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Opinion

Priority requirements for winning elections and solving national problems

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An open letter to National People’s Power

The National People’s Power (NPP) is emerging as the main movement aligned with the people’s aspirations that manifested through the Peoples’ Struggle of 2022. This situation is commensurate with the state of affairs at the first national election of (then) Ceylon, in 1947, where we missed a golden opportunity.

Therefore, in order to win the upcoming elections, and thereon to find solutions to national problems including the ethnic issue that continues to cause sharp disagreement in the society, we earnestly request that you pay focused attention to the following priorities.

Uniting the people by uniting all leftist and progressive forces against racism, authoritarianism and neoliberalism (the common enemy).

Proposing a solution acceptable to all ethnic groups to solve the ethnic problem.

It is our observation that even though the aspirations of the people against racism, authoritarianism and neoliberalism have been expressed through the 2022 struggle, the NPP has still failed to represent those aspirations as a whole.

The main reason for that is the tendency of the leftist and progressive political forces in our country to not give priority for uniting all the likeminded forces to build a unity of the people against the common enemy; from the beginning until today.

At the first national elections of 1947, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party(LSSP) was the main stream that represented the aspirations of the people against neo-colonialism (the common enemy). The LSSP therefore had a special responsibility to prioritize the unification of all leftist and progressive forces against neo-colonialism. Had that been done, serious mistakes such as the nomination of Wilmot Perera from the LSSP to the Matugama Constituency, which led to the defeat of C. W. W. Kannangara, would not have happened. Afterall, the leftist and progressive forces had the potential to win the election of 1947.

If that had happened then, the common enemy would not have had the opportunity to deprive the hill country Tamil (Malaiyaha Tamil) people of their citizenship and political rights, thereby weakening the left and progressive forces. Likewise, the common enemy would not have got a chance to appoint E.A Nugawela, who has been working against free education from the beginning, as the Minister of Education and that resulted in distorting the free education policy before it had a chance of full implementation.

Therefore, the NPP has been given a special responsibility to ensure that the wrong committed by the LSSP in 1947, is not repeated by the NPP in 2024. Accordingly, we suggest that the NPP should give first priority to uniting all the forces against racism, authoritarianism and neoliberalism (the common enemy), i.e. all the left-wing and progressive forces.

In accordance with this strategic vision, we suggest that the second priority of the NPP should be to present a solution proposal that is acceptable to all ethnic groups in order to solve the ethnic problem. For that, on the one hand, a solution proposal should be presented that does not give any space to the common enemy to stir up racism as usual. On the other hand, it has to be a practical solution that can gain the confidence of the majority of the people of the North.

Such divisive and complex issues cannot be addressed using traditional methods. Instead, it is possible to use the latest democratic practice, the deliberative democratic method. According to this system, political decisions for burning issues are first made by a People’s Assembly that is chosen by lottery to represent the composition of the citizen society, just as a jury is chosen. Then those decisions are approved using referendums or through public representatives.

The composition of the People’s Assembly selected by the lottery system can be determined efficiently by computing using algorithms to represent the composition of the citizen society in the right way. Thereafter, the public assembly should be provided with necessary facilities and convened at a suitable place. All important information related to the problem should be given. The People’s Assembly maybe divided in to smaller groups so that the space is created where deeper dialogue and deliberation can take place. Smaller groups maybe determined through a vote. Facilitators should support this process of deliberate discussion. The People’s Assembly should be provided opportunities to discuss with the necessary subject experts to get knowledge and information that can help make informed decisions. This deliberation should be broadcasted live online and necessary arrangements should be made to bring the public responses regarding the proposed matter to the attention of the public assembly. In the end, the People’s Assembly will arrive at decisions/political solutions by either consensus or when consensus is not possible, through a vote. Care should be taken that no influence is exerted on the People’s Assembly by the organizers or facilitators or subject experts in this entire process.

Trials conducted in various countries have confirmed that a People’s Assembly selected by lottery according to this method can make optimal political decisions through deliberation, and that those decisions become the will of the majority priority of the people. The uniqueness of this approach is the possibility of making optimal political decisions by the majority of all parties concerned based on political equality and particularly for citizens of societies that are sharply divided by race or religion. This modern knowledge has been presented in detail by Wijayananda Jayaweera’s book Sanvicharaniya Samajayak.

Therefore, we suggest that the capability and determination of the NPP should be announced without delay to provide an optimal solution to the ethnic problem, which is acceptable not only to the majority in the north but also to the majority in the east, the mountains and the south, using the deliberative democratic system.

We respectfully inform you that we are committed to stand to achieve these priorities and happy to further discuss the proposals mentioned above here if necessary.

