal change will ignite the change externally. It’s a synergistic process. That is where agents of change are needed, it’s a prerequisite for a culture shift.
Hence to make this ‘culture shift; research for peoples benefit’, the agents of change should be scientists and researchers themselves. We need far sighted future research leaders, to be role models and genuine and committed research leaders. Such leadership attributes will count much more than academic brilliance. Hence a serious reflection of the attitudes of scientists of our time is demanded by the prevailing circumstances; especially in the current context.
In doing so we need to realise that, an action without a vision is drudgery and vision without action is only dreaming. Never dream, because those can easily be forgotten, instead we should have targets. Hence such a vision coupled with action can change the word.
We should remember any such change especially, a culture shift in research for peoples benefits need good teams and ethos to ignite transferable and sustainable changes. In such teams we need visionaries, theoreticians, but also pragmatists and activists. All these attributes will be rare in one person, and that is why we need teams. However, in a team; a true leader is different from a manager or a boss. Leaders manage the future and managers manage the day to day ‘mess’.
However, a ‘boss is even different to a manager. A true leader is a coach, a mentor, relies on goodwill, generates enthusiasm among the team members, say we, develop people, give credits to others and share benefits while accept the blame and defeat. They bind team members together. However, a ‘Boss’, demand and rely on authority only, says I, use people, take credit for success but blame others for failures, and thinks only about ‘my way’, and are ego centric and self-centred people.
The art of science is very much different from science. Most of the scientists are generally very good at their science. But what they lack is the art of science. That is the art of delivering scientific benefits by communicating about them to policy planners for public good and converting them into products and services. Ironically the conceptual frame work is non-existent in majority.
That is why there is plenty of research describing the problem (descriptive research) but no intervention research to rectify the problem. There is so much of descriptive research on CKDU (chronic kidney disease of unknown origin) but people continue to suffer from kidney failure and finally die short of their life. There is a load of research on human and elephant conflict but people continue to die being attacked by elephants. People still have to talk about monkeys challenging human life.
That is why a culture shift – research for people’s benefit is needed. But what should be the process.
The new government has a Ministry science and technology. However, is it only the duty of the Minister, the Ministry officials and the scientist and the far-sighted research leaders? No, the public also has an equal duty and responsibility. Why?
The public has an equal responsibility as they should not be expected to be passive recipients of the benefits. But a critique may say ‘do the general public have any insight into the word research’. Such an attitude is also a serious misperception that needs to change if one is expected to have a tangible culture shift. But is it a utopia?
Patient and public involvement and engagement (PPIE) or community engagement in medical research is firmly established in the West. It is now extending as a fundamental element of health research in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). It place public contributors at the centre of research and its outcomes, and helps ensure that its scope, processes, and evaluation are more relevant, appropriate and beneficial to the end users of research. There is overwhelming research evidence that the public frequently prioritise themes topics for research that are different to those of academics and health professionals. Research evidence also demonstrates that the quality and appropriateness of research is enhanced and the likelihood of successful recruitment to studies increased, and implementation of the findings is improved when the public are involved and engaged in research.
It is a process of active partnership between researchers, professionals, and members of the public in prioritising, designing and delivering research. It is defined as “research being carried out ‘with’ or ‘by’ members of the public rather than ‘to’, ‘about’ or ‘for’ them”.
The above is an absolutely essential component if one is serious in making this culture shift- research for peoples benefit.
Beyond any doubt what so ever we have brilliant researchers’ world leading in terms of conventional indicators of ‘success’ entirely from and academic point of view. However even that is also fragmented and patchy. There has to be an overarching research culture but even that will not deliver as it will be ‘business as usual’.
Finally it also demands not working in silos but in a truly respectful and mutually beneficial partnership. In such an ethos plagiarism (taking someone else’s work or ideas and passing them off as one’s own.) should be thoroughly condemned as it is a moral violation of research ethics. Patents will never be the sole protection against plagiarism. The silent good majority should be educated and empowered. Such a collective effort with public engagement and involvement will pave the way for the culture shift- research for peoples benefit which is a slogan of a minority right now. But it can be made ‘infectious’.
So once again let me reiterate – we need a culture shift – research for people benefit
Let’s work collectively not just to make Sri Lanka the granary of Asia, but also the intelligence warehouse/hub of Asia.
Midweek Review
Unfolding AKD security strategy
By Shamindra Ferdinando
On the eve of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Shavendra Silva’s retirement, Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (retd.) Sampath Thuyacontha declared the National People’s Power (NPP) government’s intention to review the armed force structures to ensure, what he called, optimal utilization of resources.
AVM Thuyacontha also proposed to enhance the armed forces operational efficiency by implementing targeted recruitment and focusing on quality over quantity in personnel selection.
