Features
From kingpin to beggar on horseback!
By I. P. C. MENDIS
For “homo sapiens”, destiny is undoubtedly very much in charge and control in any aspect of life from the cradle to the grave, and very much so in the history of a country. In the context of the grave crisis we are facing today in Sri Lanka, it would indeed be opportune to reminisce into our journey down the slippery slope, particularly during the post-independence era. Many a conscience would certainly have gone pita-pat hearing our own icon, Sunil Perera, the veteran band leader, lamenting just before his unfortunate demise – “When I was attending school this was a Third World country, now when I am in the throes of death, it is still a Third World country” ! Did we have a Statesman worthy of that name in the mould of Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore or Mahathir Mohamed of Malaysia, who even attempted to put the country before party politics or self? The answer is an emphatic “NO’. If they did, a National Plan would have topped the priority list. Instead, we have had plans of varied hues baptized as Mid-Term Plans, Short-Term Plans, Crash Programmes, Integrated Programmes, etc., no doubt faithfully funded often by foreign aid. And that, too, has been faithfully and systematically squandered in various ways not excluding personal advancement.
We had the much-respected Hon. D.S. Senanayake who, despite lack of certificates to brandish, was able and well -equipped to lead a qualified team comprising practically all races. DSS is remembered undisputedly as the Father of the Nation for his contribution to the development of the country, agriculture in particular, holding together inter-racial amity. Notwithstanding the lack of paper qualifications, he could walk with kings without losing common touch. He was nattily attired in a tail coat and tie for the occasion, mingling with the British aristocracy. Even he did not see the merit in a national plan for organized continuity. However, our stock was held high internationally, and one of the hallmarks was the international acclaim for the then Finance Minister, JRJ’s plea at the San Francisco Conference after World War II, on behalf of Japan quoting the Buddha – “Hatred does not cease by hatred but by Love alone”. Japan to this day has it in its memory.
DSS’s son, Dudley Senanayake , who was recognised as the epitome of democracy having succeeded his father as Prime Minister , found to his dismay not very long to his first term, that a rather tumultuous environment, created by the Marxist movement via a hartal, was not his kettle of fish and decided to throw in the towel in the Westminster tradition with Sir John Kotelawela assuming control. Sir John started off with a bang and flair with welcome ceremonies, tamashas topping the precedence list, culminating in his being crowned as the King of Delft Island in the North. While D.S. Senanayake used to ride his horse (more for exercise) down Galle Face way sometimes in the mornings, Sir John too had similar inclinations and the “Laird of Kandawela” was often observed down Ratmalana way in majestic trot clad in jodphurs. He was known to be quite at home in the trappings of a Knight in shining armour given the opportunity. His breakfast table was open for a visitor who had any penchant for egg-hoppers and was famous for “off the cuff” remarks which were often eagerly used or mis-used by the Press to boost up their sales. It was during his tenure that a Non-Aligned conference was held in Bandung, Indonesia, and his pro-American stance did raise eye-brows earning him the sobriquet “Bandung Booruwa” here in Sri Lanka. His speech may have surprised even his own Advisers in terms of reports that trickled in. However, it did concern Jawaharlal Nehru who was provoked to inquire from him why he (Sir John) had not consulted him, in reply to which he had shot back – “Why should I – You do not consult me before you speak?” Indeed, he had the honour of receiving Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Phillp at the then Parliamentary premises (now Presidential Secretariat) at Galle Face. The Royal guests were ceremoniously led up the stairway outside in what was described as a very windy day. Sir John, who was quite at home with Royalty or commoner, had his favourite – veteran Lake House photographer Rienie Wijeratne – close by. Sir John had forgotten himself for a split second observing the majestic apparel being embarrassingly disturbed by the strong gust of wind and was reported to have whispered to photographer Rienzie W. – “Ganing yako ganing!”
He enjoyed seeing himself caricatured by Observer Cartoonist Aubrey Collette and one which had him depicted as a damsel before a mirror had been enlarged and hung in his office room at Transworks House when he was a Minister. That was the colourful Sir John Kotelawela – the author (clandestine) of “The Premier Stakes’ written when DSS had bequeathed the Premiership to son Dudley. He gracefully bowed out to Her Majesty’s country-side resort “Brogueswood” the purchase facilitated by his one-time arch rival, SWRDB in the release of scarce foreign exchange.
