Connect with us

Features

Sri Lanka in a Changing World: Challenges and Opportunities Ahead

Published

on

President Dissanayake with newly-appointed Cabinet members

by Amarasiri de Silva

In contemporary world politics, there is a noticeable trend of working-class voters shifting their allegiances, leading to significant political realignments that influence the formation of governments. This phenomenon in world politics reflects a growing dissatisfaction among working-class communities with traditional party structures and their perceived inability to address issues like economic inequality, job security, and improving living conditions.

In many countries, this shift has seen the working class gravitate toward political parties or movements that prioritise populist rhetoric, nationalism, or anti-globalisation policies. In the contemporary world, several countries support political movements or parties that emphasise protectionist economic strategies, critique elite governance, and advocate for greater national sovereignty, disrupting traditional political landscapes. In the United States, the Republican Party under Donald Trump adopted “America First” policies, drawing working-class voters who had historically supported Democrats. In the United Kingdom, the Brexit movement, backed by the Conservatives, championed leaving the European Union to reclaim sovereignty, shifting traditional Labour voters in the “Red Wall” regions. Similarly, in France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally has attracted disillusioned working-class voters with its anti-globalisation and protectionist agenda. Italy has seen parties like the Brothers of Italy, the League, and the Five Star Movement rise to prominence with Eurosceptic and nationalist platforms, while in Eastern Europe, Hungary’s Fidesz and Poland’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) combine economic protectionism with critiques of EU overreach. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro appealed to voters frustrated with traditional labour-oriented parties by promoting nationalist economic policies, while India’s BJP under Narendra Modi emphasises self-reliance through the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative. Similar trends are visible in Germany, where the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has gained traction in former East German states, and in Australia, where right-leaning factions push for stricter immigration controls and protectionist policies. Across these countries, such movements reflect broader dissatisfaction with globalisation, neoliberalism, and the perceived detachment of traditional center-left parties from their core voter base.

Profound implications

The implications of this trend are profound. Governments formed through such coalitions often reflect the working class’s concerns, such as prioritising domestic industries, revising trade agreements, and addressing immigration policies. However, the realignment also challenges political stability, as it disrupts long-established ideological divides and compels parties to adapt to rapidly changing voter bases. This dynamic reshaping of voter blocs highlights a transformative period in global politics, where the working class’s evolving priorities play a pivotal role in determining political leadership and government formation.

According to Lawrence Wilson in the Epo Times, the 2024 U.S. presidential election may go down in history as a turning point when Republican and Democratic voter bases underwent a significant reorganisation along class lines, as highlighted by some political experts. While signs of this trend have been visible over the past four election cycles, the 2024 election marked a decisive shift in the political alignment of key demographics.

This realignment reflects a growing divide in political preferences between working-class and higher-income, highly educated voters. In 2024, the Republican Party of the USA attracted substantial support from working-class voters, many of whom expressed frustration with economic policies, cultural shifts, and perceived neglect by the political elite. These voters increasingly viewed the Grand Old Party (GOP) or republicans as a party that champions their economic and cultural concerns, such as job security, manufacturing revitalisation, and opposition to progressive social policies.

Departure from tradition

Conversely, higher-income voters and those with advanced educational backgrounds continued to favour the Democratic Party. This demographic has increasingly embraced the party’s focus on progressive policies, climate change, social justice, and globalisation. Democrats also garnered strong support from urban and suburban professionals, who align with their platform’s emphasis on diversity, equity, and technological innovation.

This shift represents a significant departure from traditional political coalitions. Historically, the Democratic Party was closely associated with the working class, mainly through labour unions and New Deal-era policies. Meanwhile, the Republican Party had strong ties to wealthier, business-oriented constituencies. The 2024 election has upended this dynamic, underscoring a growing cultural and economic polarization in American politics.

The realignment not only reshapes the ideological identity of both parties but also has profound implications for future elections and policymaking. As class increasingly defines political affiliation, voter engagement, campaign messaging, and coalition-building strategies will need to adapt to this evolving landscape. This shift could intensify debates about income inequality, economic reform, and cultural identity, making class a central axis in the USA’s political discourse.