Reforms in our opinion, too, are a must, especially knowing that many made a business out of the war against the separatist terrorists for it to drag on unnecessarily for so long, with the country suffering immeasurably in terms of lost lives and limbs, broken families, etc., etc. But such reforms should not have any kind of political connotations other than to fight wastage and corruption.
Defence Secretary Thuyacontha made the announcement at a Navy passing out parade at the ‘Naval and Maritime Academy’ (NMA) in Trincomalee on the evening of Dec. 28.
Present on the occasion were the then Navy Commander Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera and Commandant of the NMA Commodore R Joseph, a former Sri Lankan Defence Advisor at the Sri Lankan High Commission in New Delhi.
Against the backdrop of NPP leader Anura Kumara Disanayake (AKD) achieving the impossible at the presidential and parliamentary elections in September and November, last year, respectively, the new turn of events is certainly not surprising.
AVM Thuyacontha, who had been blacklisted by the SLAF, in March 2023, at the behest of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government for throwing his weight behind the NPP, is now at the helm of the country’s war-winning security forces. The then government found fault with the SLAF veteran for appearing on the NPP political platforms at a time the then government was fighting back the growing political threat posed by AKD. Along with the AVM, the government blacklisted two more SLAF personnel. They were barred from even entering any military facility.
The decorated helicopter gunship pilot successfully moved the Supreme Court against the SLAF decision and in early Sept. 2023, the SC bench, comprising Justices Yasantha Kodagoda and Arjuna Obeysekera, ordered that Thuyacontha be granted all retirement benefits he was deprived of a couple of months before. The government and the SLAF top brass ended up with egg on their faces.
Another senior retired officer, targeted by the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government, is Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekara, as he, too, earned the wrath of the government for publicly declaring his support for the NPP.
The government, as well as the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), politically feared the grouping of retired military and police officers openly supporting NPP. Action directed at Thuyacontha and Jayasekara was meant to discourage not only the retired but serving armed forces and their families. While Thuyacontha, in Sept. 2024 received appointment as the Defence Secretary, Jayasekara, one-time post-war Security Forces Commander, East, emerged as Deputy Defence Minister. AKD brought Jayasekara into Parliament through the NPP National List to ensure continuous supervision.
Whatever the differences between them, Wickremesinghe and Premadasa realized the unprecedented political threat posed by the retired armed forces fraternity and the serving military being supportive of NPP against the backdrop of Aragalaya activists overthrowing President Gotabaya Rajapaksa through unconstitutional means and nearly overrunning the Parliament thereafter.
By the time Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successor moved against Thuyacontha, in March 2023, the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) had already lost its politically commanding position over the retired armed forces and police. Following the eradication of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in May 2009, the Rajapaksas consolidated their position vis-a-vis armed forces. In fact, the process began during the 2007-2008 period as the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s Army turned things around in the Eastern and Northern theatres.
But let me stress that wouldn’t have been a reality without supportive and strategic roles played by then Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda’s Navy and then Air Vice Marshal Roshan Goonetilleke’s spearheading those two services. Even though Fonseka wanted to collect all the trophies for himself, it was the frontline military commanders that did the bulk of the work, undoubtedly very ably led by Fonseka, from Colombo, after he miraculously survived an attempt on his life by a female LTTE suicide bomber inside the Army Headquarters complex in April 2006.
AVM Thuyacontha, in his capacity as the Commanding Officer of No 09 attack helicopter squadron, earned a name for himself at the risk of his life. What really prompted Thuyacontha to throw his weight behind the NPP after his retirement?
AKD’s agenda
When the writer recently sought an explanation from an authoritative source regarding planned changes, without hesitation he underscored President Disanayake’s decision not to grant extensions to incumbent service commanders Lt. Gen. Vikum Liyanage (Army), Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera (Navy) and Air Marshal Udeni Rajapaksa (Air Force).
Although, the government hasn’t disclosed or given any indication yet regarding the proposed review of armed forces structures or what it intended to achieve, President Disanayake has effected changes. Lt. Gen. Liyanage and VA Perera were on their second extension and weren’t considered for further extensions. They were replaced by Lt. Gen. Lasantha Rodrigo, Deputy Chief of Staff and Chief of Staff VA Kanchana Banagoda.
Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Dinesh Nanayakkara hadn’t been considered for the top post. Nanayakkara, one-time Military Liaison Officer (MLO) at the time Gen. Kamal Gunaratne had served as the Defence Secretary, obviously failed to earn the confidence of the new political leadership.
Air Marshal Rajapaksa will retire on January 29, this year, and the obvious replacement is Chief of Staff AVM Sampath Wickramaratne, a celebrated fighter pilot.
