Features
Revolutionising actor training through indigenous corporeal arts
By Sajitha Prematunge
The various thuds, groans and gasps begged the question, were the participants insured? Apparently not, according to the AHEAD project team, lead by University of Visual and Performing Arts, Faculty of Dance and Drama, Professor in Theatre and Drama, Dr. Saumya Liyanage. The training takes place three days per week and make no mistake, Angampora is harder than it looks. But it is not life threatening if trained by a professional Master, assured Liyanage.
Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a World Bank funded government initiative aimed at supporting the higher education sector with the Ministry of Education and Higher Education as the implementing agency and the University Grants Commission (UGC) coordinating the activities in the universities.
“The objective of AHEAD is to develop IT skills, English language proficiency as well as innovation and research in the government university sector,” informed Liyanage. The programme provides funding under three key areas, one being development-oriented research, under which Liyanage’s research project proposal titled ”Lamp in a windless place’: Developing an Actor Training Methodology through Sri Lankan Combative Art Forms’ was selected for funding. The project explores the effectiveness of actor training through Angampora.
Liyanage explained that while Europeans are more explorative and there exists an intercultural discussion on performer training traditions, the potential of indigenous martial arts in developing an actor training methodology had not been explored at length before Phillip Zarrilli’s research. Liyanage was influenced by Exeter University, UK Professor Zarrilli’s research. Having met and worked with him, during an actor training workshop in India, Zarrilli’s work inspired the conception of Liyanage’s project. “Zarrilli developed an actor training methodology using Kerala-based form of martial arts, Kalaripayattu.” “But this is the first time the potential of Angampora, as a Sri Lankan combative art form, is being explored in terms of actor training,” said Hillary.
Funding
Lead academic expert of AHEAD Operation, Prof Thusitha Abeytunga and World Bank lead economist, Dr. Harsha Aturupane has been of immense support to them. “It takes a lot of effort, on their side, to appreciate the significance of this project, particularly from an economic perspective,” said Hillary. “Providing financial support to actor training research is an alien concept even for them,” confessed Liyanage. He said that he is grateful that his project is one of few from Humanities funded by AHEAD.
“The funding is provided as a soft loan, meaning the government has to pay it back eventually. But in essence, it is the public who has to bear the cost,” said Liyanage, pointing out that it is imperative that the public knows that they are paying for a good cause. “Contrary to popular belief that they are stagnating, universities actually do good work. For example, we produce academic papers quite frequently, but the general public is not exposed to them, simply because they are subject specific papers.”
The 10 million grant, offered for a period of three years, is being put to good use. The academic aspect of the project requires actual research work to be undertaken. “It makes for a healthy blend of academic exploration and practice,” said Liyanage. Consequently, much of the first year was spent on research and development of two MPhil degrees. Liyanage, Team Member, Natasha Hillary and the research assistants write academic papers while training takes place simultaneously. “Because it is only with the justification through academic writing, a qualitative method of evaluation, can we prove the objective or the outcome of the project,” said Hillary. Institute of Arts Barcelona, Spain has agreed to allocate the next issue of their journal to the project. Liyanage opined that developing new theory is an integral part of the project. “Later we would focus on developing an actor training methodology in a laboratory setting.”
In the second year an actor training laboratory was established within the university. “But we have not yet been able to make full use of it, because the university is currently off limits due to the prevailing pandemic situation,” admitted Liyanage. Hillary explained that the World Bank usually funds research projects and development of university infrastructure. “Such as the actor training laboratory, which the university was much in need of.” She explained that securing funding and actually keeping the project on par with other World Bank funded projects was no cake-walk. “They have a strict monitoring mechanism and we are expected to achieve Key Performance Indicators, within the project structure, that varies from academic papers, research problems to presentations at international symposia or conferences.”
According to Hillary University Business Linkages acts as a business partner to the project. “For example if the project achieves the results we hope it would it qualifies for a patent, where in a new course can be introduced, enabling actors to apply and learn this form of martial arts during their studies at the university.” She pointed out that students have hardly any opportunity to be exposed to such martial arts, within the university curriculum. “But if the project becomes a success it can even be converted to an internship,” informed Hillary.