Similarly, the 2024 parliamentary election in Sri Lanka marked a pivotal moment in the country’s political history, reflecting the deep dissatisfaction of its citizens with the ruling elite and their demand for a transformative change. This election was not merely a political event but the culmination of years of socio-economic instability, public frustration, and growing discontent with a government perceived to have failed its people in fundamental ways. The resounding victory of the left-oriented National People’s Power (NPP)/Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), which secured more than two-thirds of the parliamentary seats, symbolised a seismic shift in the nation’s political landscape and priorities.

Economic challenges

For years, Sri Lanka has been grappling with severe economic challenges. By 2024, the cost of essential goods had reached unprecedented levels, placing an immense burden on the working class and vulnerable communities. The price of rice, the staple food for the majority of Sri Lankans, had skyrocketed, leaving many households struggling to afford basic meals. Widespread inflation, stagnant wages, and ineffective government intervention compounded this economic strain. These hardships created a fertile ground for resentment, with citizens increasingly blaming the incumbent government for their worsening living conditions.

At the heart of the public’s grievances was the issue of corruption. Allegations of widespread misuse of public funds, nepotism, and inefficiency plagued the ruling administration. Corruption had become an omnipresent menace, undermining public trust in state institutions and eroding faith in the country’s leadership. The perception that those in power prioritized personal wealth and political patronage over the welfare of the people became a rallying point for protests and calls for accountability. People called for a system change, which they thought was the remedy for the overarching government inefficiency. For many, the government’s inability to address these issues symbolized a broader failure of governance and a betrayal of public trust.

Critical shortages

Adding to this volatile situation were critical shortages of essential goods, including life-saving medicines and hospital supplies. Some nutrition surveys showed that over 26% of children in the country were malnourished. The healthcare system, already under strain, became a visible and painful symbol of the government’s incompetence. The inability to provide even the most basic necessities amplified public outrage, particularly among those most vulnerable to these shortages. This crisis highlighted the systemic weaknesses in the country’s infrastructure and the government’s failure to prioritise the needs of its people during a time of widespread suffering.

The growing economic and social turmoil led to a powerful citizen movement starting from Aragalaya as a public manifestation of the igniting frustration. Protests, strikes, and demonstrations became common as Sri Lankans from all walks of life united in their demand for change. This grassroots uprising was not confined to urban centers; it extended into rural areas, estate sector, mobilising farmers, workers, and youth alike. What began as a spontaneous outpouring of frustration soon evolved into a cohesive movement that rejected the political status quo of elite politics and sought meaningful reform. The momentum of this movement carried over into the parliamentary election, significantly influencing voter behavior and galvanising support for the NPP/JVP as a viable alternative.

NPP as beneficiary

The National People’s Power, led by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, emerged as the primary beneficiary of this wave of public discontent. The party positioned itself as a champion of the working class and the rural poor, promising to tackle corruption, reduce economic inequality, and address the immediate needs of the people. Their campaign focused on transparency, accountability, and social justice, resonating deeply with a population that had grown disillusioned with traditional political elite and the political parties. The NPP/JVP’s grassroots organising efforts and ability to articulate ordinary Sri Lankans’ concerns proved to be a decisive factor in their success.

The election results were nothing short of historic. The NPP/JVP secured an overwhelming two-thirds majority in parliament, giving them a solid mandate to implement their reform agenda. This is the first time in the history of preferential votes that a single party had won the election with a two-thirds majority. This landslide victory not only signaled the rejection of the ruling elite but also reflected the electorate’s demand for a government that prioritised the needs of the people over entrenched political and economic interests. For many, the election was a vindication of their struggles and a hopeful step toward a more equitable and just society.

The implications of the 2024 election are profound. It represents a turning point in Sri Lanka’s political trajectory, where the voices of the working class and marginalised communities reshaped the nation’s governance.