The Age of the Common Man
Then came the Pancha Maha Bala Vegaya, led by SWRDB – an Oxford product of no mean repute, who with all its perfectly good intentions ( as paved in the path to heaven ) was ham-strung by political, racial and trade union problems not totally unexpected from quarters that had hitherto been neglected and/or restrained in many ways. As a prelude, they gate-crashed into Parliament and occupied the Speaker’s chair. If that was not enough, vested interests within the camp which had been waiting long on the wings to capitalise on the victory became restless, conspiring against SWRDB who, to make a long story short, fell vicitim, paying with his life after only three years in office. He did make an attempt to draw up a national plan which died a natural death thereafter.
1959/60.
The era that followed with W. Dahanayake as the PM was a disaster. Parliamentary elections followed after a few months and Dudley Senanayake formed a minority government in March 1960 which was defeated in Parliament. The SLFP-led coalition won the July 1960 general election and Mrs Bandaranaike was sworn in as Prime Minister from the Senate and launched many people-friendly nationalist projects. The election campaign was bitterly fought and some of the slogans and propaganda were centred on Mrs Bandaranaike mostly targeting her inexperience (nothing more than a housewife) and lack of qualifications, while some of the foul-mouthed did not spare her from personal remarks (also insulting to women in general) unprintable in its content. She nevertheless proved herself to be a woman of steel leading the coalition to victory. Strangely, in next to no time she forged herself into the spotlight as the world’s first woman Prime Minister, fitting herself well and truly as an effective leader hobnobbing with some of the world’s greatest, particularly in the Non-Aligned Movement, earning respect. She carried herself well and proved to be a no-nonsense leader, much respected and feared no less. She maintained cordial relations with practically every national leader, particularly Indira Gandhi, so much so that she was picked to mediate on one of the Indo-China burning issues. She was able to solve to a great extent the Indian plantation labour issue. She mooted the idea of declaring the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace.
The Non-Aligned conference held in Colombo was a feather in her cap. She had no personal agendas and while any other in her position would have accepted with both hands an invitation to attend the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference in London soon after taking office, she opted to stay back arranging for her Minister of Justice to represent her – a long shot from the great effort another VVIP of a different regime was said to have been made to cadge an invitation to attend the wedding of the Prince of Wales and Princess Diana. Mid-way in her term, she decided to coalesce with the Left but .some of her rightist members did not see eye to eye with the decision which ensured the defeat of the government on the Press Bill and subsequent disintegration of the coalition and the rise of a coalition of convenience in a seven-party outfit led by Dudley Seanayake, prominent among them being the TULF and the MEP which ruled for the full term.
Mrs B’s Second Term
Mrs Bandaranaike won the general elections in 1970 fortifying herself with a coalition winning a 2/3rd majority which helped her to declare Sri Lanka a Republic. In doing so, the two years spent on that effort was sought to be compensated by a similar addition to the five-year term in the new Constitution. Many an important activity was undertaken, but progress was hampered with the JVP uprising in 1971. This together with the LTTE problems aggravated the situation faced and if that was not enough bickering within the coalition camp began to surface and the coalition broke up in around 1976 resulting in the UNP-led by J.R. Jayawardene obtaining a 5/6th majority .
Executive Presidency
JRJ ensured the birth of a new Republican Constitution and the transformation into an Executive Presidency in which he was deemed to be the first Executive President. Many changes in the economic sphere were introduced, including liberalization of the economy. Development work was expanded, the most important being the accelerated Mahaweli development opening the floodgates for corruption not excluding duty –free facilities of one kind or another. In fact, reports had it that once JRJ had opined that commissions obtained were not bribes . The Mahaweli programme carried out mostly through aid programmes did bring many benefits but the liberalisation policy undermined local agricultural and industrial programmes. The shift in policy was so pro- American that it infuriated Indira Gandhi , which coupled with adverse personal remarks targeting Indira Gandi and son Rajiv, drove India to support in a very big way the LTTE which is well known. JRJ was succeeded by R. Premadasa who can be applauded for his foresight in embarking on the apparel industry which is now a foreign exchange winner. He was generally believed to have had some prejudice against professionals and his style of governance somehow infuriated the likes of Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake who engineered an Impeachment motion. Premadasa bought time through a prorogation of Parliament and finally a settlement had been reached . He ruled till his unfortunate demise on 1st May 1993. His exit saw the rise of Chandrka Bandaranaike Kumaratunge mentioned earlier.
