Features

THE HOTEL ATTACKED! – Part 29

Published

4 years ago

2021/12/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

CONFESSIONS OF A GLOBAL GYPSY

By Dr. Chandana (Chandi) Jayawardena DPhil

President – Chandi J. Associates Inc. Consulting, Canada

Founder & Administrator – Global Hospitality Forum

chandij@sympatico.ca

Beach and Tourists Back

The eventful off season for tourism ended by late October 1976. Around the same time, the sea erosion ended and sea became calm again. The Hotel Manager Muna and I, as the Assistant Manager and Executive Chef, led the Coral Gardens Hotel to be fully prepared to welcome guests for the 1976/1977 season. However, the tensions with the villagers, fishermen and beach boys continued.

Every other day, I continued my popular weekly buffets – International buffet for Sunday lunch, Beach barbecue night, Sri Lankan hopper night and Lobster night. We continued to attract large tourist groups specifically for lunch and coral garden boat excursions. I enhanced the fixed menus with new dishes I had learnt during the off season. I also made most of the à la carte orders, as I enjoyed the challenge of making those dishes within 15 minutes. Several repeat guests arrived at their favourite hotel in Sri Lanka. Muna and I paid special attention to these loyal customers and I continued creating desserts to honour such guests.

100-Item New Year’s Eve Buffet

Muna gave me a total free hand to organize a grand New Year’s Eve dinner dance. I auditioned several bands from Colombo and chose two bands with input from the German and Swedish tour leaders. I also developed an international theme for the event with input from some German, French, British, Swedish, Danish, Finish and Norwegian repeat guests. I focused a lot on planning a well-balanced 100-item international buffet menu, which was the most ambitious menu I had planned up to that point of my career.

Due to the on-going tensions with some local groups, we arranged additional security for the big day. Muna had invited two powerful local business leaders who were our friends – Leslie and Dudley, to his table at the New Year’s Eve dinner dance. This was done more as a strengthening of security strategy. Muna had also invited a few foreign tour leaders to his table. As he had three more spaces at his table, he invited Captain Wicks, his wife and their beautiful teenage daughter. I was particularly pleased with that decision.

Riot and Attack

While coordinating the buffet and food and beverage service, I also paid some attention to a large group of ‘loud’ local fishermen having drinks at the public bar. According to the excise department rules, we had to close that bar at 11:00 pm. The resident bar was open till late, but it was exclusively for hotel guests. Just after 11:00 pm, Barman Kalansooriya came to inform Muna and I that the local fishermen were refusing to leave the bar. Muna said, “Close the public bar as per the government rules, and politely request the local fishermen to leave.”

Within a minute, the barman returned looking very worried. He said, “The locals are demanding that they be allowed to have drinks at the resident bar.” We simply could not change the hotel policy focused on the safety of the hotel guests. Our answer to that request was, “No! That is not possible.”

A few minutes later, we heard a big noise. About 50 drunk fishermen shouted while trying to enter the hotel reception to march towards the resident bar. They angrily shouted, “Today is the day we will destroy this hotel!” Muna called the local police station and as I knew most of the gang, I tried to calm down the fishermen. All the waiters stood behind me in support at the hotel entrance. “I understand your concerns. Let’s talk about these issues tomorrow. We should not interrupt the event specially organized for tourists visiting your town”, I pleaded.

On hearing about the commotion, Leslie quickly left Muna’s table and rushed to the hotel entrance area to confront the fishermen. Leslie had a very strong physique and was a well-respected diver and businessman in the area. Some of those fishermen shouting, worked on Leslie’s fishing boats. Leslie interpreted the riot as a personal insult to him since he was the hotel manager’s guest. While angrily staring at the drunk fishermen, Leslie rolled up the sleeves of his shirt. He was ready to punish the culprits single-handedly.

Out of fear of Leslie most of the fishermen under his employment ran away. A few others in their drunkenness said, “Respected Leslie Sir, please don’t hit us.” Some of them added, “We did not know that you were at the hotel. We apologize”, and promptly left the hotel car park. There were about two dozen fishermen still standing in defiance. They wanted to fight Leslie, who took the challenge in lightning speed. Within a few minutes Leslie managed to knock down about a dozen. Others ran in fear, but commenced throwing large rocks at Leslie, from a distance.

