Connect with us

Features

From kingpin to beggar on horseback!

Published

on

By I. P. C. MENDIS

For “homo sapiens”, destiny is undoubtedly very much in charge and control in any aspect of life from the cradle to the grave, and very much so in the history of a country. In the context of the grave crisis we are facing today in Sri Lanka, it would indeed be opportune to reminisce into our journey down the slippery slope, particularly during the post-independence era. Many a conscience would certainly have gone pita-pat hearing our own icon, Sunil Perera, the veteran band leader, lamenting just before his unfortunate demise – “When I was attending school this was a Third World country, now when I am in the throes of death, it is still a Third World country” ! Did we have a Statesman worthy of that name in the mould of Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore or Mahathir Mohamed of Malaysia, who even attempted to put the country before party politics or self? The answer is an emphatic “NO’. If they did, a National Plan would have topped the priority list. Instead, we have had plans of varied hues baptized as Mid-Term Plans, Short-Term Plans, Crash Programmes, Integrated Programmes, etc., no doubt faithfully funded often by foreign aid. And that, too, has been faithfully and systematically squandered in various ways not excluding personal advancement.

We had the much-respected Hon. D.S. Senanayake who, despite lack of certificates to brandish, was able and well -equipped to lead a qualified team comprising practically all races. DSS is remembered undisputedly as the Father of the Nation for his contribution to the development of the country, agriculture in particular, holding together inter-racial amity. Notwithstanding the lack of paper qualifications, he could walk with kings without losing common touch. He was nattily attired in a tail coat and tie for the occasion, mingling with the British aristocracy. Even he did not see the merit in a national plan for organized continuity. However, our stock was held high internationally, and one of the hallmarks was the international acclaim for the then Finance Minister, JRJ’s plea at the San Francisco Conference after World War II, on behalf of Japan quoting the Buddha – “Hatred does not cease by hatred but by Love alone”. Japan to this day has it in its memory.

DSS’s son, Dudley Senanayake , who was recognised as the epitome of democracy having succeeded his father as Prime Minister , found to his dismay not very long to his first term, that a rather tumultuous environment, created by the Marxist movement via a hartal, was not his kettle of fish and decided to throw in the towel in the Westminster tradition with Sir John Kotelawela assuming control. Sir John started off with a bang and flair with welcome ceremonies, tamashas topping the precedence list, culminating in his being crowned as the King of Delft Island in the North. While D.S. Senanayake used to ride his horse (more for exercise) down Galle Face way sometimes in the mornings, Sir John too had similar inclinations and the “Laird of Kandawela” was often observed down Ratmalana way in majestic trot clad in jodphurs. He was known to be quite at home in the trappings of a Knight in shining armour given the opportunity. His breakfast table was open for a visitor who had any penchant for egg-hoppers and was famous for “off the cuff” remarks which were often eagerly used or mis-used by the Press to boost up their sales. It was during his tenure that a Non-Aligned conference was held in Bandung, Indonesia, and his pro-American stance did raise eye-brows earning him the sobriquet “Bandung Booruwa” here in Sri Lanka. His speech may have surprised even his own Advisers in terms of reports that trickled in. However, it did concern Jawaharlal Nehru who was provoked to inquire from him why he (Sir John) had not consulted him, in reply to which he had shot back – “Why should I – You do not consult me before you speak?” Indeed, he had the honour of receiving Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Phillp at the then Parliamentary premises (now Presidential Secretariat) at Galle Face. The Royal guests were ceremoniously led up the stairway outside in what was described as a very windy day. Sir John, who was quite at home with Royalty or commoner, had his favourite – veteran Lake House photographer Rienie Wijeratne – close by. Sir John had forgotten himself for a split second observing the majestic apparel being embarrassingly disturbed by the strong gust of wind and was reported to have whispered to photographer Rienzie W. – “Ganing yako ganing!”

He enjoyed seeing himself caricatured by Observer Cartoonist Aubrey Collette and one which had him depicted as a damsel before a mirror had been enlarged and hung in his office room at Transworks House when he was a Minister. That was the colourful Sir John Kotelawela – the author (clandestine) of “The Premier Stakes’ written when DSS had bequeathed the Premiership to son Dudley. He gracefully bowed out to Her Majesty’s country-side resort “Brogueswood” the purchase facilitated by his one-time arch rival, SWRDB in the release of scarce foreign exchange.