LTTE Enters the Fray
Prabhakaran entering the fray made successive governments to devote their time, energy , manpower/financial resources , at tremendous cost of development. Successive governments while confronting the LTTE and its cohorts, both foreign and local, had to keep the homefires burning while countering strong adverse political and international onslaughts aimed at discrediting the government and even acts of sabotage by word and deed. (“Alimankade / Pamankada, Kilinochchi/ Madawachchi, Baron’ s Cap, etc.). The ups and downs suffered need not be reiterated except to emphasise the genesis of borrowing and the easy way of further borrowing to settle the earlier borrowings. On the side of stupidity comes , inter alia, the surrender of a military platoon on a governmental fiat, only to be massacred in cold blood by the LTTE, the supply of arms to the LTTE to fight the IPKF, the so-called peace treaty with the LTTE which saw a fake surrender of arms and the “free–for –all” much later in Bond scams which had the blessings of the highest in the land. The Tamil diaspora was influential enough for the International community to ensure that there would be no assistance, financial or otherwise,. to Sri Lanka in the war with the LTTE. Consequently, the Rajapakse government had to resort to various other expensive methods, including borrowing at commercial interest rates to which the UNP led by Ranil Wickremesinghe responded by publicly declaring that they would not honour such obligations if and when they assume power. Measures such as the hedging deal and investments in Greek Bonds, Lotus Tower, Suryawewa Cricket stadium, Road Races, Magam Ruhuna International Conference Hall to name a few, did swell the already burdened debt trap. They added to the misery complemented with wastage and rampant corruption multiplying the woes haunting the government no less. The opportunity that came after the defeat of terrorism, was foolishly frittered away in a situation of mix-up of priorities necessitated by considerations other than national. Mahinda Rajapakse’s decision to seek re-election two years before ex,
Earlier, President Chadrika Bandaranaike’s tenure continued with the decorum hitherto displayed by her predecessors in office in all her dealings, maintaining her stature with the exception that she carried it a little too far in throwing manners to the wind being habitually unpunctual for appointments. Quite unruffled, she was reported to have kept Prince Charles kicking his heels at Temple Trees for quite a while. Indeed, she got away with it and also proved she could be quite out-spoken and frank on occasions. In fact, she appears to be quite popular with the media. She carried herself well despite certain shortcomings. By far, apart from the LTTE issue, the greatest challenge she had was the Tsunami debacle through which she sailed successfully.
Her successor Mahinda Rajapakse although not of the same mould of aristocratic origin, showed his mettle the way he handled the LTTE together with his brother Gotabaya R and the European messiahs that arrived to coax him to stop the onslaught against the LTTE. The usaual regalia was absent in receiving the latter, the location being in the rough and tumble of Embilipitya. They departed disappointed.
Yahapalan/Nawapalana
– The purpose of this Article is to reveal how the rating of the country has receded slowly but surely not only in terms of its financial obligations but also in its international standing, in regard to which the integrity, conduct, performance, management skills , results and general decorum do play their individual and collective roles. The recent history relating to the Yahapalana regime and the present outfit is fresh in the minds of the people and repetition would unnecessarily tax the time of the reader. As for Yahapalana, it is a story of manipulation, deceit, highway robbery (Bond scams, etc.,), intrigue, anti-nationalist and financial mis-management, the worst being security lapses culminating in the Easter Sunday debacle. Like Pontius Pilate,the bulk of its remains have projected itself by another name (SJB) in a bid to wash its hands off its sins and responsibility of everything they silently condoned.