The newly elected government in Sri Lanka faces formidable challenges that will test its capacity to deliver on the promises that won it a sweeping mandate. At the forefront is the task of addressing the country’s deepening economic crisis. Years of mismanagement and corruption have left the economy in shambles, with soaring inflation, depleted foreign reserves, widespread unemployment, and trained people migrating abroad.

Need for new approach

To address these issues, the government should adopt a project-by-project approach while incorporating a cross-sectional perspective to ensure comprehensive solutions. For instance, the significant expenditure on milk powder imports could be tackled as an independent project. This would involve analyzing the root causes of high dependency on imports, such as insufficient local dairy production, and implementing targeted interventions to boost domestic output.

Such a project could include measures like incentivizing local farmers, improving dairy farming infrastructure, enhancing supply chains, and providing technical assistance to improve productivity. By addressing this specific issue as a standalone project, the government can create a focused strategy that reduces reliance on imports and strengthens the local economy. Simultaneously, adopting a cross-sectional perspective ensures that related sectors, such as agriculture, trade, and rural development, are considered in the planning and implementation phases, leading to a more integrated and sustainable outcome. This dual approach allows the government to tackle pressing issues efficiently while maintaining a holistic view of long-term development goals.

Rebuilding economic stability will require swift and effective policies to reduce the cost of living, revitalize key industries, and foster sustainable growth. Simultaneously, the government must attract foreign investments and secure international financial support while ensuring these efforts do not compromise national interests or burden future generations with unsustainable debt. Focusing on the bourgeoning tourist sector alone would be disastrous in the long run. The country needs stable industries to bring foreign wealth into the country.

Restoring public trust is another critical hurdle. Successive governments have eroded confidence in state institutions through systemic corruption and inefficiency for decades. The new administration must demonstrate an unwavering commitment to transparency, accountability, and good governance. This involves taking concrete steps to combat corruption at all levels of government, prosecute those responsible for previous misdeeds, and rebuild the judiciary and law enforcement as independent, trustworthy entities. Such measures will reinforce faith in the government and create a culture of accountability that deters future misconduct.

The country’s transport networks now struggle to meet even basic demands, causing inefficiencies and delays that directly impact productivity. Similarly, the energy grid suffers from instability and limited reach, leaving many areas underserved and slowing the pace of industrial and technological advancement. Healthcare facilities, which should serve as a lifeline for the nation, are overwhelmed by shortages of resources and outdated infrastructure, making it increasingly challenging to provide adequate care. These pressing issues necessitate immediate action to rebuild and modernize infrastructure, ensuring it can meet current and future needs.

The new government must take bold steps to prioritize infrastructure investments that benefit the broader population. Resuming and reconfiguring essential projects, such as the previously suspended light railway initiative funded by the Japanese government, would enhance public transportation and alleviate congestion in urban centers. Additionally, expanding access to clean water and reliable electricity must be at the forefront of development efforts, as these are fundamental to improving living standards of people in the dry zone areas who suffer from kidney disease caused by drinking polluted water.

Modernizing hospitals and schools is equally vital, as these institutions play a critical role in fostering a healthy and educated workforce capable of contributing to the nation’s recovery. Notably, the government must ensure that these investments address longstanding regional disparities by promoting equitable development across both urban, estate and rural sectors. By focusing on inclusive infrastructure reform, Sri Lanka can lay the foundation for a more resilient and prosperous future, restoring public confidence and enabling the country to achieve its full potential. Restructuring education facilities is crucial for fostering a fair and equitable society while addressing the persistent rural-urban disparities in education.

In Sri Lanka, rural schools often face significant challenges, including inadequate infrastructure, a lack of qualified teachers, and limited access to resources, which put students at a distinct disadvantage compared to their urban counterparts. To bridge this gap, it is essential to identify and support talented students from rural areas by providing scholarships that enable them to study in well-resourced urban schools. This approach not only enhances their educational opportunities but also helps to level the playing field, ensuring that all students, regardless of their geographic location, have a fair chance to succeed.

