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Fifty Years of Friendship and Solidarity

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Sri Lanka–Bangladesh 50th Anniversary

Speech delivered recently by
Professor Sudharshan Seneviratne
High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in Bangladesh
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Kingdom of Bhutan

The High Commission of Sri Lanka in Bangladesh together with its fraternal partner, the High Commission of Bangladesh in Sri Lanka are pleased to share with our well-wishers this landmark event celebrating 50 years of friendship and solidarity. As an initiative taken by our two Missions, the anniversary will be celebrated throughout this year on various topical areas ranging from investments to culture. It is expected to be a common platform reaching out to our valued communities.

Relationships between our lands go beyond 50 years of its modern-day connectivity. Vangadesha and Tambapanni are historic lands proud of their ancestry and culture dating back to C. 600 BCE. That matrix shaped and cemented our commonalities, culture and above all our shared destinies. It was nurtured within the oceanicscape of the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. Pre-modern connectivity is seen through the lens of trade exchange, religion, dance, poetry as our shared heritage. Eventually, we overcame colonial occupation culminating in the rise of independent sovereign and democratic states known as Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

The sustainable relationship between two lands and their cultures cannot be gauged by abstract situations and simple statistics of the political-economy. It is something far more sensitive, durable and tangible. It is best seen as a symbiotic relationship reaching out to each other with respect. Our destinies, our past, present and future are essentially interdependent. In my short presentation unfolding our relationship, I will speak of past experience, present interaction and the way forward towards a shared future.

Past experience

Legend has it that around C. 6th Century BCE, a prince from Vangadesha arrived in Tambapanni and married a princess from that island. The legend is found in the Pali texts in Sri Lanka datable to c. 4th Cent. CE. The chronicled legend is a reflection of preexisting early oceanic connectivity on trade and cultural exchange between the two ends of the Bay of Bengal. The archaeological record provides far more tangible evidence from ancient material culture. It sheds light on a trading vortex based on luxury commodities such as, pearls, chank (conch shell), ivory, precious stone, metallic resources, sandalwood being some of the traded items mediated through merchants and mariners of our lands.

Intense convergence of trade in the Bay of Bengal witnessed economic and religio-cultural interactions during the Middle Historic period reaching higher levels. Buddhism was a primary medium that carried the message of culture and civilizations to both lands. It endowed a rich doctrinal knowledge of Theravada and Mahayana traditions. The historic material culture and the living traditions of Buddhism in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh reflect the pristine sentiments embedded in the cultures of these lands. Medieval texts in Sri Lanka record movements of Buddhist monks and merchants traversing the waters of the Bay of Bengal as goodwill envoys exchanging ideas, culture and commodities.

A deeper history between our two lands unfolded itself in the Colonial period. They are represented in aesthetically pleasing folk dance, folklore, poems, songs and village games embedded as an inherent part of the Sri Lankan culture. For instance, the dances representing Olinda songs and Bangalu walalu or bangles of Bengal are good examples.

Late Colonial and the rise of nationalism in the subcontinent witnessed a closer affinity with the culture of Bengal through the medium of art forms, songs, dance and education. Gurudev Rabinranath Tagore was the catalyst that forged a renaissance culture carving a permanent conduit between our lands. Rabindra sangeet and dance forms inspired the poetic expression of Sri Lankan artists such as Sunil Shanta and a host of others nurturing a permanent niche for itself within the Sri Lankan ethos.

Present Interaction

The contemporary period witnessed Sri Lanka and Bangladesh rising from multiple adverse situations. Both countries have a chequered history emerging from colonial oppression, natural disasters and terrorism. Our people rose again from ashes and destruction with greater resilience.

Today our two countries maintain a healthy relationship with each sharing common goals “for our people and the region”. We celebrate shared sentiments of mutuality over economic and cultural aspirations. Our two leaders hold each other with trust and consider each country in the highest esteem as kin-countries and as most trusted friends. We stand together at good times and take equal care of each other and ungrudgingly extending a magnanimous hand of solidarity and assistance at times of adversity.

Today we are at the threshold of entering a new era of cooperation and solidarity. The philosophy driving our engagement in Bangladesh is a two way process establishing a healthy working relationship. This philosophy is based on a symbiotic relationship of interdependence and mutual respect for each other and not one based on patron – client relationship. This synergy it fact presents itself how Bangladesh provided a conducive environment and safe haven for Sri Lankan investments and in turn how Sri Lankan professionals invested towards the growth of Bangladesh.