Liyanage explained that although the university system produces quality graduates, there is no vibrant industry to absorb them, compared to countries like India. “The issue is that we have a small television industry, theatre is almost negligible and film industry is stagnant.” Liyanage explained that they are striving to produce high quality graduates to improve the industry, by honing their language skills, soft skills and IT skills.
Acting and martial arts
“Perfection of any martial arts requires discipline,” said Liyanage. “It is a very corporeal teaching methodology based on a traditional master-disciple relationship.” The basic principle is imitation of the master and imitation is a form of acting, explained Liyanage. “Attentiveness is essential in both mastering a form of martial arts and in acting. The presence of an actor is another key element in performing,” explained Liyanage. “It’s not mere personality, an actor’s presence is something else entirely. Just being in front of the camera or on stage, conveys a message and can count as presence.”
Training in martial arts also prepares an actor psychophysically, explained Liyanage. Liyanage points out that martial arts such as Angampora trains both body and mind simultaneously. “In fact, in the west there is a clear demarcation between mind and matter. This is a philosophical problem. However, in major Asian corporeal arts there is no distinction between mind and body. Philosophically, Angampora also reflects this unity of the body-mind.” Liyanage believes that this can be adapted as a philosophical base for actor training, as psychophysical actor training focuses on the body-mind functionality of the actor.
In fact, how the psychophysical approaches of ancient martial arts can be incorporated into actor training is what initially attracted Research Assistant, Lyudmyla Honcharova to the project. Honcharova admitted that she had always been attracted to martial arts. Honcharova observed that her training is more mentally challenging that it is physically so. “What constraints us is really a construct of the mind. Your body can take it, but your mind holds you back. But the master coaxes the students into pushing those psychological boundaries, to overcome your fears. This in the long run, builds self confidence.” Honcharova explained that if an actor is unsure of him or herself and hesitate on stage or set, it does not make the acting plausible. “The audience will see right through it. To become the character you portray, to become someone else, first you have to know yourself.”
Honcharova opined that the well-being of actors is something often ignored in traditional actor training. “Acting as a profession is both mentally and physically very rigorous. So it’s important that you know how to transit from your daily life to your stage life. A gap in actor training is that this is not taught.” Honcharova explained that, in contrast, martial arts have a solid structure, with warmups, the main session and the cooling down. “Angampora is not just about fighting, but about healing and both physical and mental well-being. Martial arts teaches you how to take care of your body, how to treat injury. It is specially based on Ayurvedic practices, capable of treating many ailments.”
Honcharova opined that Angampora helps one connect with the surrounding environment better and facilitates smoother energy flow, while also allowing one to concentrate on the different parts of the body. “The Angampora sessions start with meditation and it really helps to focus. In martial arts focus is vital, because you need to be able to foresee your opponent’s moves and you need to be observant and attentive. All these translate well into acting, since acting also involves multitasking in the form of interacting with other actors on stage, audience and delivering dialogue.” Honcharova explained that in both martial arts and acting the body becomes the main instrument. “So, although the two seems mutually exclusive, they are in fact mutually beneficial,” argued Honcharova.
Thilakshini Ratnayake, who has been engaged in theatre for over 10 years and have acted in several teledramas and films, is no stranger to acting. Ratnayake had acted in Vishama Bhaga, Silence in the Courts, Let Her Cry and Koombiyo, with two more movies in the pipeline. Her latest project is her role as Sulo in Thanamalvila Kollek. Ratnayake graduated with a Bachelor of Information Technology – external (BIT) from the Colombo University in 2010. Later she switched to Theatre Studies at the University of Visual and Performing Arts. Is is currently reading for her level II diploma in Drama and Theatre Studies at Trinity College London.