A broader and more comprehensive strategy to support this vision would involve creating government-funded scholarship programs targeted at high-achieving rural students who gain university admission. These scholarships would ensure that financial barriers do not prevent talented students from accessing higher education, allowing them to realize their full potential. As a further step, a select group of these students could be provided with opportunities to pursue advanced degrees at reputed institutions in Western countries, including postgraduate and doctoral studies. This dual pathway—domestic support combined with international exposure—would elevate individual academic achievements and benefit the nation as a whole.

This model has already proven successful in several Southeast Asian countries, such as China, India, and Thailand. In these nations, governments sponsor students to complete advanced degrees abroad, particularly in high-demand fields like science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), with a clear stipulation that they return home after their studies. These returnees bring back advanced knowledge, cutting-edge research techniques, and international networks, contributing significantly to national development. For example, China’s “Thousand Talents Program” and India’s focus on sending students to premier institutions have established world-class research facilities and industries driven by highly skilled professionals. Such initiatives have fostered innovation, boosted economic competitiveness, and addressed pressing societal challenges.

By adopting similar policies, Sri Lanka can create an education system that values merit and equity, ensuring that the nation’s brightest minds are identified, nurtured, and given opportunities to thrive regardless of their socioeconomic background. Additionally, a return obligation for students who study abroad ensures that the nation’s investment yields direct benefits, as these individuals would contribute to the local workforce, research ecosystems, and policy frameworks. Furthermore, this approach would help bridge the rural-urban divide in education, empowering students from underserved areas to play a significant role in national progress.

Policy implementation

Implementing such a policy would require a well-thought-out framework, including partnerships with prestigious foreign universities, the establishment of monitoring systems to track scholarship recipients, and career development pathways upon their return. With such a strategy, Sri Lanka could cultivate a generation of skilled professionals and innovators to lead the country toward sustainable development and global competitiveness.

Despite these challenges, the 2024 election presents a rare and transformative opportunity for Sri Lanka. The electorate’s decisive shift toward a left-oriented party with a strong mandate signals a collective desire for bold, systemic reforms. This mandate empowers the government to break free from the cycles of corruption and inefficiency that have long hindered the nation’s progress. It provides a platform to enact policies that prioritize the needs of the working class, promote social justice, and foster inclusive growth. By leveraging this momentum, the new administration can initiate structural changes that address immediate crises and lay the groundwork for a more equitable and resilient society.

The election also marks a significant shift in the political consciousness of the Sri Lankan people. By voting overwhelmingly for change, citizens have sent a clear message that they will no longer tolerate empty promises and exploitative politics. This newfound accountability will likely act as a check on the government, ensuring it remains focused on fulfilling its mandate.

Furthermore, the election has energized civil society, fostering a culture of activism and engagement that can serve as a vital partner in shaping the country’s future.

While the new government in Sri Lanka faces daunting challenges, it also has an unparalleled opportunity to redefine the country’s political and economic trajectory. Combining a strong mandate, widespread public support, and a collective demand for change creates a unique environment for meaningful reform. By addressing the economic crisis, restoring trust, and rebuilding infrastructure, the government has the chance to resolve the immediate issues and usher in an era of sustainable development and inclusive governance.

Proposals from the Opposition

As I highlighted in my earlier writings, the new government should actively consider and adopt the beneficial policies and programmes proposed by the Opposition to ensure inclusive and progressive governance. One notable example I previously emphasized was the digitalization of the economy, a transformative initiative that could significantly boost the country’s revenue. By leveraging modern technology and digital frameworks, Sri Lanka can create new income streams, streamline administrative processes, and attract foreign investments, which is critical for addressing the country’s pressing foreign debt crisis.

I am glad to see the government making positive strides toward digitalization, reflecting a dedication to modernization and economic reform. As an initial measure in the digitalization journey, I hope the government will digitalize identity cards, transforming them into multi-functional cards that can also serve as driver’s licenses, and bank account cards. However, the success of these efforts hinges on the administration’s ability to maintain transparency, accountability, and a steadfast dedication to the aspirations of the people who have placed their trust in them.