In line with the overall changes in the defence sector, the NPP government may abolish the Office of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) thereby paving the way for the Defence Ministry to enhance its overall role. Perhaps, those who had been crushed by AKD at the presidential and parliamentary elections may have believed he would opt for a civilian Defence Secretary. They may never have thought AKD was going to accommodate a retired Maj. Gen. on its National List and make him Deputy Defence Minister.
AKD’s strategy should be examined with that of President Maithripala Sirisena (2015 January to 2019 November) who dealt a deadly blow to the defence setup by appointing four civilian defence secretaries, B.M.U.D. Basnayake (2015 Jan.-2015 Sept.), Karunasena Hettiarachchi (2015 Sept.-2017 July), Kapila Waidyaratne, PC (2017 July to 2018 Oct), and Hemasiri Fernando (2018 Oct. to 2019 April). The deterioration that had been caused by the Yahapalana political leadership that created an environment for the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) to carry out the Easter Sunday carnage during Hemasiri Fernando’s tenure.
Perhaps the Easter Sunday massacre could have been averted if the post of Defence Secretary was held by a retired military officer. The pathetic way Sirisena had handled Defence proved that he simply lacked even the basic knowledge in handling the vital subject, in spite of his experience as a Cabinet Minister.
After the humiliating security debacle, Sirisena brought in retired Army Commander Gen. Shantha Kottegoda. The country was in such turmoil with Sirisena at loggerheads with his Prime Minister Wickremesinghe at that time, he couldn’t fill the Secretary Defence post immediately after Fernando’s removal. Hemasiri Fernando was removed on April 25. Kottegoda received his appointment on April 29th.
AKD, who is also the leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna (JVP) that waged two unsuccessful terror campaigns in ’71 and 1987-1990, in a bid to grab power, did something no previous President had done. The President who holds the Defence portfolio brought in a retired senior officer to Parliament on the National List, specifically to serve as his Deputy. AKD also holds a Finance portfolio and, over the past couple of months, proved that regardless of his critics repeatedly questioning his experience is equal to the task, despite some serious blemishes in the form of shortages of basics, like quality rice and coconuts.
New appointments
AKD has declared that State Ministers wouldn’t be appointed. This decision is based on the NPP’s assertion that appointment of State Ministers is meant to appease lawmakers and nothing but a waste of public funds.
Since the presidential election AKD has made some key appointments/changes: (1) Within a week after winning the presidential election, Senior DIG Priyantha Weerasooriya was appointed as the Acting IGP. The appointment sealed the fate of Deshabandu Tennakoon who enjoyed the backing of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government, but was unceremoniously suspended by the Supreme Court on July 24, 2024. The SC declared that the order would be effective until the final determination of nine Fundamental Rights applications filed challenging his appointment as IGP. That dealt a severe blow to Wickremesinghe’s presidential election campaign. For the first time in our history, a national election was conducted in the absence of an IGP. Police headquarters handled the security admirably.
Weerasooriya’s appointment will be made permanent once the SC announced its determination in respect of FR applications filed against Tennakoon.
(2) In the first week of Oct., 2024, AKD replaced State Intelligence Service (SIS) head Maj. Gen. Suresh Sally. Intelligence services veteran Sally who had held the top post since 2019 after the presidential election, was replaced by DIG Dhammika Kumara. The SIS had been always run by a senior police officer until Gotabaya Rajapaksa brought in Sally in place of Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena, the man in the centre of controversy over the failure on the part of the Yahapalana leadership to thwart the Easter Sunday carnage.
Successive governments bent backwards to appease influential Jayawardena to such an extent the senior DIG was able to continue in police regardless of proven allegations against him in respect of the Easter Sunday security failure. The National Police Commission (NPC) sent him on compulsory leave only in July 2024, five years after near simultaneous NTJ suicide blasts claimed the lives of 270 Lankans and foreigners and caused injuries to over 400 others.
(3) In December last year, Brigadier Deepatha Ariyasena received appointment as head of Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), the premier intelligence arm of the government. Like the new head of SIS, Dhammika Kumara, Brig. Ariyasena, in spite of not having an intelligence background, is expected to build up the respective ‘formations.’ Ariyasena replaced Brigadier Chandrika Mahathanthila.
(4) Maj. General Ruwan Wanigasooriya was brought in as new Chief of National Intelligence (CNI), a post held by Maj. Gen. Ruwan Kulathunga since June 2019. The Yahapalana administration erred in bringing in a retired senior policeman, much respected investigator DIG Sisira Mendis as CNI. Coupled with the appointment of civilians as Secretary Defence, the appointment of the retired DIG Mendis as directed by the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, too, contributed to the overall intelligence failure that led to the horrific Easter Sunday carnage.