Ratnayake has attempted to apply what she had learned through the AHEAD project to her acting. Ratnayake pointed out that Angampora demands focus and coordination. “My focus and coordination between mind and body has improved. Movement needs to be coordinated, precise, purposeful and you have to be able to imagine your opponent. That’s very much like acting. When you act you may not have props or the other actors around, so a vivid imagination helps.” Consequently, the two can be mutually beneficial, opined Ratnayake. She admits that the training has heightened her focus and bodily awareness.
An injury deters Ratnayake from taking physical risks. But with the training she received from the AHEAD project, she has learned to relax and be more receptive to reactions from other actors and input from the director. “This kind of training also trains you to respect your body. My eating habits have gotten healthier and I’m more disciplined since I started training.” Ratnayake has learned to maintain a strict regimen in terms of physical health, eating right and getting regular hours of sleep. “I feel responsible for my body.”
Angampora is his forefathers legacy to Guru Karunapala, their Angampora master. Both his paternal and maternal grandfathers were Angampora masters of the Kotte tradition. Karunapala took up Angampora at the tender age of six. By the end of his studies he had become such a formidable Angampora fighter that he could kill a man with a newspaper, in quite the literal sense. He also perfected the art of using pressure points in combat and learned indigenous medicine for various ailments.
Karunapala had a tough training regimen, climbing arecanut trees in the rain and training ‘geta poottu’, different types moves or knots using one’s own limbs, in muddy paddy fields. A fully grown person can be incapacitated by tying him or her up with his or her own limbs, informed Karunapala. In fact, he said that a mere jerk of the opponent’s arm or pressing the right pressure point can nearly incapacitate an opponent for an extended period of time. “So you wouldn’t have to resort to killing.”
According to Karunapala, Angampora employs few of the oldest forms of physical exercise, such as locking one in a dandukanda (a pillory-like device). “This particular form of exercise strengthens the back and those who practice it will never hunch even at the age of 80 or 90.” While he was training he was required to do certain stretching exercises in the confines of a well. “It was called a ‘ling gete.’ Such exercises condition and strengthen the body.” Making one able to fight while standing on one foot. For most it’s nearly impossible to lift 100 pounds. But due to Karunapala’s rigorous weight lifting exercises, he can easily lift 350 pounds despite his 80 years. “In weights training, you are expected to lift other people, and the weight is increased daily, gradually.” Karunapala informed that certain breathing techniques are also employed in weight training. “When you have trained properly you can lift a fully grown cow without breaking a sweat.”
He explained that most of the Angampora moves are based on animal behaviour and certain moves are not taught because they are simply too dangerous. In fact, after mastering several of the styles Karunapala graduated only after vowing, standing neck deep in water with seven pots of milk on his head, never to use the moves to another’s detriment. He went back on his oath only once when he incapacitated 18 LTTE cadres single-handed. But this was a transparent matter of self defence.
“In all there are 64 styles. For example, the mantis is a harmless insect, but the Angampora style based on the mantis can be deadly.” The ‘Polu Sellama’ or fighting using staffs is based on deer fights using antlers. The ‘pimburu gete’ is based on pythons’ flexibility. The leopard and bear styles are some other such examples. “All these styles are slowly dying now,” said Karunapala, because some masters failed to pass the teachings onto the next generation. “Besides, people are too caught up in their economic strife, trying to make ends meet, than to take up something such as Angampora.”
Pics by Thushara Athapaththu
Features
Power crept into the Sangha and is now tearing it apart
For more than a century, Sri Lankan society has lived with a quiet contradiction at the heart of its religious life. On the one hand, the Buddhist monk is revered as the embodiment of moral discipline, selfrestraint, and renunciation. On the other, the modern monk has become a public figure, political actor, administrator, media personality, and in some cases power broker whose influence extends far beyond the temple. This contradiction has been tolerated, even celebrated, for decades. But recent events, most notably a widely publicised case involving a senior monk accused of grave moral misconduct, have forced the country to confront a painful truth: the institutional conditions that make such scandals possible are not new. They are the predictable outcome of a long historical process that H. L. Seneviratne described with remarkable clarity in The Work of Kings. The moral deterioration visible today is not an aberration. It is the culmination of a centurylong transformation in the identity, function, and authority of the Sangha.