The new regime (Nawapalanaya) of the SLPP combine led by President Gotabaya from which much was expected, has so far not lived up to expectations , burdened no less by the global epidemic and consequent world-wide financial and other consequences coupled with local financial constraints, demonstrations, demands and a host of insurmountable problems, some of which are of their own making. The country is virtually on the edge of a precipice notwithstanding outward show and rhetoric while opulence in some quarters in power are not invisible. Shamelessly now, they are running helter-skelter except to the IMF failing to realise that internationally even their personal and official standing, despite the protocol, are at a low ebb and not anywhere near what was in the past, particularly as a one-timeleader in the Non-Aligned Movement. Indeed, what a fall ? . It is no surprise that even a friend like China had reacted the way it did on the organic feriliser issue, now diplomatically seeking to recompense with 100,000 metric tons of rice commemorating 75-year of the Rubber/Rice Trade Agreement. The Chinese indeed are professionals – Sri Lankans pompous amateursp itifully transformed from Kingpin to beggar on Horseback !
On the morning of May 11, 2025, the quiet hills of Ramboda were pierced by the wails of sirens and the cries of survivors. A Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) bus, en route from Kataragama to Kurunegala via Nuwara Eliya, veered off the winding road and plunged down a deep precipice in the Garandiella area. At least 23 people lost their lives and more than 35 were injured—some critically.
The nation mourned. But this wasn’t merely an isolated accident. It was a brutal reminder of Sri Lanka’s long-standing and worsening road safety crisis––one where the poor pay the highest price, and systemic neglect continues to endanger thousands every day.
A national epidemic
According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka’s 2023 Road Safety Report, buses and other passenger vehicles are involved in 60% of fatalities while motorcycles account for 35% of reported accidents. Though three-wheelers are often criticised in the media, they contribute to only 12% of all accidents. The focus, however, remains disproportionately on smaller vehicles—ignoring the real danger posed by larger, state-run and private buses.
The Ramboda incident reflects what transport experts and road safety advocates have long warned about: that Sri Lanka’s road accident problem is not primarily about vehicle type, but about systemic failure. And the victims—more often than not—are those who rely on public transport because they have no other choice.
One of the biggest contributors to the frequency and severity of road accidents is Sri Lanka’s crumbling infrastructure. A 2023 report by the Sri Lanka Road Development Authority (SLRDA) noted that nearly 40% of the country’s road network is in poor or very poor condition. In rural and hilly areas, this figure is likely higher. Potholes, broken shoulders, eroded markings, and inadequate lighting are all too common. In mountainous terrain like Ramboda, these conditions can be fatal.
Even worse, since 2015, road development has effectively stagnated. Although the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration was often criticised for its ambitious infrastructure drive, it left behind a network of wide, well-lit highways and urban improvements. The subsequent administrations not only failed to continue this momentum, but actively reversed course in some instances—most notably, with the cancellation of the Light Rail Transit (LRT) project in Colombo, which had been poised to modernise urban mobility and reduce congestion.
Instead of scaling up, Sri Lanka scaled down. Maintenance budgets were slashed, long-term projects shelved, and development planning took a back seat to short-term political calculations. Roads deteriorated, traffic congestion worsened, and safety standards eroded.
Dangerous drivers
Infrastructure is only part of the story. Human behaviour plays a significant role too—and Sri Lanka’s roads often mirror the lawlessness that prevails off them.
A 2022 survey by the Sri Lanka Road Safety Council revealed alarming patterns in driver behaviour: 45% of accidents involved drivers under the influence of alcohol or drugs, and 40% were attributed to speeding. These figures reflect not just recklessness, but a dangerous culture of impunity.
The legal blood alcohol limit for drivers in Sri Lanka is 0.08%, but enforcement remains lax, particularly in rural areas and during off-peak hours. There is no consistent system of random breath testing, and police checkpoints are often limited to high-profile holidays or urban areas.
The same lack of enforcement applies to speeding, tailgating, overtaking on blind corners, and ignoring traffic signals. While the law technically provides for penalties, in practice, enforcement is selective at best. Even SLTB bus drivers—tasked with transporting hundreds daily—are known for aggressive and erratic driving. The Ramboda bus is reported to have been speeding on a dangerously narrow bend, a pattern that has become disturbingly common.
Public buses, both state-run and private, are some of the most dangerous vehicles on the road today—not just due to their size, but because of operational cultures that prioritise speed over safety. Competition for passengers, poor driver training, minimal vehicle maintenance, and weak regulatory oversight have created a deadly combination.
Do they not deserve better?