At that point I held Leslie and tried to move him away, in fear that he might injure someone badly. A large rock was coming our way and Leslie quickly ducked. The rock hit my head and I fell like a tree. I was unconscious when the hotel workers lifted and placed me in the hotel car. I vaguely remembered someone smashing the windscreen of the car just after that and being showered with broken pieces of glass.

Usher the New Year at ER

When I opened my eyes with great difficulty, I was on a small bed in a dark room. I had no memory of anything from that evening. I felt broken glass pieces and blood when I touched my afro hair. The first thing that came to my mind was that I was dying and this was the end for me. In my feeble and drowsy state, I felt no fear of dying.

Next time I regained consciousness, there was a nurse standing by my bed, and my hair was cut to dress the head wounds. She told me that I had two accidents last night and that I was in the emergency room at Galle General Hospital. “What’s the day?” I asked with difficulty. “The first of January” she said. “Which year?” I asked as I could not remember anything at all. The nurse said, “1977.” Soon after that, a young doctor came to see me and informed that I would be taken by an ambulance to a private hospital in Colombo. He also told me that I was lucky that I was wearing my chef hat when I was hit on the head by the thrown stone.

A Month at Wycherley Nursing Home

I didn’t remember anything after that until I woke up in a nice and spacious bedroom. When I looked up, all I could see was an old fashion wooden ceiling fan gently circling. Then I saw my mother and father by my bedside, looking very worried. “You are at the Wycherley Nursing Home in Colombo seven”, my father told me, calmly. I tried to get up, but I couldn’t. In fact, I could not walk for two weeks. I was unsteady while the doctors tried different treatments. The bandages on my head were changed daily during visits by various specialists led by Dr. P. R. Anthonis, veteran surgeon (and later, the Chancellor of the University of Colombo).

My mother came to the hospital in the morning every day and stayed with me till late evening. She also tried to feed me the hospital food as well as my favourite dishes, she prepared at home for me. I hardly had any appetite and lost some weight. My father and two sisters came to visit me every evening after work. Many other members of my family and my friends visited me, but I could not talk too much. I was pleasantly surprised when Captain Wicks, his wife and their teenage daughter visited me one day. To cheer me up they told me that they were most impressed with my 100-item buffet, but saddened because of what happened to me on the New Year’s Eve.

A happy note during this unsteady month for me was appreciating the chance given to me to recover within a beautiful historic building. The Wycherley was built in early 1920s by a versatile gentleman. He was one of the greatest Ceylonese surgeons, writers and experts of the flora and fauna and the aboriginal people of the island – Dr. Richard Lionel Spittel. He had retired from the Government service at 53 years of age and ventured out to run his own Wycherley Nursing Home. High ceilings, old style celling fans, white windows and wooden floors enhanced the unique ambiance of the Wycherley.

One day, I noticed a teenage girl in a house right opposite the nursing home looking into my room frequently. My mother was surprised when this young girl waved at us. The next day she visited us and appeared to know details of what happened to me at the Coral Gardens Hotel. She said, “I am Roshika Fernando. I live with my family in Coniston Place, adjoining the Wycherley. I heard of what happened from a cousin of mine who is in the hotel industry.” As she was feeling very sorry for me, Roshika became a regular visitor in the afternoons. We used to have short chats and later when doctors wanted me to practice walking again, Roshika used to accompany me in the front garden of the Wycherley. Gradually our walks extended to Coniston Place. She was a very charming, kind and friendly girl.

Death Threats to the Manager

Towards the end of January, 1977, Muna came to see me. His story was frightening. He told me, “Chandana, since January first, I have been sleeping in a different room every night.” When I asked him the reason, he said that every evening around 9:00 pm he used to get a strange telephone call with a death threat. He had increased security at the hotel and arranged the local police to do frequent visits to the hotel. He then said, “I am on my way to the head office to get their advice.”