The Age of the Common Man

Then came the Pancha Maha Bala Vegaya, led by SWRDB – an Oxford product of no mean repute, who with all its perfectly good intentions ( as paved in the path to heaven ) was ham-strung by political, racial and trade union problems not totally unexpected from quarters that had hitherto been neglected and/or restrained in many ways. As a prelude, they gate-crashed into Parliament and occupied the Speaker’s chair. If that was not enough, vested interests within the camp which had been waiting long on the wings to capitalise on the victory became restless, conspiring against SWRDB who, to make a long story short, fell vicitim, paying with his life after only three years in office. He did make an attempt to draw up a national plan which died a natural death thereafter.

1959/60.

The era that followed with W. Dahanayake as the PM was a disaster. Parliamentary elections followed after a few months and Dudley Senanayake formed a minority government in March 1960 which was defeated in Parliament. The SLFP-led coalition won the July 1960 general election and Mrs Bandaranaike was sworn in as Prime Minister from the Senate and launched many people-friendly nationalist projects. The election campaign was bitterly fought and some of the slogans and propaganda were centred on Mrs Bandaranaike mostly targeting her inexperience (nothing more than a housewife) and lack of qualifications, while some of the foul-mouthed did not spare her from personal remarks (also insulting to women in general) unprintable in its content. She nevertheless proved herself to be a woman of steel leading the coalition to victory. Strangely, in next to no time she forged herself into the spotlight as the world’s first woman Prime Minister, fitting herself well and truly as an effective leader hobnobbing with some of the world’s greatest, particularly in the Non-Aligned Movement, earning respect. She carried herself well and proved to be a no-nonsense leader, much respected and feared no less. She maintained cordial relations with practically every national leader, particularly Indira Gandhi, so much so that she was picked to mediate on one of the Indo-China burning issues. She was able to solve to a great extent the Indian plantation labour issue. She mooted the idea of declaring the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace.

The Non-Aligned conference held in Colombo was a feather in her cap. She had no personal agendas and while any other in her position would have accepted with both hands an invitation to attend the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference in London soon after taking office, she opted to stay back arranging for her Minister of Justice to represent her – a long shot from the great effort another VVIP of a different regime was said to have been made to cadge an invitation to attend the wedding of the Prince of Wales and Princess Diana. Mid-way in her term, she decided to coalesce with the Left but .some of her rightist members did not see eye to eye with the decision which ensured the defeat of the government on the Press Bill and subsequent disintegration of the coalition and the rise of a coalition of convenience in a seven-party outfit led by Dudley Seanayake, prominent among them being the TULF and the MEP which ruled for the full term.

Mrs B’s Second Term

Mrs Bandaranaike won the general elections in 1970 fortifying herself with a coalition winning a 2/3rd majority which helped her to declare Sri Lanka a Republic. In doing so, the two years spent on that effort was sought to be compensated by a similar addition to the five-year term in the new Constitution. Many an important activity was undertaken, but progress was hampered with the JVP uprising in 1971. This together with the LTTE problems aggravated the situation faced and if that was not enough bickering within the coalition camp began to surface and the coalition broke up in around 1976 resulting in the UNP-led by J.R. Jayawardene obtaining a 5/6th majority .

Executive Presidency

JRJ ensured the birth of a new Republican Constitution and the transformation into an Executive Presidency in which he was deemed to be the first Executive President. Many changes in the economic sphere were introduced, including liberalization of the economy. Development work was expanded, the most important being the accelerated Mahaweli development opening the floodgates for corruption not excluding duty –free facilities of one kind or another. In fact, reports had it that once JRJ had opined that commissions obtained were not bribes . The Mahaweli programme carried out mostly through aid programmes did bring many benefits but the liberalisation policy undermined local agricultural and industrial programmes. The shift in policy was so pro- American that it infuriated Indira Gandhi , which coupled with adverse personal remarks targeting Indira Gandi and son Rajiv, drove India to support in a very big way the LTTE which is well known. JRJ was succeeded by R. Premadasa who can be applauded for his foresight in embarking on the apparel industry which is now a foreign exchange winner. He was generally believed to have had some prejudice against professionals and his style of governance somehow infuriated the likes of Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake who engineered an Impeachment motion. Premadasa bought time through a prorogation of Parliament and finally a settlement had been reached . He ruled till his unfortunate demise on 1st May 1993. His exit saw the rise of Chandrka Bandaranaike Kumaratunge mentioned earlier.