Most people who travel in SLTB buses are from lower-income backgrounds. They rely on public transportation not by choice, but by necessity. A factory worker in Nuwara Eliya, a schoolteacher in Bandarawela, or a daily wage earner commuting between towns—all are bound to a public transport system that is increasingly unreliable and unsafe.
Sri Lanka’s social contract has failed its most vulnerable. The poor are expected to brave substandard buses on crumbling roads, driven by underpaid and undertrained drivers, often in hazardous weather and terrain. In many rural areas, buses are lifelines. When one crashes, it is not merely a tragedy—it’s a profound injustice.
Had the LRT system gone forward, had road maintenance been prioritised, had reckless drivers been reined in through strict enforcement, how many lives could have been saved?
Experts agree that the solution lies in a combination of infrastructure investment, driver education, and law enforcement reform. The Sri Lanka Road Safety Council has repeatedly called for mandatory road safety training, particularly for commercial drivers. Such training should cover not just traffic laws, but also defensive driving, fatigue management, and the dangers of DUI.
Enforcement, too, needs a dramatic overhaul. License suspensions, large fines, and jail time for repeat offenders must become the norm—not the exception. A centralised traffic violation database could prevent habitual offenders from slipping through the cracks.
And critically, investment in infrastructure must resume—not in flashy mega-projects for political gain, but in safe, functional, and equitable roads and transit systems. The re-introduction of the LRT or similar mass transit projects should be seriously reconsidered, especially in urban centers where congestion is growing and road space is limited.
The misunderstood three-wheeler
On the other hand, while three-wheelers are frequently vilified in public discourse and media narratives for reckless driving, the data tells a different story. According to the Central Bank’s 2023 Road Safety Report, they account for just 12% of all road accidents—a fraction compared to the 60% involving buses and other passenger vehicles, and the 35% attributed to motorcycles. Yet, disproportionate attention continues to be directed at three-wheelers, conveniently shifting focus away from the far greater risks posed by large, state-run and private buses.
What often goes unacknowledged is the essential role three-wheelers play in Sri Lanka’s transport ecosystem, particularly in remote and rural areas where reliable public transport is virtually nonexistent. For residents of small towns and isolated villages in the hill country, three-wheelers are not a luxury—they are a necessity. Affordable, nimble, and capable of navigating narrow, winding roads where buses cannot operate, these vehicles have become the primary mode of short-distance travel for countless Sri Lankans.
Even more importantly, in the aftermath of road accidents—especially in remote regions like Ramboda—it is often the three-wheeler drivers who are the first to respond. When tragedy strikes, they ferry the injured to hospitals, assist with rescue efforts, and offer immediate aid long before official emergency services arrive. This community-centered, grassroots role is rarely acknowledged in national conversations about road safety, yet it remains a vital, life-saving contribution.
Rather than treating three-wheelers as a problem to be blamed, the government should recognise their indispensable value and work towards integrating them more effectively and safely into the national transport framework. Regularising the sector through measures such as mandatory driver training programmes, periodic vehicle safety checks, and the enforcement of standardised operating licenses could improve safety without displacing an essential service. Additionally, designating official three-wheeler stands, particularly in high-risk or high-traffic areas, and incentivising drivers who maintain clean safety records would help create a safer, more accountable environment for both passengers and pedestrians.
Moving beyond the blame game
It is time for us to move beyond the tired narrative that blames specific vehicles—motorcycles, three-wheelers, or buses—for the carnage on Sri Lanka’s roads. The problem is not the mode of transport. It is the system that surrounds it.
When buses are poorly maintained, roads are not repaired, drivers are not trained, and laws are not enforced, tragedy becomes inevitable. Blaming a single vehicle type does nothing to address these root causes.
The real question is: Do we have the political will to fix this? Or will Sri Lanka continue to count the dead—accident after accident—while doing little more than issuing condolences?
The Ramboda accident was not the first. It won’t be the last. But it should be the turning point.Let this be the moment we stop pointing fingers—and start fixing the road.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specializing in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons, and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law and resides in Battaramulla, where he experiences the daily challenges of commuting to Hulftsdorp, providing him with a unique perspective on Sri Lanka’s road safety issues.)