Digitalization, while promising, requires careful execution to avoid inefficiencies and ensure that its benefits are equitably distributed across all sectors of society. The government must foster an open dialogue with stakeholders, remain vigilant against corruption, and prioritize the public good over political interests. If executed with integrity and foresight, the digitalization initiative has the potential not only to alleviate immediate economic challenges but also to lay the foundation for long-term growth and prosperity in Sri Lanka.

The 2024 parliamentary election in Sri Lanka was not merely an electoral contest but a profound statement of the people’s desire for change. It highlighted the power of collective action in the face of adversity and underscored the importance of addressing economic and social justice issues in a meaningful way. The victory of the NPP/JVP, fueled by widespread public frustration and a call for accountability, marks a new chapter in Sri Lanka’s political history, one that offers both challenges and opportunities for the nation’s future.

I sincerely and fervently hope that the NPP/JVP government will rise to the occasion and effectively fulfill the monumental tasks entrusted to it by the people of Sri Lanka. Having secured a strong mandate in the 2024 election, the government now carries the immense responsibility of addressing the economic crisis, rooting out systemic corruption, and rebuilding trust in public institutions. This is a pivotal moment in the country’s history, offering an opportunity to break away from the cycles of inefficiency and inequality that have long hindered progress.

By implementing bold reforms and prioritizing the needs of the working class and marginalized communities, the NPP/JVP has the potential to deliver immediate relief and set Sri Lanka on a path of sustainable development and social equity. The hope remains that this administration will harness its mandate with determination and integrity, ensuring that the trust placed in it by the people is not in vain.



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Sri Lanka’s new govt.: Early promise, growing concerns

Published

on

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s demeanour, body language, and speaking style appear to have changed noticeably in recent weeks, a visible sign of embarrassment. The most likely reason is a stark contradiction between what he once publicly criticised and analysed so forcefully, and what his government is actually doing today. His own recent speeches seem to reflect that contradiction, sometimes coming across as confused and inconsistent. This is becoming widely known, not just through social media, YouTube, and television discussions, but also through speeches on the floor of Parliament itself.

Doing exactly what the previous government did

What is now becoming clear is that instead of doing things the way the President promised, his government is simply carrying on with what the previous administration, particularly Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government, was already doing. Critically, some of the most senior positions in the state, positions that demand the most experienced and capable officers, are being filled by people who are loyal to the JVP/NPP party but lack the relevant qualifications and track record.

Such politically motivated appointments have already taken place across various government ministries, some state corporations, the Central Bank, the Treasury, and at multiple levels of the public service. There have also been forced resignations, bans on resignations, and transfers of officials.

What makes this particularly serious is that President Dissanayake has had to come to Parliament repeatedly to defend and “clean up” the reputations of officials he himself appointed. This looks, at times, like a painful and almost theatrical exercise.

The coal procurement scandal, and a laughable inquiry

The controversy around the country’s coal power supply has now clearly exposed a massive disaster: shady tenders, damage to the Norochcholai power plant, rising electricity bills due to increased diesel use to compensate, a shortage of diesel, higher diesel prices, and serious environmental damage. This is a wide and well-documented catastrophe.

Yet, when a commission was appointed to investigate, the government announced it would look into events going back to 2009, which many have called an absurd joke, clearly designed to deflect blame rather than find answers.

The Treasury scandal, 10 suspicious transactions

At the Treasury, what was initially presented as a single transaction, is alleged to involve 10 transactions, and it is plainly a case of fraud. A genuine mistake might happen once or twice. As one commentator said sarcastically, “If a mistake can happen 10 times, it must be a very talented hand.” These explanations are being treated as pure comedy.

Attempts to justify all of this have sometimes turned threatening. A speech made on May 1st by Tilvin Silva is a case in point, crude and menacing in tone.

Is the government losing its grip?

Former Minister Patali Champika has said the government is now suffering from a phobia of loss of power, meaning it is struggling to govern effectively. Other commentators have noted that the NPP/JVP may have taken on a burden too heavy to carry. Political cartoons have depicted the NPP’s crown loaded with coal, financial irregularities, and political appointments, bending under the weight.