To understand how we arrived at this moment, it is necessary to revisit the argument Seneviratne made nearly three decades ago. His thesis was simple but profound: the modern Sri Lankan monkhood has taken on the ‘work of kings.’ By this he meant that monks, instead of confining themselves to the renunciant life prescribed by the Vinaya, have assumed the secular responsibilities once associated with precolonial kingship, such as protecting the religion, organising society, guiding the nation, and enforcing moral order. This shift, he argued, was not a natural evolution of Buddhist tradition but a modern invention shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the anxieties of a society struggling to redefine itself in the face of foreign domination. The monk became a symbol of national identity, a guardian of cultural authenticity, and a leader in the struggle for political autonomy. In the process, the boundaries that once separated the monastic from the worldly began to dissolve.
Transformation
The consequences of this transformation were not immediately visible. For decades, the activist monk was celebrated as a patriot, a reformer, and a moral guide. His involvement in education, social welfare, and nationalist mobilisation was seen as a necessary response to colonial pressures and missionary competition. But beneath the surface, the foundations of monastic discipline were slowly eroding. The Vinaya, which had served for centuries as a rigorous framework for regulating monastic life, was increasingly overshadowed by the demands of public engagement. The communal structures that once ensured accountability, senior supervision, collective confession, and the daily rhythms of monastic routine, were weakened by the pressures of modernity. Monks who travelled constantly, managed institutions, or lived independently in urban temples found themselves outside the traditional systems of oversight that had long protected the integrity of the Sangha.
Scandal
It is within this historical context that the recent scandal must be understood. The case shocked the nation not only because of the severity of the allegations but because it shattered the public’s assumption that the monkhood remains a bastion of moral purity. Yet the shock itself reveals a collective denial. For years, Sri Lankan society has been aware, sometimes quietly, sometimes openly—of the growing gap between the ideal of the monk and the realities of modern monastic life. Stories of misconduct, financial irregularities, political manipulation, and abuse of authority have circulated with increasing frequency. But each incident has been treated as an isolated failure, a personal weakness, or an unfortunate exception. What has been missing is recognition that these incidents are symptoms of a deeper structural problem.
Seneviratne’s analysis helps illuminate this problem. When monks take on the work of kings, they inevitably enter domains of power that expose them to temptations the Vinaya was designed to avoid. Handling money, managing institutions, cultivating political patrons, and exercising authority over laypeople create opportunities for ego, ambition, and moral compromise. The monk who becomes a public figure is no longer shielded by the anonymity and humility of the renunciant life. Instead, he becomes a celebrity, a leader, and in some cases an object of uncritical devotion. This elevation brings with it a dangerous form of immunity. Laypeople who revere a monk for his public achievements may hesitate to question his behaviour. Politicians who rely on monastic support may protect him from scrutiny. The media, which often treats monks as moral authorities, may be reluctant to investigate allegations that challenge the sanctity of the robe.
The recent scandal illustrates how these dynamics can converge. The monk at the centre of the case was not an obscure figure. He was a respected preacher, charismatic leader, and head of a prominent institution. His public image was built on years of service, teaching, and community engagement. Yet it was precisely this public stature that allowed him to operate without meaningful oversight. The institutional structures around him, administrators, lay supporters, and junior monks, were either unwilling or unable to challenge his authority. The very qualities that made him a respected figure in the eyes of the public also made him untouchable within his own institution. When allegations finally emerged, they revealed not only personal wrongdoing but a systemic failure of accountability.
Failure that is not unique
This failure is not unique to one temple or one monk. It reflects a broader pattern within the modern Sangha. As monastic institutions have grown in size, wealth, and influence, their internal governance has struggled to keep pace. Many temples operate as semiautonomous entities controlled by a single monk or a small group of monks. Financial transparency is limited, administrative oversight is weak, and the mechanisms for addressing misconduct are often informal or ineffective. The traditional structures of monastic discipline, such as the Sangharama procedures for adjudicating offences, are rarely used in modern contexts, partly because they require collective participation and partly because they are illsuited to the complexities of contemporary institutional life. In practice, this means that monks who wield significant authority can act with little fear of internal sanction.