By Sampath Perera
Though the government is moving more slowly on corruption than I would have liked, it is moving, which is more than can be said for its predecessors. I remember how sad I was when Yahapalanaya did very little, except for political advantage, about the corruption it had highlighted in the election campaign in which I had so foolishly joined; but the reason became clear with the bond scam, when the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration rose to heights of corruption that surpassed, in convoluted ingenuity, anything the Mahinda Rajapaksa government could have achieved. Thus far the present government is clean, and that will make its task much easier.
I hope then that the slow but steady progress of this government in investigation will bear fruit. But at the same time, I think it would also be good if it looked at instances when corruption was avoided. The horrors of the visa scam, in which the Controller General of Immigration seems to have connived with his political masters, suggest how important it is to also praise those civil servants who resist pressures.
With regard to the visa scam, I had thought Tiran Alles largely responsible, but perhaps I have done the man an injustice – if that were conceivable – and the fountainhead of the matter was the President. I now think this the more likely, having heard about a Civil Servant who did stand up against the political pressures brought upon him. If this government were to look into the matter, and recognise his integrity and courage, perhaps that would prompt the former Controller General of Immigration and Emigration too to come clean and turn Crown Witness, having accepted a compounded penalty for anything he might have done wrong.
It can be difficult to resist pressure. That must be understood though it is no reason to excuse such conduct. But it is therefore more essential to praise the virtuous, such as the former Secretary to the Ministry of Health, Dr Palitha Mahipala. I had heard of him earlier, and I am sorry he was removed, though I have also heard good things about his successor, so there is no reason to bring him back. But perhaps he could be entrusted with greater responsibilities, and awarded some sort of honour in encouragement of those with courage.
One of the notable things Dr Mahipala did was to resist pressure brought upon him to award a contract to Francis Maude, a British crony of the President. This was to design a supply chain management for pharmaceuticals. A system for this was already being designed by the Asian Development Bank, but when told about this the authorities had nevertheless insisted.
The then Secretary to the Prime Minister cannot absolve himself of the responsibility for having asked the Ministry of Health to prepare a stunningly expensive MoU that was quite unnecessary.
But his claim was that he had been introduced to the Britisher by a top aide of the President. This rings true for it was the President who first wished Maude upon the country. It was after all Ranil Wickremesinghe who, a year after he became President, announced that, to boost state revenue, Maude had been invited ‘to visit Sri Lanka and share his insights on sectoral reform’.
When he became a Minister under David Cameron, Maude’s responsibilities included ‘public service efficiency and transparency’. There seems to have been nothing about revenue generation, though the President’s statement claimed that ‘Sri Lanka must explore new avenues for increasing income tax revenues…He expressed concern over not only the neglect of public revenue but also the unrestricted spending of public funds on non-beneficial activities’.
He ‘called for an extensive media campaign to educate the public’ but this did not happen, doubtless because transparency went by the board, in his antics, including the demand, whoever prompted it, that Maude be to do something already done. Surely, this comes under the heading of unrestricted spending of public funds on non-beneficial activities, and it is difficult to believe that top government officials connived at promoting this while Ranil would have expressed concern had he known what they were up to.
Nothing further is recorded of Ranil’s original trumpeting of Maude’s virtues, and far from being there to provide advice on the basis of his experience in government, he seems to have been trawling for business for the firm he had set up on leaving politics, for it was with that private agency that the MoU was urged.
Thankfully, Dr Mahipala resisted pressure, and that plot came to nothing. But it should not be forgotten, and the government would do well to question those responsible for what happened, after speaking to Dr Mahipala and looking at the file.
Indeed, given the amount of corruption that can be traced to the President’s Office, it would make sense for the government to institute a Commission of Inquiry to look into what happened in that period of intensive corruption. It should be subject to judicial appeal, but I have no doubt that incisive questioning of those who ran that place would lead to enough information to institute prosecutions, and financial recompense for the abuses that occurred.
by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
In her Cry on 25 April, Cassandra wrote this in her section on Trump’s moves to Make America Great Again – MAGA. “The latest was heard on BBC news on Wednesday 16. A fluff of a blonde White House press secretary by name of Karoline Leavitt announces that President Trump expects Harvard University to apologise to him for the continuing tolerance of anti-Semitism by the university. And that little blonde fluff adds ‘And they should.’ Didn’t Cass guffaw, but bitterly. That’s Trump vs Harvard.”