Within an hour, Muna returned to my room at the Wycherley. “I resigned!” he announced. I was shocked. Muna and I were a good team and together we accomplished many innovative things. I was saddened to hear about his decision and inquired about it. Muna was disappointed with the head office Director in charge of hotels, who allegedly told Muna, “I say, Munasinghe, tell those villagers if they kill you, the company will not give up. We will send another manager.” Instead of any further verbal communication, Muna immediately wrote his letter of resignation and handed it over to the Director.

Muna was seven years older than me and was like a big brother to me. He guided me well and also gave me full authority to run my departments. I was disappointed with his sudden departure from the job. “Are you going to the hotel now?” I asked Muna. “No, I will never step into that hotel again. I will send the driver to bring all my belongings to Colombo”. And that’s what he did.

Within a week, Muna found a good job at the Galle Face Hotel and moved on. That wasn’t the end of my working relationship with Muna. Within five years, on the same day in late 1981, Muna and I joined the Ceylon Hotel School as Senior Lecturers. He taught Professional Cookery and I taught Food and Beverage Operations to the fourth and final year students of CHS. During our breaks from lectures, we used to have some long chats about our memorable time at the Bentota Beach Hotel and the Coral Gardens Hotel.

Soon after Muna said good bye and left my room, my mother was prompting me to follow Muna’s steps and resign. I did not agree with her, and I decided to go back to Coral Gardens Hotel. I felt that my mission was not completed at the hotel, yet. That month I spent at the Wycherley was the only time I ever stayed at a hospital for an illness or injury in my whole life. I was eager to get out.

Years later, when I was introduced to the senior leadership team of Aitken Spence Hotels, as the facilitator of a two-day leadership coaching session, their Managing Director, Malin Hapugoda (Hapu) referred to my accident. He said, “Chandana was very playful and immature when he worked under me at Bentota Beach Hotel and before being hit by a large stone on his head in 1976.” There was pin drop silence among my high-level students – their Corporate Directors, Vice Presidents and General Managers of over 25 hotels. After a pause, Hapu said, “After the accident he became a genius, a professor and a scholar!” After that funny introduction I quickly changed the ice breakers I had planned for the session.

A Shaky Return

After a break of one month, I returned to the hotel on the first of February. It was little shaky at the beginning as I still could not walk properly. After I re-started work, I quickly recovered. In spite of serious advice to not step out of the hotel without a bodyguard, I commenced walking by myself to other hotels in the evenings. To my surprise, many villagers who threw stones at the hotel on December 31st, apologized to me. They said that they never wanted to harm me and it was a mistake in their drunken state. That day, I learnt that even with one’s adversaries, through an open dialogue, some problems can be resolved. I accepted their apology.

Impressed with my bravery of returning to work, a few in the company board had discussed the possibility of promoting me to be the Manager. However, some Directors, felt that at the age of 23, I may need more experience before being promoted. Given the unique types of challenges in managing hotels in Hikkaduwa, there were talks of sending a mature Manager, perhaps with miliary officer experience.

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Features

Power crept into the Sangha and is now tearing it apart

Published

22 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

A file photo of Buddhist monks engaged in a protest

For more than a century, Sri Lankan society has lived with a quiet contradiction at the heart of its religious life. On the one hand, the Buddhist monk is revered as the embodiment of moral discipline, selfrestraint, and renunciation. On the other, the modern monk has become a public figure, political actor, administrator, media personality, and in some cases power broker whose influence extends far beyond the temple. This contradiction has been tolerated, even celebrated, for decades. But recent events, most notably a widely publicised case involving a senior monk accused of grave moral misconduct, have forced the country to confront a painful truth: the institutional conditions that make such scandals possible are not new. They are the predictable outcome of a long historical process that H. L. Seneviratne described with remarkable clarity in The Work of Kings. The moral deterioration visible today is not an aberration. It is the culmination of a centurylong transformation in the identity, function, and authority of the Sangha.