The politicisation of the Sangha has further complicated matters. Since the midtwentieth century, monks have played an increasingly prominent role in electoral politics, nationalist movements, and public policy debates. This involvement has given them access to political networks that can be mobilised to protect their interests. It has also created a culture in which monks are valued not for their adherence to the Vinaya but for their ability to influence public opinion, mobilise voters, or lend moral legitimacy to political causes. In such an environment, the monk who is politically useful may be shielded from criticism, while the monk who adheres strictly to the renunciant ideal may find himself marginalised or ignored.
The result is a profound distortion of monastic identity. The monk who once sought liberation from worldly attachments is now encouraged to cultivate influence, authority, and public recognition. The monk who once lived under the strict supervision of senior elders now operates in a world where independence is celebrated and oversight is minimal. The monk who once relied on laypeople for basic sustenance now controls vast resources, manages institutions, and commands the loyalty of thousands of followers. This inversion of traditional roles has created a fertile ground for moral deterioration.
Yet it would be a mistake to interpret this deterioration as evidence that the Sangha as a whole is corrupt. Many monks continue to live lives of remarkable discipline, humility, and spiritual dedication. In remote forest monasteries, small village temples, and meditation centres across the country, monks quietly uphold the ancient ideals of the renunciant life. They are not the ones who appear on television, lead political rallies, or manage large institutions. Their work is invisible, their influence subtle, and their commitment unwavering. The crisis facing the Sangha today is not a crisis of individual morality but a crisis of institutional identity. It is the product of a centurylong transformation that has blurred the boundaries between the monastic and the secular, the spiritual and the political, the renunciant and the worldly.
If Sri Lanka is to address this crisis, it must begin by acknowledging the structural nature of the problem. The temptation to treat each scandal as an isolated incident must be resisted. Instead, the country must confront the uncomfortable reality that the modern configuration of monastic life is fundamentally at odds with the principles of the Vinaya. The Sangha cannot simultaneously function as a political force, a social service provider, a media institution, and a spiritual community without compromising its integrity. The more monks are drawn into the world, the more vulnerable they become to the moral dangers that the Buddha warned against.
Reform, therefore, must focus not only on punishing individual offenders but on rethinking the institutional structures that enable misconduct. This includes strengthening internal governance, enhancing financial transparency, restoring the authority of senior elders, and reestablishing the communal practices that once ensured accountability. It also requires a broader cultural shift in how laypeople relate to monks. Blind devotion must give way to informed respect. Reverence must be balanced with responsibility. The robe must be honoured, but it must not be used as a shield against scrutiny.
Seneviratne’s work offers a valuable starting point for this rethinking. His analysis reminds us that the crisis facing the Sangha is not the result of moral decline alone but of historical forces that reshaped the identity of the monkhood. By tracing the evolution of the activist monk, he shows how the Sangha became entangled in the political and social structures of the modern nationstate. This entanglement has brought both benefits and dangers. It has allowed monks to play important roles in education, social welfare, and national development. But it has also exposed them to the corrupting influences of power, wealth, and public acclaim.
The challenge now is to disentangle the Sangha from these influences without undermining its ability to serve society. This will not be easy. The activist monk has become deeply embedded in the cultural and political fabric of the country. Many laypeople expect monks to be leaders, reformers, and guardians of national identity. Politicians rely on monastic support to legitimise their agendas. Media institutions depend on monks for content, commentary, and moral authority. Reversing this trend will require a collective effort from monks, laypeople, and political leaders alike.
Ultimately, the future of the Sangha depends on its ability to reclaim the renunciant ideal that lies at the heart of Buddhist monasticism. This does not mean withdrawing from society entirely, but it does mean reestablishing the boundaries that protect the monk from the dangers of worldly involvement. It means recognising that the true strength of the Sangha lies not in its political influence or institutional power but in its moral authority, its spiritual discipline, and its commitment to the path of liberation. The recent scandal, painful as it is, may serve as a catalyst for this reevaluation. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the modern monastic system and forced the country to confront the consequences of a centurylong transformation.
