News
Speaker won’t summon Finance Secy; govt. MPs say time not right for polls
Wimal: Rs 1.1 bn sufficient
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena has declared that he didn’t have the authority to summon Treasury Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana over accusation that the official denied funds required by the Election Commission (EC) to conduct the Local Government polls.
Speaker Abeywardena has said that he cannot summon Parliament over the issue. Political sources said that Speaker Abeywardena had indicated he had no intention of taking up the issue at hand when a group of government ministers and MPs met him at the Parliament yesterday (01).
Among those present at the government party leaders’ meet were Premier Dinesh Gunawardena and Namal Rajapaksa. The UNP was represented by Wajira Abeywardena.
Office of the Chief Government Whip of Parliament Prasanna Ranatunga, in a statement issued yesterday afternoon, quoted government members as having said that they expected Speaker Abeywardena to follow the Constitution and Standing Orders of the Parliament in this regard.
Prime Minister Gunawardena emphasised the responsibility on their part to address this issue in line with the Constitution and Standing Orders of the Parliament.
Top Opposition spokesman and former External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris said that if the government followed the Constitution and Standing Orders the delayed Local Government polls could have been conducted on March 09, as originally announced by the EC. Prof. Peiris said that the government group was making a desperate bid to deceive the public, in the wake of growing protests over the disruption of scheduled polls.
Prof. Peiris pointed out that the US has urged the government to conduct Local Government polls.
Meanwhile, National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa yesterday said that the Opposition received an assurance from the EC that the election could be conducted, at a much lower cost. Referring to a meeting a delegation from the Nidahas Janatha Sandhanaya, led by Thilanga Sumathipala, had with the EC, on Tuesday (Feb. 28), MP Weerawansa, who is also the Chairman of Uththara Lanka Sabhagaya, urged the government to release funds, required by the EC, without further delay.
Addressing the media, at their Darley Road office, lawmaker Weerawansa said that the EC assured that they could manage with Rs 1.1 bn.
MP Weerawansa urged the government to facilitate an early peaceful settlement of this issue. The former JVPer flayed President Ranil Wickremesinghe for trying to justify the postponement of Local Government polls, based on false claims.
JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake told The Island that the government couldn’t indefinitely postpone elections. The Colombo District MP said that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government was in a bind. The leadership realized that the crisis the government was in and further rapid erosion of public support, as indicated by growing protests.
MP Dissanayake said that he was quite surprised, and disappointed, by some sections of the civil society, at a time the government was all out to suppress democratic freedoms. Lawmaker Dissanayake said that the public would like to know the reaction of former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, who recently received State honours, to the current situation.
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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan
… warn of dire consequences
A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.
The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.
“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.
“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.
“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.
“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”
“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.
“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:
1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”
The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.
These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.
2. Corporate captivity and bailouts
It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.
3. Risk of front running
“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.
4. Unavoidable loopholes
“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”
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