01 Prof. Jayadewa Uyangoda

02 Prof Sarath Abayakoon

03 Dr.Ramesh Ramasamy

04 Dr.Selvy Thiruchandran

05 Dr. Herath M.Ariyarathne

06 Dharmasiri Bandaranayka

07 Dr.Saiful Islam

08 Dileepa Manawadu

09 E.M.Bandara Menike

10 P.Muththulingam m

11 Suresh Jeewarathnam

12 Eng.Gufran Ismail

13 Selvarasa Thileepan

14 Dr.M.Siddik Sadik

15 Jayathilake Bandara

16 Kaudulle Jayathissa

17 S.Sivagurunathan

18 T.Mathusoothanan

19 Hashim Salih

20 Nawaratne Banda

21 T.M.Premawardana



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Opinion

Ministerial resignation and new political culture

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Kumara Jayakody

The resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody comes after several weeks of controversy over his ministerial role. The controversy sharpened when the minister was indicted by the Commission on Bribery and Corruption for a transaction he was involved in ten years ago as a government official in the Fertiliser Corporation. The other issue was the government’s purchase of substandard coal from a new supplier. Minister Jayakody’s resignation followed the appointment of a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry to investigate coal and petroleum purchases. The minister who resigned, along with the Secretary to the Ministry of Energy, Udayanga Hemapala, stated that they did not wish to compromise the integrity of the investigation to be undertaken by the Commission of Inquiry.

The government’s initial resistance to holding the minister accountable for the costly purchase was based on the argument that the official procedure had been followed in ordering the coal. However, the fact that the procedure permitted a disadvantageous purchase which has come to light on this occasion suggests a weakness in the process. The government’s appointment of the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry to examine purchases as far back as 2009 follows from this observation. In this time 450 purchases are reported to have been made, and if several of them were as disadvantageous as this one, the cost to the country can be imagined. The need to investigate transactions since 2009 also arises from the possibility that loopholes in official government procedures in the past would have permitted private enrichment at a high cost to the country.

Concerns have been expressed in the past that the purchase of coal and petroleum, often on an emergency basis, enabled the use of emergency procurement processes which do not require going through the full tender procedures. The government has pledged to eradicate corruption as its priority. As a result, the general population would expect it to do everything within its power to correct those systems that permitted such corruption. Accountability is not only forward looking to ensure non-corrupt practices in the present, it is also backward looking to ensure that corrupt practices of the past are discontinued. This would be a matter of concern to those who headed government ministries and departments in previous governments. Those who have misapplied the systems can be expected to do their utmost to resist any investigation into the past.

Politically Astute

One of the main reasons for the government’s continuing popularity among the general population, as reflected in February 2026 public opinion poll by Verité Research, has been its willingness to address the problem of corruption. Public opinion studies have consistently shown that corruption remains one of the top concerns of citizens in Sri Lanka. The arrests and indictments of members of former governments have been viewed with general satisfaction as paving the way to a less corrupt society. At the same time, the resignations of Minister Kumara Jayakody and Secretary Udayanga Hemapala are an indication that not even government members will be spared if they are found to have crossed red lines. This is an important signal, as public confidence depends not only on holding political opponents to account but also on demonstrating fairness and consistency within one’s own ranks.

There appears to be a strategy on the part of the opposition to target government leaders and allege corruption so that ministers will be forced to step down. Organised protests against other ministers, and demonstrations outside their homes, are on the rise. The government appears not to want to give in to this opposition strategy and therefore delayed the resignation of Minister Jayakody until it had itself established the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry. It enabled the minister to step down without it seeming that the government was yielding to opposition pressure. In political terms, this was a calibrated response that sought to balance the need for accountability with the need to maintain authority and coherence in governance.

The demand by opposition parties to focus attention on the coal problem could also be seen as an attempt to shift the national debate from the corruption of the past to controversies in the present. The opposition’s endeavour would be to take the heat off themselves in regard to the corruption of the past and turn it onto the government by making it the focus of inquiries into corruption. The decision to set up a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry accompanied by the resignation of the minister and the ministry secretary was a politically astute way of demonstrating that the government will have no tolerance for corruption. It will also help to remind the general public about the rampant corruption of past governments which prevents the opposition’s corruption accusations against the government from gaining traction amongst the people.

New Practice

The resignation of a government minister who faces allegations but has not been convicted is still a relatively new practice in Sri Lanka. The general practice in Sri Lanka up to the present time has been for those in government service, if found to be at fault, to be transferred rather than removed from office. This is commonly seen in the case of police officers who, if found to have used excessive force or engaged in abuse, are transferred to another station rather than subjected to more serious disciplinary action. A similar pattern was seen in the case of former minister Keheliya Rambukwella, who faced allegations of corruption in the health field but was reassigned to a different portfolio rather than removed from government.

Against this background, the present resignation assumes greater importance. It signals a willingness to break with past practices and to establish a higher standard of conduct in public office. However, a single instance does not in itself create a lasting change. What is required is the consistent application of the same principle across all cases, irrespective of political affiliation or convenience. This is where the government has an opportunity to strengthen its credibility. By ensuring that the same standards of accountability are applied to its own members as to those of previous governments, it can demonstrate that its commitment to good governance is not selective.