The problem with appointing loyalists over qualified professionals

Appointing own supporters to senior positions is not itself unusual in politics. But it becomes a betrayal of public trust when those appointed lack the basic qualifications or relevant experience for the roles they are given.

A clear example is the appointment of the Treasury Secretary, someone who was visible at virtually every NPP election campaign event, but whose qualifications and exposure/experiences may not match the demands of such a critical position. Even if someone has a doctorate or professorship, the key question is whether those qualifications are relevant to the role, and whether that person has the experience/exposure to lead a team of seasoned professionals.

By contrast, even someone without formal academic credentials can succeed if they have the right skills and surround themselves with advisors with relevant exposure. The real failure is when loyalty to a political party overrides all other considerations, that is a fundamental betrayal of responsibility.

The problem is not unique to this government. In 2015, the appointment of Arjuna Mahendran as Central Bank Governor was a similar blunder. His tenure ended in scandal involving insider dealing and bond market manipulation. However, in that case, the funds involved were frozen and later confiscated by the following government, however legally questionable that process was.

The current Treasury losses, by contrast, may be unrecoverable. Critics say getting that money back would be next to impossible.

The broader damage: Demoralisation of capable officials

When loyalists are placed above competent career officials in key positions, it demoralises the best public servants. Some begin to comply in fear; others lose motivation entirely. The professional hierarchy breaks down. Junior officials start looking over their shoulders instead of doing their jobs. This collective dysfunction is ultimately what destroys governments.

Sri Lanka’s pattern: every government falls

This pattern is deeply familiar in Sri Lankan history. The SWRD Bandaranaike government, which swept to power in 1956 on a wave of popular support, had declined badly by 1959. The coalition government, which came to power reducing the opposition to eight seats, lost in 1977, and, in turn, the UNP, which came in on a landslide, in 1977, crushing the SLFP to just eight seats, suffered a similar fate by 1994.

Mahinda Rajapaksa came to power in 2005 by the narrowest of margins, in part because the LTTE manipulated the Northern vote against Ranil Wickremesinghe. But he was re-elected in 2010 on the strength of ending the war against the LTTE. Still, by 2015, he was voted out, because the benefits of winning the war were never truly delivered to ordinary people, and because large-scale corruption had taken root in the meantime. Gotabaya Rajapaksa didn’t even last long enough to see his term end.

Now, this government, too, is showing early signs of the same decline.

The ideological contradiction at the heart of the NPP

There is another challenge: though the JVP presents itself as a left-wing, Marxist-socialist party, many of those who joined the broader NPP coalition, businesspeople, academics, professionals, do not hold such ideological views. Balancing a left-leaning party with a centre-right coalition is extremely difficult. The inevitable tension between the two pulls the government in opposite directions.

The silver lining, however, is that this has produced a growing class of “floating voters”, people not permanently tied to any party, and that is actually healthy for democracy. It keeps governments accountable. Independent election commissions and civil society organisations have a major role to play in informing these voters objectively.

In more developed democracies, voters receive detailed candidate profiles and well-researched information alongside their ballot papers, including, for example, independent expert analyses of referendum questions like drug legalisation. Sri Lanka is still far from that standard. Here, many people vote the same way as their parents. In other countries, five family members might each vote differently without it being a scandal.

Three key ministries, under the President himself, all in trouble

President Dissanayake currently holds three of the most powerful portfolios himself: Defence, Digital Technology, and Finance. All three are now widely seen as performing poorly. Many commentators say the President has “failed” visibly in all three areas. The justifications offered for these failures have themselves become confused, contradictory, and, at times, just plain pitiable.

The overall picture is one of a government that looks helpless, reduced to making excuses and whining from the podium.

A cautious hope for recovery

There are still nearly three years left in this government’s term. There is time to course-correct, if they act quickly. We sincerely hope the government manages to shed this sense of helplessness and confusion, and finds a way to truly serve the country.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)

Continue Reading

Features

Cricket and the National Interest

Published

on

The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

Continue Reading

Features

From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

Published

on

Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

 

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh 

Continue Reading

Trending