Karoline Leavitt
This young blonde has been making waves ever since, so much so that night shows in the US have spoken of her, and not well. Jimmy Kimmel arranged a dialogue between Karoline and Mark Carney, PM of Canada, when he recently visited the US. She insulted him by saying he did not know what democracy was and that Canada would benefit by becoming the 51st of the US. Carney vowed Canada was not for sale and never would be. The interview which was described in a video which I watched got hotter, Carney became cooler and Karoline rattled until she shot up and left the room. The usually noisy crowd that collects to listen to Kimmel roared – disdain.
Cass had to ferret more about her, so she went to the Internet. Born in 1997, Karoline Leavitt studied politics and communication at Saint Anselm College, which she entered on a games scholarship. She interned in the White House as an apprentice press secretary and was named a press secretary in Trump‘s first term. After Trump’s loss in 2020, she became a communications director for New York. She was the Republican candidate in the US House of Reps election for New Hampshire in 2022 but lost. She was much in Trump’s campaign against Biden’s winning and then served as a spokeswoman for MAGA Inc. In November 2024, Trump named her his White House Press Secretary, the youngest to hold this post in US history. All this seems to have gone to her blonde head!
Mosquitoes making life hell in Colombo
These pests are breeding like mad in and around Colombo and other parts of the country too. We can be tolerant of nature and its creatures, but the mosquito now is deadly. She passes on the dreaded diseases of chikungunya and dengue; the former debilitating for months after the grueling ache in bones is abated as the infection recedes. Dengue can be fatal if one’s platelet count goes below the red line.
The crux of the near pandemic of these two diseases is that infection and prevalence of the two could be greatly reduced by control of the carrier of the infection – The Mosquito. And on whom rests the responsibility of controlling the breeding of mosquitoes? On You and Me. But both of these entities are often careless, and totally non-caring about keeping their premises clean and of course eliminating all breeding spots for flying pests. Does the responsibility end there? Not upon your life! The buck moves on and lands on the public health inspectors, the garbage removers, the fumigators. Their boss who sees to them working properly is the Medical Officer of Health. And he is part of the Colombo Municipal Council that has the responsibility of looking to the health of people within the MC.
The spread of the two diseases mentioned is proof that the above persons and establishments are NOT doing the work they should be doing.
It is a proven fact that just before a change in personnel in the country, or a MC or a Pradeshiya Sabha, with a general election or local government election in the near future, most work stops in government offices or in local government establishments as the case may be. Workers get the disease of ennui; do minimum work until new bosses take over.
This definitely has happened in Colombo. Cass lives in Colombo 3. Quite frequent fumigation stopped some time ago. About two weeks ago she heard the process and smelled the fumes. Then nothing and mosquitoes breeding with the infrequent rain and no repellents or cleaning of premises. She phoned the MOH’s office on Thursday last week. Was promised fumigation. Nothing.
We are in a serious situation but no Municipal Council action. Politics is to blame here too. The SJB is trying to grab control of the Colombo MC and people are falling prey to the two diseases. All politicians shout it’s all for the people they enter politics, etc. The NPP has definitely shown concern for the public and have at least to a large extent eliminated corruption in public life. They have a woman candidate for Mayor who sure seems to be able to do a very good job. Her concern seems to be the people. But no. A power struggle goes on and its root cause: selfishness and non-caring of the good of the people. And for more than a week, the personnel from the MOH are looking on as more people suffer due to dirty surroundings.
Garbage is collected from her area on Tuesdays and Saturdays with paper, etc., on Thursdays. Tuesday 13 was a holiday but garbage was put out for collection. Not done. At noon, she phoned a supervisor of the cleaning company concerned only to ask whether the workers had a day off. Garbage was removed almost immediately. That is concern, efficiency and serving the public.
As Cass said, Colombo is in near crisis with two mosquito borne diseases mowing down people drastically. And nothing is being done by the officers who are given the responsibility of seeing to the cleanliness of the city and its suburbs.
The development of a country depends on the productive contribution that its people make towards the nation. — Prime Minister
The Prime Minister participated in the 77th commemoration of AL- NAKBA for Palestine.
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