To understand how we arrived at this moment, it is necessary to revisit the argument Seneviratne made nearly three decades ago. His thesis was simple but profound: the modern Sri Lankan monkhood has taken on the ‘work of kings.’ By this he meant that monks, instead of confining themselves to the renunciant life prescribed by the Vinaya, have assumed the secular responsibilities once associated with precolonial kingship, such as protecting the religion, organising society, guiding the nation, and enforcing moral order. This shift, he argued, was not a natural evolution of Buddhist tradition but a modern invention shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the anxieties of a society struggling to redefine itself in the face of foreign domination. The monk became a symbol of national identity, a guardian of cultural authenticity, and a leader in the struggle for political autonomy. In the process, the boundaries that once separated the monastic from the worldly began to dissolve.

Transformation

The consequences of this transformation were not immediately visible. For decades, the activist monk was celebrated as a patriot, a reformer, and a moral guide. His involvement in education, social welfare, and nationalist mobilisation was seen as a necessary response to colonial pressures and missionary competition. But beneath the surface, the foundations of monastic discipline were slowly eroding. The Vinaya, which had served for centuries as a rigorous framework for regulating monastic life, was increasingly overshadowed by the demands of public engagement. The communal structures that once ensured accountability, senior supervision, collective confession, and the daily rhythms of monastic routine, were weakened by the pressures of modernity. Monks who travelled constantly, managed institutions, or lived independently in urban temples found themselves outside the traditional systems of oversight that had long protected the integrity of the Sangha.

Scandal

It is within this historical context that the recent scandal must be understood. The case shocked the nation not only because of the severity of the allegations but because it shattered the public’s assumption that the monkhood remains a bastion of moral purity. Yet the shock itself reveals a collective denial. For years, Sri Lankan society has been aware, sometimes quietly, sometimes openly—of the growing gap between the ideal of the monk and the realities of modern monastic life. Stories of misconduct, financial irregularities, political manipulation, and abuse of authority have circulated with increasing frequency. But each incident has been treated as an isolated failure, a personal weakness, or an unfortunate exception. What has been missing is recognition that these incidents are symptoms of a deeper structural problem.

Seneviratne’s analysis helps illuminate this problem. When monks take on the work of kings, they inevitably enter domains of power that expose them to temptations the Vinaya was designed to avoid. Handling money, managing institutions, cultivating political patrons, and exercising authority over laypeople create opportunities for ego, ambition, and moral compromise. The monk who becomes a public figure is no longer shielded by the anonymity and humility of the renunciant life. Instead, he becomes a celebrity, a leader, and in some cases an object of uncritical devotion. This elevation brings with it a dangerous form of immunity. Laypeople who revere a monk for his public achievements may hesitate to question his behaviour. Politicians who rely on monastic support may protect him from scrutiny. The media, which often treats monks as moral authorities, may be reluctant to investigate allegations that challenge the sanctity of the robe.

The recent scandal illustrates how these dynamics can converge. The monk at the centre of the case was not an obscure figure. He was a respected preacher, charismatic leader, and head of a prominent institution. His public image was built on years of service, teaching, and community engagement. Yet it was precisely this public stature that allowed him to operate without meaningful oversight. The institutional structures around him, administrators, lay supporters, and junior monks, were either unwilling or unable to challenge his authority. The very qualities that made him a respected figure in the eyes of the public also made him untouchable within his own institution. When allegations finally emerged, they revealed not only personal wrongdoing but a systemic failure of accountability.

Failure that is not unique

This failure is not unique to one temple or one monk. It reflects a broader pattern within the modern Sangha. As monastic institutions have grown in size, wealth, and influence, their internal governance has struggled to keep pace. Many temples operate as semiautonomous entities controlled by a single monk or a small group of monks. Financial transparency is limited, administrative oversight is weak, and the mechanisms for addressing misconduct are often informal or ineffective. The traditional structures of monastic discipline, such as the Sangharama procedures for adjudicating offences, are rarely used in modern contexts, partly because they require collective participation and partly because they are illsuited to the complexities of contemporary institutional life. In practice, this means that monks who wield significant authority can act with little fear of internal sanction.