This mutuality evolved over some 40 odd years ago when Sri Lankan capital, expertise and technical know-how contributed towards a takeoff point in the apparel industry of Bangladesh which is now the primary provider to the world. As of now, Sri Lankan Investment amounts to around 2.5 billion US$ and some of the companies represent high-end professionals as CEO’s and middle management technocrats. They are mainly based in Dhaka and Chittagong roughly amounting to about 2000 individuals. Sri Lankan blue-chip companies cover banking, biscuits, gas, power and energy, apparel, shipping & logistics, health care, management and investment to mention a few. There are at least 25 cluster groups with 100% owned, 75% subsidiaries with controlling power around 80%. HE. Prime Minister Sheik Hasina personally conveyed to me how Sri Lankan professionals have provided a major value-added service to the Bangladesh economy. Her Excellency is hoping there will be a further investment flow into Bangladesh, especially in education and hospitals. Bangladesh has rewarded Sri Lankan professionals with upper-level salary scales and other remunerations.

Similarly, the goodwill mutual gesture of military training by each country and the Scholarship program for medical students’ endowed by Bangladesh are laudable.

Our engagements from the Mission in Dhaka were not deterred due to the pandemic. The planning of new initiatives were placed on track in the past two years. From the Sri Lankan end, our new investment plans have chalked out a long list of programs on two-way engagements. These largely cover Trade and Investments, Tourism, Shipping and aviation, agriculture, education, heritage and culture and health among other areas. A team of Travel writers and Tour operators from Bangladesh are currently touring Sri Lanka. An expanded plan on eco-tourism, sporting events and high end corporate tourism are on track. Events such as food festivals, investment sessions, IT-based operations, gems, tea and renewable energy initiatives are on the cards.

Aviation and shipping are making headway with official discussions at the ministerial level on coastal shipping, mutual birthing rights and warehouse facilities which are under discussion. Private sector shipping companies from Bangladesh and Sri Lanka most recently commenced working on joint ventures and the Government-owned shipping Corporations are working together. As for reverse investments, it is heartening to learn that Bangladesh has lifted the restriction of movement of capital as FDI’s. Though limited there was an outflow of FDI’s to Sri Lanka between 2005 and 2019 amounting to around 4 million US$. Sri Lanka is looking towards initial investments from Bangladesh and we have on track tourism, shipping, and pharma. We also need to strike a balance between the two brother nations so that trade balance needs to be rectified. As of now, the trade balance is in favour of Sri Lanka at 105 million US$. The near completion of the PTA will provide greater opportunities for closing the uneven flow.

Way forward towards
a shared future

Bangladesh and Sri Lanka need to prosper together. We also need to take care of each other in a newly evolving globalized world. We are also stakeholders of the larger family represented by the SAARC. BIMSTEC and IORA. As such, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka essentially need to see themselves as strategic partners. This partnership becomes imperative as our alignment revolves around the protection of the seascape embracing the two lands. One of the focal points and dynamics of the global power blocks is their engagement and aspirations in the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. The hinterland is a physical area that could be protected and managed by the respective states. We are now witnessing a sharply evolving competitive spirit that is setting the tone for the future of South Asia. The global neoliberal political and economic order is beginning to aggressively impact our region. It may effectively alter the balance of power and cordiality within the South Asian neighbourhood. Its impact is mainly felt over the seascape of the Bay of Bengal.

Our two lands hold an equally important role at the two strategic ends of the Bay of Bengal representing the “gateway” entry and exit points to the larger World systems. The Bay of Bengal essentially is an Oceanic highway. As such, the futuristic staying power and sustenance of our two countries revolve around the protection of the seascape of the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. It is now recognized that the Bay of Bengal is one of the richest resource areas in the world. Hence the high competitive premium placed on its natural and human wealth.

Bay of Bengal has wider ramifications. It provides entrée to a total oceanic eco-system associated with its residential community who are equal stakeholders to this oceanic repository. This implies common ownership to its total ecology: the wind, solar, aquatic and sub-surface mineral resources. It presents unison and not segments compartmentalized along narrow political fault lines or contours of hegimonic economic interests.

Most recently discussions feature the Centrality of the Bay of Bengal as a connectivity Hub for the Indo-Pacific Region and the Indian Ocean. There are also discussions on the Bay of Bengal Oceanic community. As equal stake holders Sri Lanka could collaborate with Bangladesh for studies on sustainable heritage economy and Bay of Bengal studies.