To understand how the Vihara Devalegam Act relates to the perceived moral deformation of the clergy, it is necessary to examine how property management, state law, and monastic discipline intersect in the modern era. Historically stemming from the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance No. 19 of 1931, this act serves as the primary legal framework governing the ‘temporalities’—meaning the secular wealth, extensive landholdings, and material donations belonging to Buddhist temples and shrines. While ancient kings granted these vast tracts of land to support the monkhood’s spiritual pursuits, the modern codification of this law has inadvertently fostered a system where property rights frequently supersede spiritual accountability.
The core of the crisis lies in the commercialisation of the monastic order that this legal framework enables. By treating temple lands as economic assets and vesting absolute administrative power in individual chief monks or lay trustees, the act has contributed to the rise of what critics term a monastic middle class. Access to vast, unregulated financial resources, rent from lands, and corporate donations has fundamentally shifted the focus of certain segments of the clergy away from the traditional path of worldly renunciation and spiritual guidance. Instead, it has driven a preoccupation with business investments, the accumulation of private capital, and luxury lifestyles, which deeply alienates a public looking to the Sangha for moral leadership.
The institutional flaws embedded in the Vihara Devalegam Act find a stark, real-world manifestation in the recent criminal case involving Venerable Pallegama Hemarathana Thero. As the chief priest of Anuradhapura and the custodian of the Atamasthana—the eight highly venerated Buddhist shrines, including the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi—Hemarathana Thero occupied one of the most powerful and wealthy positions within the Sri Lankan Sangha. His arrest on charges of sexual abuse of a minor girl perfectly illustrates how the structural defects of the Act facilitate not only moral decay but also the systemic obstruction of justice.
The core of this intersection lies in the vast, unaccountable wealth generated by the temporalities of the Anuradhapura shrines. Under the Vihara Devalegam Act, the chief custodian exercises immense, virtually unchecked control over temple revenues, state-backed land management, and millions of rupees in daily donations from millions of global pilgrims. It is precisely this immense financial liquidity that enabled the alleged deployment of vast sums of money to the victim’s family.
Furthermore, the situation underscores the profound policy failures cited regarding the helplessness of the monastic hierarchy and state enforcement. When child protection authorities initially attempted to act, the National Child Protection Authority noted severe delays and institutional resistance, stating they practically had to force the police to execute the arrest. The monk’s immediate retreat to a private hospital in Colombo upon the advancement of the criminal probe, followed by his release on bail, mirrors the exact loop described where wealthy monastics deploy high-priced legal defence teams funded directly or indirectly by their institutional positions. Because the Vihara Devalegam Act does not provide a mechanism for the immediate, unconditional forfeiture of temporal administrative rights upon a criminal indictment, the accused retains his structural power throughout the legal process. The Pallegama Thero scandal stands as definitive proof that without a fundamental overhaul of how temple wealth is legally governed and disciplined, the material benefits guaranteed by ancient temporalities will continue to shield the worst elements of moral deformation from the rule of law.
If Sri Lanka can learn from this moment and if it can recognise the structural roots of the crisis and commit to meaningful reform, then the Sangha may yet emerge stronger, more disciplined, and more faithful to its ancient ideals. But if the country continues to treat each scandal as an isolated failure and if it continues to ignore the deeper institutional problems that Seneviratne identified, then the moral deterioration we see today will only deepen. The work of kings, when performed by monks, carries a heavy price. It is time to decide whether that price is worth paying.
by Professor Amarasiri de Silva
Features
Kondachchi wind farm and battery storage project to boost energy security, says Power Ministry Secretary
The Power and Energy Ministry’s drive towards energy security and renewable energy expansion received a major boost yesterday with the signing of a tripartite cooperation agreement for the development of the 150 MW Kondachchi Wind Power Project and an integrated Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in Mannar.
The agreement was signed at the Ministry of Power auditorium under the patronage of Power Minister Anura Karunatilaka and Deputy Power Minister Arkam Ilyas.