LTTE Enters the Fray

Prabhakaran entering the fray made successive governments to devote their time, energy , manpower/financial resources , at tremendous cost of development. Successive governments while confronting the LTTE and its cohorts, both foreign and local, had to keep the homefires burning while countering strong adverse political and international onslaughts aimed at discrediting the government and even acts of sabotage by word and deed. (“Alimankade / Pamankada, Kilinochchi/ Madawachchi, Baron’ s Cap, etc.). The ups and downs suffered need not be reiterated except to emphasise the genesis of borrowing and the easy way of further borrowing to settle the earlier borrowings. On the side of stupidity comes , inter alia, the surrender of a military platoon on a governmental fiat, only to be massacred in cold blood by the LTTE, the supply of arms to the LTTE to fight the IPKF, the so-called peace treaty with the LTTE which saw a fake surrender of arms and the “free–for –all” much later in Bond scams which had the blessings of the highest in the land. The Tamil diaspora was influential enough for the International community to ensure that there would be no assistance, financial or otherwise,. to Sri Lanka in the war with the LTTE. Consequently, the Rajapakse government had to resort to various other expensive methods, including borrowing at commercial interest rates to which the UNP led by Ranil Wickremesinghe responded by publicly declaring that they would not honour such obligations if and when they assume power. Measures such as the hedging deal and investments in Greek Bonds, Lotus Tower, Suryawewa Cricket stadium, Road Races, Magam Ruhuna International Conference Hall to name a few, did swell the already burdened debt trap. They added to the misery complemented with wastage and rampant corruption multiplying the woes haunting the government no less. The opportunity that came after the defeat of terrorism, was foolishly frittered away in a situation of mix-up of priorities necessitated by considerations other than national. Mahinda Rajapakse’s decision to seek re-election two years before ex,

Earlier, President Chadrika Bandaranaike’s tenure continued with the decorum hitherto displayed by her predecessors in office in all her dealings, maintaining her stature with the exception that she carried it a little too far in throwing manners to the wind being habitually unpunctual for appointments. Quite unruffled, she was reported to have kept Prince Charles kicking his heels at Temple Trees for quite a while. Indeed, she got away with it and also proved she could be quite out-spoken and frank on occasions. In fact, she appears to be quite popular with the media. She carried herself well despite certain shortcomings. By far, apart from the LTTE issue, the greatest challenge she had was the Tsunami debacle through which she sailed successfully.

Her successor Mahinda Rajapakse although not of the same mould of aristocratic origin, showed his mettle the way he handled the LTTE together with his brother Gotabaya R and the European messiahs that arrived to coax him to stop the onslaught against the LTTE. The usaual regalia was absent in receiving the latter, the location being in the rough and tumble of Embilipitya. They departed disappointed.

Yahapalan/Nawapalana

– The purpose of this Article is to reveal how the rating of the country has receded slowly but surely not only in terms of its financial obligations but also in its international standing, in regard to which the integrity, conduct, performance, management skills , results and general decorum do play their individual and collective roles. The recent history relating to the Yahapalana regime and the present outfit is fresh in the minds of the people and repetition would unnecessarily tax the time of the reader. As for Yahapalana, it is a story of manipulation, deceit, highway robbery (Bond scams, etc.,), intrigue, anti-nationalist and financial mis-management, the worst being security lapses culminating in the Easter Sunday debacle. Like Pontius Pilate,the bulk of its remains have projected itself by another name (SJB) in a bid to wash its hands off its sins and responsibility of everything they silently condoned.

The new regime (Nawapalanaya) of the SLPP combine led by President Gotabaya from which much was expected, has so far not lived up to expectations , burdened no less by the global epidemic and consequent world-wide financial and other consequences coupled with local financial constraints, demonstrations, demands and a host of insurmountable problems, some of which are of their own making. The country is virtually on the edge of a precipice notwithstanding outward show and rhetoric while opulence in some quarters in power are not invisible. Shamelessly now, they are running helter-skelter except to the IMF failing to realise that internationally even their personal and official standing, despite the protocol, are at a low ebb and not anywhere near what was in the past, particularly as a one-timeleader in the Non-Aligned Movement. Indeed, what a fall ? . It is no surprise that even a friend like China had reacted the way it did on the organic feriliser issue, now diplomatically seeking to recompense with 100,000 metric tons of rice commemorating 75-year of the Rubber/Rice Trade Agreement. The Chinese indeed are professionals – Sri Lankans pompous amateursp itifully transformed from Kingpin to beggar on Horseback !



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

‘There are no private universities in Sri Lanka’ – some considerations for higher education reform

Published

on

Academics involved in education policy like to say that there is no such thing as a private university in Sri Lanka. The only ‘universities’ in the country are state universities; anything else offering degrees is a private higher education institution (HEI). This position is technically accurate. Yet, in the discourse and imagination of the public, private universities are very real – people teach in them, students register in them, families pay fees, and such degree holders enter job markets in Sri Lanka and outside.