The politicisation of the Sangha has further complicated matters. Since the midtwentieth century, monks have played an increasingly prominent role in electoral politics, nationalist movements, and public policy debates. This involvement has given them access to political networks that can be mobilised to protect their interests. It has also created a culture in which monks are valued not for their adherence to the Vinaya but for their ability to influence public opinion, mobilise voters, or lend moral legitimacy to political causes. In such an environment, the monk who is politically useful may be shielded from criticism, while the monk who adheres strictly to the renunciant ideal may find himself marginalised or ignored.

The result is a profound distortion of monastic identity. The monk who once sought liberation from worldly attachments is now encouraged to cultivate influence, authority, and public recognition. The monk who once lived under the strict supervision of senior elders now operates in a world where independence is celebrated and oversight is minimal. The monk who once relied on laypeople for basic sustenance now controls vast resources, manages institutions, and commands the loyalty of thousands of followers. This inversion of traditional roles has created a fertile ground for moral deterioration.

Yet it would be a mistake to interpret this deterioration as evidence that the Sangha as a whole is corrupt. Many monks continue to live lives of remarkable discipline, humility, and spiritual dedication. In remote forest monasteries, small village temples, and meditation centres across the country, monks quietly uphold the ancient ideals of the renunciant life. They are not the ones who appear on television, lead political rallies, or manage large institutions. Their work is invisible, their influence subtle, and their commitment unwavering. The crisis facing the Sangha today is not a crisis of individual morality but a crisis of institutional identity. It is the product of a centurylong transformation that has blurred the boundaries between the monastic and the secular, the spiritual and the political, the renunciant and the worldly.

If Sri Lanka is to address this crisis, it must begin by acknowledging the structural nature of the problem. The temptation to treat each scandal as an isolated incident must be resisted. Instead, the country must confront the uncomfortable reality that the modern configuration of monastic life is fundamentally at odds with the principles of the Vinaya. The Sangha cannot simultaneously function as a political force, a social service provider, a media institution, and a spiritual community without compromising its integrity. The more monks are drawn into the world, the more vulnerable they become to the moral dangers that the Buddha warned against.

Reform, therefore, must focus not only on punishing individual offenders but on rethinking the institutional structures that enable misconduct. This includes strengthening internal governance, enhancing financial transparency, restoring the authority of senior elders, and reestablishing the communal practices that once ensured accountability. It also requires a broader cultural shift in how laypeople relate to monks. Blind devotion must give way to informed respect. Reverence must be balanced with responsibility. The robe must be honoured, but it must not be used as a shield against scrutiny.

Seneviratne’s work offers a valuable starting point for this rethinking. His analysis reminds us that the crisis facing the Sangha is not the result of moral decline alone but of historical forces that reshaped the identity of the monkhood. By tracing the evolution of the activist monk, he shows how the Sangha became entangled in the political and social structures of the modern nationstate. This entanglement has brought both benefits and dangers. It has allowed monks to play important roles in education, social welfare, and national development. But it has also exposed them to the corrupting influences of power, wealth, and public acclaim.

The challenge now is to disentangle the Sangha from these influences without undermining its ability to serve society. This will not be easy. The activist monk has become deeply embedded in the cultural and political fabric of the country. Many laypeople expect monks to be leaders, reformers, and guardians of national identity. Politicians rely on monastic support to legitimise their agendas. Media institutions depend on monks for content, commentary, and moral authority. Reversing this trend will require a collective effort from monks, laypeople, and political leaders alike.

Ultimately, the future of the Sangha depends on its ability to reclaim the renunciant ideal that lies at the heart of Buddhist monasticism. This does not mean withdrawing from society entirely, but it does mean reestablishing the boundaries that protect the monk from the dangers of worldly involvement. It means recognising that the true strength of the Sangha lies not in its political influence or institutional power but in its moral authority, its spiritual discipline, and its commitment to the path of liberation. The recent scandal, painful as it is, may serve as a catalyst for this reevaluation. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the modern monastic system and forced the country to confront the consequences of a centurylong transformation.