Speaking at the event, Ministry Secretary G. M. R. D. Aponsu described the project as a transformative investment that would strengthen the country’s electricity network while supporting Sri Lanka’s transition towards cleaner energy sources.
“The Kondachchi Wind Power Project represents a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy journey. By combining large-scale wind generation with advanced battery energy storage technology, we are creating a more resilient and reliable power system capable of meeting future energy demands while reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels,” Aponsu said.
The project will be developed at Silavathurai in the Kondachchi area of Mannar on lands owned by the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation. It is expected to utilise some 31 modern wind turbines with a total installed capacity of at least 150 MW.
Aponsu said the inclusion of an integrated battery storage facility would help address the variability associated with wind power generation and ensure stable electricity supply to the national grid.
“The battery energy storage component is a key feature of this project. It will enable the efficient integration of renewable energy into the grid and enhance overall system stability, which is essential as Sri Lanka increases the share of renewables in its energy mix,” he said.
According to the Ministry, the wind farm is expected to generate nearly 525 gigawatt-hours of electricity annually, significantly reducing the country’s expenditure on imported fuel and strengthening national energy security.
The project is also expected to contribute to Sri Lanka’s climate commitments by reducing carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 372,750 tonnes annually.
“This investment delivers both economic and environmental benefits. It will reduce greenhouse gas emissions, support sustainable development objectives and help Sri Lanka move closer to achieving its renewable energy and climate targets,” Aponsu noted.
The project will be implemented under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement using the Build, Own and Operate (BOO) model. The Asian Development Bank is providing technical and financial advisory support through its Transaction Advisory Services programme.
The signing ceremony was attended by Pradeep Perera, Chairman of the National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd., and Takeyo Koike, Head of Market Development and Public-Private Partnership Division of the ADB, among other distinguished guests.
The Ministry said comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessments and avifaunal studies have been undertaken to ensure minimal impacts on bird populations, nearby communities and agricultural lands. A dedicated 220-kilovolt transmission system will also be constructed to connect the project to the national grid.
“The Kondachchi Wind Farm is a strategic national project that will help secure Sri Lanka’s energy future while accelerating the country’s transition towards sustainable and affordable electricity generation,” Aponsu said.
Energy sector experts view the project as one of the most important renewable energy initiatives currently being pursued in Sri Lanka, combining utility-scale wind generation with modern energy storage technology to enhance grid reliability and long-term energy sustainability.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Saudi Arabia sets new benchmark in Hajj management as 1.7 million pilgrims complete sacred journey
Interview with Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka
Saudi Arabia has once again demonstrated its unparalleled capacity to manage one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings, with this year’s Hajj pilgrimage concluding successfully despite extreme temperatures and the immense logistical challenge of accommodating more than 1.7 million pilgrims from around the world.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka, described the 2026 Hajj season as a resounding success, crediting the achievement to the visionary leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and the coordinated efforts of multiple government agencies working around the clock to serve pilgrims.
The Ambassador noted that nearly 3,500 Sri Lankan pilgrims participated in this year’s Hajj under the quota allocated to Sri Lanka, benefiting from enhanced healthcare services, sophisticated crowd-management systems, expanded shaded areas and cutting-edge digital solutions introduced by the Kingdom.
With Saudi Arabia continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure, technology and pilgrim services under Vision 2030, Ambassador Al-Kahtani said the Kingdom remains committed to ensuring that pilgrims from around the world perform their religious duties in safety, comfort and tranquility.
The Saudi envoy also highlighted the growing partnership between Saudi Arabia and Sri Lanka, emphasising expanding cooperation not only in Hajj affairs but also in trade, investment, education, culture and institutional exchanges.
Following are excerpts of the interview:
Q: How do you assess this year’s Hajj season?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: This year’s Hajj season was a resounding success, thanks to the Almighty Allah and the integrated efforts of the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister. This success was reflected in the efficiency of crowd management, the quality of services provided to the Hajj pilgrims and the effective coordination among the various relevant authorities, which enabled pilgrims to perform their rituals in an atmosphere of security, tranquility and ease.