For decades, activists concerned for public higher education have ignored or resisted looking at private HEIs, as if such scrutiny would taint them. Others have worked in both types of institutions, carrying practices from each to the other. The apex body governing state universities, the UGC, has, meanwhile, ignored the concept of conflict of interest and appointed individuals in private higher education in committees and leadership positions. It is unsurprising then that some of the ideologies informing private higher education appear in reform agendas in the state sector.

This is a good time then to consider the varying types of private HEIs around us, and to take a look at some of the issues within them in the hope that higher education reform agendas will include private, as well as state higher education.

What is a ‘private university’?

First, some clarifications. In the public imaginary, a ‘private university’ is typically an institution that provides a foreign or local degree for which the student makes a payment. But this broad classification encompasses a host of diverse institutions and types of degrees which I detail below.

The Non-State Higher Education Division (NSHE) of the Ministry of Education has recognised 295 degrees by 32 institutions. Most of these are private companies and include a handful of established, well-known private HEIs that are ‘university like’. The degrees are local degrees conferred by the institutions accredited by the NSHE Division. While private HEIs conferring local degrees must be accredited by the NSHE Division, there appears to be no legal consequence for not doing so. In addition, there are several permutations of the private degree that miss the net of this Division and the Standing Committee on Accreditation and Quality Assurance (SCAQA) that assists this Division.

For one, degrees conferred by foreign universities offered, via these same private HEIs, are not vetted by the NSHE Division. Secondly, there is a growing plethora of private HEIs which have either no physical presence locally or only a dubious presence. The University Grants Commission has notified the public, through their website, that foreign universities listed in the Commonwealth Universities Yearbook and the World Higher Education Database are recognised, but refrained from giving any other details – which degrees? Offered by what modes? These details are not known. Some of the foreign universities in the lists may be legitimate entities in their own land but the degrees conferred locally, in their name, may not adhere to curriculum or teaching specifications of the NSHE Division or the UGC.

Another troubling phenomenon is the ‘top up degree’, which appears to work on the same principle as that of a pre-paid mobile connection: if I have a Diploma or an HND of a sort, I am eligible to complete a course of study which provides me with a degree, usually from a foreign university. The idea that someone who does not initially qualify for a degree programme should be able to work their way towards one is a progressive notion. This is the concept that open and distance learning (ODL) was based on initially, but which is now sadly exploited. ODL models are expected to provide opportunity for learning for those who may be excluded from traditional learning institutions. In Sri Lanka, however, we have seen ODL become a marketplace offering easy to obtain, for-fee qualifications by institutions with little commitment to superior teaching and learning.

Finally, a perusal of the many types of private HEIs and their varied degrees bring to mind another question – how should the private degrees, provided by state institutions (that are not educational institutions), be regulated? Who should do so?

All of these create a host of problems for the public – for hopeful students and parents and trusting employers. For the higher education sector, recruitment of academic staff, too, has become difficult due to this plethora of ambiguous higher education qualifications, as I discussed in a previous Kuppi article (‘Recruiting academics to state universities’).

Some issues in private HEIs – a bellwether for change in state universities

In this second part of this article, I will discuss some aspects of work in private HEIs – albeit the more established institutions – given that such issues may appear in reform agendas in future.

Across state universities, all permanent staff of a specific category are paid according to the same criteria. The picture is not so clear when it comes to private HEIs since they are different entities legally, typically companies. Private HEIs have salary scales and financial incentives that are different to each other. The more established private HEIs reportedly have attractive renumeration packages, possibly a reason for academics of state universities migrating eagerly to such institutions during sabbatical years and on retirement. This may not of course be the case with other less established, or improperly registered HEIs of which we know little. Academic staff of these more accepted private HEIs seem to value the high financial remuneration they receive (in comparison to state universities) as something that makes their work rewarding.

Attractive remuneration is important to sustain the good life and is at times seen as the institution’s way of encouraging good work. Yet, this has implications for the future of the institution: to continue to deliver on promised financial packages, institutions must continue to have large profit margins. One strategy has been to enroll multiple cohorts of students per year, even up to three or four intakes per year. This can result in exploitative work conditions, since staff must cater to all these cohorts in that same year. If there is inadequate staff, employees are further burdened. On the other hand, if there is a sudden drop in enrolments (degrees can go out of fashion) unexpected layoffs occur. Similar to other sectors that employ short-term contract staff – including state universities – in private HEIs, too, individual teachers, who are on short term contracts that need regular renewal, can feel pressured to work under difficult or exploitative conditions.