Bay of Bengal needs to be seen as an integral component of the IOR, where Both, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh are member of IORA. Taking a leaf out of the IORA, our two countries could steer towards (i) Maritime Safety & Security (ii) Trade & Investment (iii) Fisheries Management (iv) Disaster Risk Management (V) Academic, Science & Technology (vi) Tourism & Cultural Exchanges while Gender Empowerment is a significant area of engagement. If this is adhered to, it will be a permanent legacy of our trans-oceanic connectivity representing best of Track 2 & 3 Diplomacy.

This ideal finds expression in the “blue economy” or the ocean industry. The Blue Economy envisages the sustainable harvesting of our oceanic resources. In 2017 this idea was narrowed down to the Bay of Bengal by Abdullahel Bari from Bangladesh calling it “Our Ocean and the Blue Economy: Opportunities and Challenges” with special reference to Bangladesh.

Ocean industry has wider implications to both countries for its future planning, which essentially calls for joint studies. Both countries face security risks and over-exploitation of aquatic resources. In 2019 David Brewster suggested an Indian Ocean Security Forum as a regional agenda for Geo-Environmental Security Challenges. Such security risks may spill across geophysical boundaries and trigger off conflict areas. An allied opportunity is seen with the Tri-continental Maritime Security Cooperation (since 2013) where Bangladesh needs to be a full-time partner along with Sri Lanka, India and the Maldives. Most recent discussions also highlight the need to make the Bay of Bengal a zone of Peace so as to neutralize big power competition and also as a strategic philosophy on oceanic studies. Both Bangladesh and Sri Lanka must work together to realize such ideals.

In view of this, we wish to suggest a broader action plan incorporating a value-added purview of Oceanic Studies for the Bay of Bengal and as an engagement by its Oceanic community. A joint policy charted by Bangladesh and Sri Lanka for sustainable environmental development is one way forward how the oceanic front of Bay of Bengal is treated with sensitivity, protected and nurtured as a priority agenda by our two nations. It is about humanizing social, economic, and cultural interactions within a sustainable environment. It is seen as an alternative to development imposed from above on unequal partners in the global world. Bangladesh and Sri Lanka need to be key partners in realizing such an ideal.

Conclusion

Excellences’, ladies and gentlemen my officers at the Sri Lanka High Commission in Bangladesh join me in wishing another 50 years of friendship and solidarity between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka as a gift to our people and to the world.

May I sign off with the sentiment, Mage Suwarnabhumi Sri Lanka (my golden Sri Lanka) and Amar sonar Bangla (my Golden Bangla)



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People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy

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BASL public forum held last Saturday

Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.

The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.

A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.

Different Approach

Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.

Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.

The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.

Maintain Confidence

The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.

In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.

The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.

by Jehan Perera

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Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation

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In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy.

In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.

The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.

To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.

A Shared Strategic Vision

Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:

A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner

These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.

A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.

Good Governance: The Cornerstone

The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.

Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.

Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.

When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.

The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence

An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.

Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.

Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.

Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.

Human Rights: A Strategic Asset

There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.

Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.

Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.

Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.

Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre

At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.

Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.

Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.

An effective intelligence system should be:

*  Predictive rather than reactive.

*  Preventive rather than investigative alone.

*  Integrated rather than fragmented.

*  Technology-driven rather than paper-based.

*  People-centred rather than institution-centred.

Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.

Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.

Intelligence Beyond National Security

Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.

Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.

Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:

*  Economic planning

*  Public health preparedness

*  Disaster risk reduction

*  Cybersecurity

*  Energy security

*  Food security

*  Environmental protection

*  Artificial intelligence governance

*  Foreign policy

*  Investment protection

An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.

Whole-of-Government Cooperation

One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.

Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.

A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.

Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.

Economic Prosperity Through Security

Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.

Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.

An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.

Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.

Investment creates employment.

Employment reduces poverty.

Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.

Social stability reinforces national security.

International Partnerships

No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.

Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.

Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.

Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.

Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.

Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.

Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.

The Relationship Between National Stakeholders

National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.

Government provides leadership and policy direction.

The judiciary safeguards justice.

Law enforcement protects public safety.

The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.

Civil society strengthens social cohesion.

Educational institutions develop future leaders.

The private sector generates investment and innovation.

International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.

Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.

When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.

The Strategic Path Forward

Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.

That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.

The pathway is straightforward:

Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation

This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.

The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.

A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.

A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.

The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace

By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)

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The perfect victim: How institutions respond

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Nils Christie

It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.

I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.

The myth of the perfect victim

One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.

In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.

What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.

Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.

Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?

The subject of scrutiny

When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.

“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”

“Why didn’t you go to the police?”

“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”

“Why did you continue interacting with him?”

“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”

“There is no smoke without fire.”

Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.

These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.

The silence that speaks

The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.

The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.

Post judgement reflections

At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.

Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.

(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

by Udari Abeyasinghe

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