To understand how the Vihara Devalegam Act relates to the perceived moral deformation of the clergy, it is necessary to examine how property management, state law, and monastic discipline intersect in the modern era. Historically stemming from the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance No. 19 of 1931, this act serves as the primary legal framework governing the ‘temporalities’—meaning the secular wealth, extensive landholdings, and material donations belonging to Buddhist temples and shrines. While ancient kings granted these vast tracts of land to support the monkhood’s spiritual pursuits, the modern codification of this law has inadvertently fostered a system where property rights frequently supersede spiritual accountability.

The core of the crisis lies in the commercialisation of the monastic order that this legal framework enables. By treating temple lands as economic assets and vesting absolute administrative power in individual chief monks or lay trustees, the act has contributed to the rise of what critics term a monastic middle class. Access to vast, unregulated financial resources, rent from lands, and corporate donations has fundamentally shifted the focus of certain segments of the clergy away from the traditional path of worldly renunciation and spiritual guidance. Instead, it has driven a preoccupation with business investments, the accumulation of private capital, and luxury lifestyles, which deeply alienates a public looking to the Sangha for moral leadership.

The institutional flaws embedded in the Vihara Devalegam Act find a stark, real-world manifestation in the recent criminal case involving Venerable Pallegama Hemarathana Thero. As the chief priest of Anuradhapura and the custodian of the Atamasthana—the eight highly venerated Buddhist shrines, including the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi—Hemarathana Thero occupied one of the most powerful and wealthy positions within the Sri Lankan Sangha. His arrest on charges of sexual abuse of a minor girl perfectly illustrates how the structural defects of the Act facilitate not only moral decay but also the systemic obstruction of justice.

The core of this intersection lies in the vast, unaccountable wealth generated by the temporalities of the Anuradhapura shrines. Under the Vihara Devalegam Act, the chief custodian exercises immense, virtually unchecked control over temple revenues, state-backed land management, and millions of rupees in daily donations from millions of global pilgrims. It is precisely this immense financial liquidity that enabled the alleged deployment of vast sums of money to the victim’s family.

Furthermore, the situation underscores the profound policy failures cited regarding the helplessness of the monastic hierarchy and state enforcement. When child protection authorities initially attempted to act, the National Child Protection Authority noted severe delays and institutional resistance, stating they practically had to force the police to execute the arrest. The monk’s immediate retreat to a private hospital in Colombo upon the advancement of the criminal probe, followed by his release on bail, mirrors the exact loop described where wealthy monastics deploy high-priced legal defence teams funded directly or indirectly by their institutional positions. Because the Vihara Devalegam Act does not provide a mechanism for the immediate, unconditional forfeiture of temporal administrative rights upon a criminal indictment, the accused retains his structural power throughout the legal process. The Pallegama Thero scandal stands as definitive proof that without a fundamental overhaul of how temple wealth is legally governed and disciplined, the material benefits guaranteed by ancient temporalities will continue to shield the worst elements of moral deformation from the rule of law.

If Sri Lanka can learn from this moment and if it can recognise the structural roots of the crisis and commit to meaningful reform, then the Sangha may yet emerge stronger, more disciplined, and more faithful to its ancient ideals. But if the country continues to treat each scandal as an isolated failure and if it continues to ignore the deeper institutional problems that Seneviratne identified, then the moral deterioration we see today will only deepen. The work of kings, when performed by monks, carries a heavy price. It is time to decide whether that price is worth paying.

by Professor Amarasiri de Silva

Features

Kondachchi wind farm and battery storage project to boost energy security, says Power Ministry Secretary

Published

22 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

The Power and Energy Ministry’s drive towards energy security and renewable energy expansion received a major boost yesterday with the signing of a tripartite cooperation agreement for the development of the 150 MW Kondachchi Wind Power Project and an integrated Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in Mannar.

The agreement was signed at the Ministry of Power auditorium under the patronage of Power Minister Anura Karunatilaka and Deputy Power Minister Arkam Ilyas.