At the same time, even in the more established private HEIs, work norms differ from those of state universities in that they include promotional work that keeps the institution’s name in the eye of the public. The Marketing (or similarly named) unit comes up in conversations as one of the most important departments. It appears to weigh in on decision-making related to the number of staff, the amount of re-sits per exams, and other pedagogically important matters. This is a worrying example of how financial rationales interfere with pedagogically or academically sound processes, resulting in problematic results in the classroom. On the plus side, junior colleagues, who had experience in both state and private HEIs, also felt that they faced less harassment in private HEIs – primarily due to the private HEIs ability to take swift action in reported cases of harassment. This is a real indictment on state institutions and their reluctance to address chronic issues of harassment in our universities.

Yet, while we hear much about problems in state universities, we hardly hear of problems that staff in private HEIs face. One rationale for a lack of public expressions by staff is that expressions of discontent might lead to trouble given the importance of reputation for private HEIs. The worry about reputational damage is a growing concern in state universities, too, as evidenced by social media policies and internal conversations on reputational damage, consequent to negative publicity. Institutional worries of reputational damage are harmful in the long run since these impact not only freedom of expression by student and staff, but also research that is possible in and about the education sector.

Some thoughts at the end…


A close look at the private higher education sector is important given its strong presence in the country. Impending reform needs to regulate this diverse array of higher education offerings in the private sector, as well as the state institutions that offer privately-funded options of higher education (a topic for a separate Kuppi on its own). It is time we carefully considered how to build a whole system of higher education out of this broken mess.

Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

Continue Reading

Features

Ready for solo spotlight

Published

on

Nish Peiris: Excited about future plans

Singer Nish Peiris is set to take the next big step in her music journey.

The talented vocalist, who has been seen and heard in the scene here for a short while, and was also featured with the now-defunct band, Inner Vision, has announced that she will be fully committing to her solo career, after completing her degree this year.

“I’m finishing my degree this year, and after that I’ll be fully committing to my solo music career,” Nish told The Island.

“I’ve already got a few tours lined up for next year, so I’m really excited for what’s ahead.”

Fans, no doubt, will remember Nish for her smooth voice and stage presence, and the good news is that she is now ready to chart her own path and bring new music to audiences at home and abroad.

With tours already planned for 2027, the year 2026 promises to be an exciting year for the young artiste as she steps into the spotlight on her own.

We wish Nish every success in this new chapter!

Continue Reading

Features

Exclusive musical evening for Sri Lankans in Toronto

Published

on

Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, with Sri Lankans doing the needful

While Sri Lankan music lovers, in Dubai, are eagerly looking forward to being a part of the action on Saturday, 25th July, with Rajiv Sebastian in the limelight, Sri Lankans, in Toronto, Canada, are equally excited and are anxiously awaiting the arrival of Sri Lanka’s famous singer/entertainer Sohan Weerasinghe.

Having done the needful with The X-Periments, the legendary performer has now embarked on an exciting new chapter – a solo career – and Toronto, Canada, will see him do the needful, on Friday, 31st July, 2026, from 8.00 pm to 12.00 am, at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Sohan Weerasinghe: In Canada, and ready to do the needful on 31st July

Reports indicate that it’s a ‘sold out’ event – naturally with Sohan in the spotlight.

Gamini Hemalal: Creating all the excitement for Sri Lankans in Toronto

Having built his reputation through years of unforgettable performances, and hits that became part of our musical fabric, Sohan is ready to bring his own vision, sound, and stories directly to the audience, in Toronto, Canada, backed by the phenomenal Toronto Ceymphony Live Band.

Says Gamini Hemalal, who has been instrumental in reviving the Sri Lankan entertainment scene, in that part of the world:

“The countdown begins for the most exclusive musical event of the summer! Join us for a premium night of incredible music, elite hospitality, and a lavish buffet as the legendary Sohan Weerasinghe takes the stage live in Toronto!

“This is a high-end event, designed for those who appreciate exceptional entertainment and great food.”

Gamini, who is also a member of the Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, mentioned that it’s going to be an intimate musical evening with the celebrated Sohan Weerasinghe.

From packed auditoriums to intimate shows, Sohan continues to prove why he remains one of Sri Lanka’s most beloved entertainers.

For decades, Sohan Weerasinghe has been a household name in Sri Lankan entertainment.

Known for his captivating smooth voice and charismatic stage presence, Canada will experience it all on Friday, 31st July.

Next on the list of events, Gamini Hemal is working on, is Halloween night and he says “what we plan to do will be very interesting and unique … with a surprise guest star, as well!”

Continue Reading

Trending