Regardless of various investigations, at different levels, the country still does not know why the Easter Sunday carnage couldn’t have been thwarted. Although many questioned the failure on the part of the intelligence community to act on specific information provided by India, perhaps sufficient attention hadn’t been paid to the pathetic way the government disregarded its own investigations.
SS retirement
Gen. Shavendra Silva, wartime General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the celebrated 58 Division, in his farewell message made reference to only one other officer who served with him. That was military leader and strategist Chagie Gallage, who retired in late August 2018. Both Gajaba Regiment veterans played crucial roles in the war against the LTTE and as Gen. Silva recalled his senior colleague had been the war-winning Army Chief Sarath Fonseka’s first choice as the Commanding Officer of Task Force 1 established to conduct offensive action on the Mannar theatre.
Due to sudden illness that befell Gallage, Silva was named the TF 1 commander and the rest is history. Like Gallage, Silva, too, retired while facing unsubstantiated war crimes accusations. Gallage remained to date the only officer to boldly raise the contentious issue at the time he delivered his farewell speech at the regimental headquarters.
A week after his retirement on Aug. 31, 2018, Gallage praised the Gajaba Home at Saliyapura, Anuradhapura: “Gajaba was engraved in golden letters in the annals of the history of the Sri Lanka Army, if not in the history of Sri Lanka … and I’m certain it will never be reversed by any.”
“So, I’m happy to be retired being a tiny particle of that proud chapter of our history, though designated as a ‘War Criminal.”
In a few lines, Gallage delivered a devastating attack on all those who had shirked their responsibility for countering lies propagated by interested parties until sections of the Army were categorised as war criminals. Gallage’s was a case in point.
Gallage dealt with a range of issues on the eve of the 35th anniversary of the Gajaba Regiment. There had never been a previous instance of an officer having the courage to question at a farewell banquet, about him being unfairly categorized as a war criminal. It would be pertinent to examine why Gallage declared: “So, I’m happy to be retired being a tiny particle of that proud chapter of history, though designated as a ‘War Criminal.’”
Now that the new government has declared its intention to review the armed force structures to ensure what he called optimal utilization of resources, it should without further delay pay attention to war crimes accusations. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s war-winning government, as well as subsequent governments, pathetically failed to build a proper defence on the basis of Lord Naseby’s revelations in Oct. 2017, made two years after the treacherous Yahapalana leadership betrayed our war-winning valiant armed forces at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).
Led by Sirisena and Wickremesinghe, it became the only government in the world to move resolution against its own armed forces before the world.
Australia denied a visa to Gallage during the Yahapalana government. The government did nothing. The US declared a travel ban on Silva in Feb. 2020. Let me reproduce the declaration made by the then US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, on Feb. 13, 2020: “I am designating Shavendra Silva making him ineligible for entry into the US due to his involvement in extrajudicial killings during Sri Lanka’s Civil War. The US will not waver in its pursuit of accountability for those who commit war crimes and violate human rights.”
Sri Lanka never had a cohesive action plan to defend its armed forces, thereby allowing those who couldn’t stomach Sri Lanka’s triumph over the Tiger terrorist and their supporters’ project to relentlessly pursue war crimes accusations against the country. Lord Naseby’s disclosure, based on information obtained from the UK government, proved that Sri Lanka never pursued a policy meant to kill Tamils and 40,000 civilians didn’t perish as alleged by the UN Panel of Experts in March 2011. Not only that Sri Lanka also disregarded wartime US Defence Advisor Lt. Col. Lawrence Smith’s declaration against the unsubstantiated claims of battlefield executions. In other words, the US official contradicted retired General Sarath Fonseka’s utterly irresponsible and treacherous accusations pertaining to battlefield executions carried out by the 58 Division.
Gen. Silva, on the eve of his retirement, mentioned battlefield exploits of his Division. But, what really interested the writer was his denial of serving the interests of foreign powers bent on ousting Gotabaya Rajapaksa in line with US-India geopolitical strategy as alleged by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa. The economic, political and social crisis created by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government as ruled by the Supreme Court facilitated external interventions. Under no circumstances can we forget that no less a person than then Speaker Mahinda Abeywardena declared in Parliament that external power made an overt intervention and, according to Weerawansa, that was the US.
Midweek Review
When Tycoons Hold the Reins
By Lynn Ockersz
‘The World’s Mightiest Democracy’,
In star-gazing tycoons has kept its faith,
Hoping that the ‘trickle-down-theory’,
Would somehow take full effect,
And that the voting and hoping millions,
Would come by some morsels of food,
Falling off the banquet tables of the rich,
But alas, it has forgotten the wise adage,
That a ‘Camel’ cannot wriggle through,
The ‘Eye of a Needle’ and has lost sight,
Of the prophetic truth of scientific bent,
That a ruler’s economic condition,
Would shape his mind or Consciousness.
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