Speaking at the event, Ministry Secretary G. M. R. D. Aponsu described the project as a transformative investment that would strengthen the country’s electricity network while supporting Sri Lanka’s transition towards cleaner energy sources.

“The Kondachchi Wind Power Project represents a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy journey. By combining large-scale wind generation with advanced battery energy storage technology, we are creating a more resilient and reliable power system capable of meeting future energy demands while reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels,” Aponsu said.

The project will be developed at Silavathurai in the Kondachchi area of Mannar on lands owned by the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation. It is expected to utilise some 31 modern wind turbines with a total installed capacity of at least 150 MW.

Aponsu said the inclusion of an integrated battery storage facility would help address the variability associated with wind power generation and ensure stable electricity supply to the national grid.

“The battery energy storage component is a key feature of this project. It will enable the efficient integration of renewable energy into the grid and enhance overall system stability, which is essential as Sri Lanka increases the share of renewables in its energy mix,” he said.

According to the Ministry, the wind farm is expected to generate nearly 525 gigawatt-hours of electricity annually, significantly reducing the country’s expenditure on imported fuel and strengthening national energy security.

The project is also expected to contribute to Sri Lanka’s climate commitments by reducing carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 372,750 tonnes annually.

“This investment delivers both economic and environmental benefits. It will reduce greenhouse gas emissions, support sustainable development objectives and help Sri Lanka move closer to achieving its renewable energy and climate targets,” Aponsu noted.

The project will be implemented under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement using the Build, Own and Operate (BOO) model. The Asian Development Bank is providing technical and financial advisory support through its Transaction Advisory Services programme.

The signing ceremony was attended by Pradeep Perera, Chairman of the National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd., and Takeyo Koike, Head of Market Development and Public-Private Partnership Division of the ADB, among other distinguished guests.

The Ministry said comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessments and avifaunal studies have been undertaken to ensure minimal impacts on bird populations, nearby communities and agricultural lands. A dedicated 220-kilovolt transmission system will also be constructed to connect the project to the national grid.

“The Kondachchi Wind Farm is a strategic national project that will help secure Sri Lanka’s energy future while accelerating the country’s transition towards sustainable and affordable electricity generation,” Aponsu said.

Energy sector experts view the project as one of the most important renewable energy initiatives currently being pursued in Sri Lanka, combining utility-scale wind generation with modern energy storage technology to enhance grid reliability and long-term energy sustainability.

By Ifham Nizam

Features

Saudi Arabia sets new benchmark in Hajj management as 1.7 million pilgrims complete sacred journey

Published

22 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

Ambassador Al-Kahtani

Interview with Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka

Saudi Arabia has once again demonstrated its unparalleled capacity to manage one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings, with this year’s Hajj pilgrimage concluding successfully despite extreme temperatures and the immense logistical challenge of accommodating more than 1.7 million pilgrims from around the world.

In an exclusive interview with The Island, Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka, described the 2026 Hajj season as a resounding success, crediting the achievement to the visionary leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and the coordinated efforts of multiple government agencies working around the clock to serve pilgrims.

The Ambassador noted that nearly 3,500 Sri Lankan pilgrims participated in this year’s Hajj under the quota allocated to Sri Lanka, benefiting from enhanced healthcare services, sophisticated crowd-management systems, expanded shaded areas and cutting-edge digital solutions introduced by the Kingdom.

With Saudi Arabia continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure, technology and pilgrim services under Vision 2030, Ambassador Al-Kahtani said the Kingdom remains committed to ensuring that pilgrims from around the world perform their religious duties in safety, comfort and tranquility.

The Saudi envoy also highlighted the growing partnership between Saudi Arabia and Sri Lanka, emphasising expanding cooperation not only in Hajj affairs but also in trade, investment, education, culture and institutional exchanges.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

Q: How do you assess this year’s Hajj season?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: This year’s Hajj season was a resounding success, thanks to the Almighty Allah and the integrated efforts of the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister. This success was reflected in the efficiency of crowd management, the quality of services provided to the Hajj pilgrims and the effective coordination among the various relevant authorities, which enabled pilgrims to perform their rituals in an atmosphere of security, tranquility and ease.