Q: How many Sri Lankan pilgrims performed Hajj this year?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The number of Hajj pilgrims from the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka reached approximately 3,500, within the quota allocated to Sri Lanka for this season.
Q: Are there any discussions regarding increasing Sri Lanka’s quota in the future?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani:Hajj quotas are determined according to approved regulatory mechanisms that take into account a range of considerations. The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continue to study various aspects related to developing Hajj services and accommodating the allocated numbers for all countries, in coordination with the concerned parties.
Q: What were the most prominent special arrangements implemented this year?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The operational plans for this season focused on enhancing the safety and comfort of the Hajj pilgrims, especially given the climatic conditions and high temperatures. Measures included expanding shaded areas, increasing water distribution points and enhancing health and ambulance services, in addition to developing the transportation system and traffic management within the holy sites.
Q: What are the most prominent digital systems and smart services that were provided?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani:The Kingdom continues to implement its digital transformation objectives for the Hajj and Umrah system. The scope of electronic services offered through the Nusuk platform and application has been expanded, along with the development of digital systems for issuing permits, managing crowds, guidance and health services. This contributes to increasing the efficiency of services and improving the pilgrim’s experience at all stages of their journey.
Q: How were the challenges of overcrowding and heat addressed?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities adopted an integrated crowd-management system based on modern technologies and real-time data analysis. This was coupled with intensified health-awareness campaigns, expanded organised movement routes and increased deployment of field, medical and emergency teams. These measures support the safety of the Hajj pilgrims and reduce the risks associated with crowd density and climatic conditions.
Q: Were there special services for the elderly and sick?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Yes. The Kingdom paid special attention to the elderly and people with special health needs by providing specialized medical services, assistive transportation and facilities equipped to meet their needs, in addition to field teams working to provide humanitarian support and necessary healthcare throughout the Hajj period.
Q: How successful was the Kingdom in combating irregular Hajj permits?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continued to rigorously implement the regulations and instructions governing Hajj, utilising modern technologies and advanced monitoring procedures to reduce violations related to irregular Hajj. These efforts contributed to enhancing the safety of pilgrims, improving crowd-management efficiency and maintaining the smooth flow of movement within the holy sites.
Q: How would you describe Saudi-Sri Lankan cooperation in organising Hajj?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Cooperation between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka is characterised by continuous and constructive coordination in all matters related to Hajj. The relevant authorities in both countries work jointly to ensure the provision of the best services for Sri Lankan pilgrims and enable them to perform their rituals with ease and peace of mind.
Q: How many Hajj pilgrims were there globally, and what were the main challenges?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: According to official statistics, the number of Hajj pilgrims this year reached 1,707,301 from various countries around the world. The main challenges included managing large crowds, ensuring public safety and providing health, transportation and accommodation services within a specific geographical and temporal scope. These challenges were addressed through advanced and integrated operational plans, which contributed to the smooth and successful completion of the Hajj season.
Q: Are there any future expansion projects?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The Kingdom continues to implement strategic development projects within the framework of Vision 2030, including developing the infrastructure in Makkah and the Holy Sites, and enhancing transportation networks and smart services. This contributes to raising the quality of services provided to pilgrims and Umrah performers and improving their long-term experience.
Q: How are Saudi-Sri Lankan relations strengthened outside the context of Hajj?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka are witnessing continuous development in many areas, including political, economic, trade, cultural and educational cooperation, in addition to developing exchanges between institutions and the private sector. This reflects the two countries’ keenness to strengthen the bilateral partnership and achieve common interests.
Q: What message would you like to convey to Sri Lankan Muslims?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: We extend our sincere congratulations to the Hajj pilgrims who have completed their Hajj rituals, and we ask Almighty Allah to accept their pilgrimage. We also assure Muslims in Sri Lanka that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia places serving the Two Holy Mosques and the guests of Almighty Allah at the forefront of its priorities and continues to develop the Hajj and Umrah system to achieve the highest standards of quality and safety.
By Ifham Nizam
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