The establishment of the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry, the willingness to accept ministerial resignation, and the recognition of systemic weaknesses in procurement are all steps in the right direction. The challenge now is to ensure that these steps are followed through with determination and consistency. If the investigations are conducted impartially and lead to meaningful reforms, the present controversy could mark a turning point. The resignation of the minister should not be seen as an isolated event but as the beginning of a new practice. If it becomes part of a broader pattern of accountability, it can contribute to a new political culture and to restoring public trust in government.

by Jehan Perera

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Opinion

Shutting roof top solar panels – a crime

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The Island newspaper’s lead news item on the 12th of April 2026 was on the CEB request to shut down rooftop solar power during the low demand periods. Their argument is that rooftop solar panels produce about 300 MW power during the day and there is no procedure to balance the grid with such a load.

We as well as a large academic and industrial consortium members have been trying to promote solar energy as a viable and sustainable power source since the early 1990’s. We formed the Solar Energy Society and made representations to Government politicians about the need to have solar power generation. This continuous promotional work contributed to the rapid increase in PV solar companies from three in the early 1990’s to over 650 active PV solar companies established today in the country. These companies have created tens of thousands of high-quality jobs, as well as moving in the right direction for sustainable development.

However, all these efforts appear to have been in vain since the CEB policy makers have continuously rejected solar energy as a viable alternative. Their power generation plans at that time did not include solar energy at all but only relied on imported coal power plants and diesel power generation. Even at the meetings where CEB senior staff were present, we emphasised the importance of installation of battery storage facilities and grid balancing for which they have done nothing at all over the past three decades. Now they have grudgingly accepted the need to include solar energy, which was an election promise of the present government. The government policy is that Sri Lanka should go for renewables to satisfy 70% of its energy needs by 2030 and soon move towards the green hydrogen technology by using solar and wind energy.

The question is why the diesel generators and hydropower stations cannot be shut off one by one to accommodate the solar power generated during the daytime. Unlike a coal-fired plant, diesel generators and hydro power plants can be shut off in a relatively shorter period of time. Norochchalai Lakvijaya power plant produces around 900 MW of power while the total country requirement is 2500 MW on a daily basis. The remainder is provided by diesel generators, hydro and other renewable energy sources.

The need for work to achieve this goal of grid balancing should be the primary responsibility of the CEB. Modern grid balancing systems are in operation in countries such as Germany where around 56% of its energy come from renewable sources. They also plan to increase this to reach 80% of the energy required through renewables by 2030. Our CEB is hell bent on diesel power plants. Who benefits from such emergency power purchases is anybody’s guess?

The Government and the CEB should realise that all roof top solar plants are privately financed through personal funds or bank loans with no financial burden on the Government. It is a crime to request them not to operate these solar panels and get the necessary credits for the power transmitted to the national grid. It appears that the results of CEB’s lack of grid balancing experience and unwillingness to learn over three decades have now passed to the privately-funded rooftop solar panel owners. It is unfortunate that the Government is not considering the contributions of ordinary individuals who provide clean power to the national grid at no cost to the Government. Over 150,000 rooftop solar panels owners are severely affected by these ruthless decisions by the CEB, and this will lead to the un-popularity of this new government in the end.

by Professors Oliver Ileperuma and I M Dharmadasa

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Opinion

Nilanthi Jayasinghe – An Appreciation

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It was with shock that I realized that the article in the Sunday Island of April 5 about the winsome graduate gazing serenely at her surroundings was, in fact, an obituary about Nilanthi Jayasinghe, a former colleague who I had held in high esteem. I had lost touch with Nilanthi since my retirement and this news that she had passed away, saddened me deeply

I knew and had worked with Nilanthi – Mrs Jayasinghe as we used to call her – at the Open University of Sri Lanka in the 1990s. As Director, Operations, she was a figure that we as heads of academic departments, relied on; a central bastion of the complex structure that underpinned academic activities at Sri Lanka’s major distance education provider. Few people realize what it takes to provide distance education in an environment not geared to this form of teaching/learning – the volume of Information that has to be created, printed and delivered; the variety of timetables that have to be scheduled; the massive amount of continuous assessment assignments and tests that have to be prepared and sent out; the organization of a multitude of face-to face teaching sessions; the complex scheduling of examinations and tests – all this needed to be attended to for a student population of more than 20,000 and for 23 centres of study dotted across Sri Lanka.

It was an unenviable task but Nilanthi Jayasinghe with her flair for organization, handled it all with aplomb and a deep sense of commitment. If there were delays and inconclusive action on our part, she never reprimanded but would work with us to sort things out. Her work as Director, Operations brought her into contact with staff across the spectrum-from the Vice-Chancellor to the apprentice in the Open University’s Printing Press. Nilanthi treated everyone with dignity and as a result, was respected by all at the university. She was sensitive, kind-hearted, a good friend who would readily share problems and help to solve them. The year NIlanthi retired, I was out of the island. When I came back to the Open University, I felt bereft without the steadfast support of her stalwart presence .

The article in the ‘Sunday Island’ describes her life after retirement, looking after family members and enjoying the presence of a granddaughter.

After a lifetime of commitment to others, Nilanthi Jayasinghe truly deserved this happiness.

May she be blessed with peace.

Ryhana Raheem

Professor Emeritus
Open University of Sri Lanka.

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