Q: How many Sri Lankan pilgrims performed Hajj this year?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The number of Hajj pilgrims from the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka reached approximately 3,500, within the quota allocated to Sri Lanka for this season.

Q: Are there any discussions regarding increasing Sri Lanka’s quota in the future?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani:Hajj quotas are determined according to approved regulatory mechanisms that take into account a range of considerations. The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continue to study various aspects related to developing Hajj services and accommodating the allocated numbers for all countries, in coordination with the concerned parties.

Q: What were the most prominent special arrangements implemented this year?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The operational plans for this season focused on enhancing the safety and comfort of the Hajj pilgrims, especially given the climatic conditions and high temperatures. Measures included expanding shaded areas, increasing water distribution points and enhancing health and ambulance services, in addition to developing the transportation system and traffic management within the holy sites.

Q: What are the most prominent digital systems and smart services that were provided?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani:The Kingdom continues to implement its digital transformation objectives for the Hajj and Umrah system. The scope of electronic services offered through the Nusuk platform and application has been expanded, along with the development of digital systems for issuing permits, managing crowds, guidance and health services. This contributes to increasing the efficiency of services and improving the pilgrim’s experience at all stages of their journey.

Q: How were the challenges of overcrowding and heat addressed?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities adopted an integrated crowd-management system based on modern technologies and real-time data analysis. This was coupled with intensified health-awareness campaigns, expanded organised movement routes and increased deployment of field, medical and emergency teams. These measures support the safety of the Hajj pilgrims and reduce the risks associated with crowd density and climatic conditions.

Q: Were there special services for the elderly and sick?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Yes. The Kingdom paid special attention to the elderly and people with special health needs by providing specialized medical services, assistive transportation and facilities equipped to meet their needs, in addition to field teams working to provide humanitarian support and necessary healthcare throughout the Hajj period.

Q: How successful was the Kingdom in combating irregular Hajj permits?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continued to rigorously implement the regulations and instructions governing Hajj, utilising modern technologies and advanced monitoring procedures to reduce violations related to irregular Hajj. These efforts contributed to enhancing the safety of pilgrims, improving crowd-management efficiency and maintaining the smooth flow of movement within the holy sites.

Q: How would you describe Saudi-Sri Lankan cooperation in organising Hajj?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Cooperation between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka is characterised by continuous and constructive coordination in all matters related to Hajj. The relevant authorities in both countries work jointly to ensure the provision of the best services for Sri Lankan pilgrims and enable them to perform their rituals with ease and peace of mind.

Q: How many Hajj pilgrims were there globally, and what were the main challenges?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: According to official statistics, the number of Hajj pilgrims this year reached 1,707,301 from various countries around the world. The main challenges included managing large crowds, ensuring public safety and providing health, transportation and accommodation services within a specific geographical and temporal scope. These challenges were addressed through advanced and integrated operational plans, which contributed to the smooth and successful completion of the Hajj season.

Q: Are there any future expansion projects?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The Kingdom continues to implement strategic development projects within the framework of Vision 2030, including developing the infrastructure in Makkah and the Holy Sites, and enhancing transportation networks and smart services. This contributes to raising the quality of services provided to pilgrims and Umrah performers and improving their long-term experience.

Q: How are Saudi-Sri Lankan relations strengthened outside the context of Hajj?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka are witnessing continuous development in many areas, including political, economic, trade, cultural and educational cooperation, in addition to developing exchanges between institutions and the private sector. This reflects the two countries’ keenness to strengthen the bilateral partnership and achieve common interests.

Q: What message would you like to convey to Sri Lankan Muslims?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: We extend our sincere congratulations to the Hajj pilgrims who have completed their Hajj rituals, and we ask Almighty Allah to accept their pilgrimage. We also assure Muslims in Sri Lanka that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia places serving the Two Holy Mosques and the guests of Almighty Allah at the forefront of its priorities and continues to develop the Hajj and Umrah system to achieve the highest standards of quality and safety.

By Ifham Nizam