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Modi and BJP: set for electoral hat trick at home; caught in dirty tricks abroad

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by Rajan Philips

After a few setbacks at home and abroad, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has led the BJP to an impressive set of three victories out of four state elections in India’s heartland. If the grand old Congress Party was planning to do to the upstart Modi regime what the gallant Aussies did to Team India at the Narendra Modi Stadium in Gujarat, the outcome has turned out to be more like – well, the exit of England in World Cup cricket. The BJP won clear majorities in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh; all three northern states won by the Congress in the 2018 state elections.

The Congress managed to win a majority in Telangana in the south, displacing Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS), the regional party that has been in power ever since Telangana was carved out of Andhra Pradesh in 2014. There was a fifth election in Mizoram, the northeastern frontier state, where the ruling Mizo National Front has won again.

The elections in the five states that were spread over the month of November, have been called “the semi-finals” before the final next year – India’s gargantuan parliamentary elections set for April-May 2024 to elect the country’s 18th Lok Sabha. Modi detractors were hoping for a good showing by the opposition that could have been the launching pad for a concerted challenge to Modi and the BJP in the general election next year. Instead, it is Modi who has come out on top and now seems well set to achieve his coveted hat trick triumph.

Mixed Year

Prime Minister Modi has had a mixed year in 2023. At times he soared internationally, but of late his overseas gloss has begun to wear off. In June, the Prime Minister made a state visit to the US, where he thrilled Hindutva Indian Americans who flocked to see him in their thousands; was feasted to a state banquet at the White House; and addressed the US Congress for a second time – joining an awkwardly elite club of Winston Churchill, Nelson Mandela and Benjamin Netanyahu.

In August, he attended the BRICS summit in South Africa and played a balancing role between members and aspirants divided over the Russo-Ukraine conflict – that is now reaching a wintry stalemate to Putin’s delight and his detractor’s horror. The climax of India’s global projections was the hosting of the G20 Summit in September.

October and November have not been good for the global image of Modi and that of India that Modi seems determined to cast in Hindutva light. Already in September, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau had made the sensational allegation in the Canadian parliament, accusing “agents of the Indian government” of involvement in the June killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Sikh Canadian citizen and a Khalistani activist. India rejected the accusation vigorously and resorted to diplomatic harassment. Trudeau was ridiculed and reviled by pro-Modi Indian media and pundits. Now the tables have turned.

On November 30, after weeks of media reporting, the US Department of Justice officially released a criminal indictment that had been filed in the US courts alleging a plot involving Indian government agents targeting Sikh activists around the world, with multiple assassinations planned in Canada and the US. All the information is now out in the public, but what is most concerning is that this information had been shared by US (and Canadian) officials with their Indian counterparts, including at the summit level between President Biden, Prime Minister Trudeau and Prime Minister Modi, before the Canadian Prime Minister went public with his government’s allegations.

Yet the Indian government officially rejected Canada’s concerns and created a diplomatic kerfuffle, while full well knowing that the dirty tricks of some of its agents were known to the Americans and the rest of the intelligence sharing five-eye countries (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, UK and US). The US indictment and Canada’s allegations are not the only instance where the Modi government has been accused of intelligence operations and overreach. Other instances include the conviction of eight former Indian naval officers on espionage charges in Qatar, and operations targeting Khalistani activists in Pakistan, Nepal, Italy, the United Kingdom and Thailand.

In the UK, just before the June killing in Canada, there were suspicions about the death of another Sikh activist, Avtar Singh Khanda, a 35-year-old who died in a hospital after a short illness this summer. The foiled assassination attempt that is the subject of the US indictment targeted the US Sikh activist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun. The US indictment will now rekindle the suspicions over Mr. Khanda’s hospital death in Birmingham.

Different Species

To India’s Modi nation, the intelligence overreaches abroad are not a source of embarrassment but a badge of honour, that India under Modi is coming of age in undertaking Black Ops that were once the forte of the likes of the CIA, KGB and Mossad. A sign of Modi flexing India’s muscle globally. The Indian opposition is nationally too weak to challenge this mindset even though it goes against every grain of what were the world views of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and which informed India’s foreign policy and defined its role in world affairs.

There were twists and turns under Indira Gandhi, but even she never wavered from maintaining India’s solidarity with the countries of the Global South. Tactically, she may have been the shrewd Bonaparte – as Hector Abhayavardhana, who knew Feroze and Indira Ghandi reasonably well, used to conceptualize – playing imperialism against the masses, and the masses against imperialism. Narendra Modi is a different species.

The all-aligned philosophy of Modi and his Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar has come a cropper with their controversial position on Israel’s non-stop retaliation against Hamas and the devastation of Gaza. India was isolated at the UN, Modi kept away from a recent virtual BRICS gathering, and India’s pitch to be the voice of the Global South at COP28 in Dubai fizzled out because, as the Politico headlined, climate was crowded out at COP28 by the renewed Israel-Gaza war. But none of this made any dent in Modi’s electoral juggernaut in India. The intelligence cock ups and foreign policy setbacks that would have extracted a hefty political price in pre-Modi India or in any other country that practises elections, were hardly an issue at any of the State Assembly elections.

The opposition, which was solely the Congress in the elections, was too timid to raise them as issues. Going solo to take on the BJP was the Congress Party’s singular blunder. The background to this goes back to the formation of INDIA (Indian National Developmental, Inclusive Alliance) – the multi-party alliance that has been in the making since June 2023, for the purpose of contesting the 2024 Lok Sabha election on a common platform and with a united slate of candidates. Early goings on seemed good, and the project received a terrific boost from the unexpected victory of the Congress Party in the Karnataka State Assembly elections in May.

North-South Divide

The state elections in November were expected to be used as a pilot opportunity for the INDIA alliance parties to field common slates of candidates in the five different states. Then the Congress got back to its old ways, spurned calls for seat sharing by other parties, and went on its own in each state except for handing a handful of seats to the Communist Party (CPM) in Telangana. The Congress apparently thought that it would do well in the three Hindi belt states that it had won in 2018, and new victories would give the Party a better bargaining position for seat sharing in next year’s national election. Now that its cynical scheme has backfired, it would be an uphill task for the Congress Party to mend fences and regain the trust of the other parties in the alliance.

The election results clearly show the north-south divide in India’s electoral politics. The BJP seems unassailable in the Hindi-belt states in the north, but seems unable to make a similar impact in the southern states. Besides the South, regional parties are also powerful in the eastern states. Much is being made about Congress supporters by Party’s victory in Telangana, victories in the South are hardly adequate to be competitive nationally. Among the opposition parties, the Congress controls state governments in just three states – Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka and Telangana. Non-Congress INDIA alliance parties are in power in eight states, and two eastern states are governed by parties that are not allied with either BJP or the new INDIA alliance.

With so much disaggregation, it would be impossible for the opposition parties to pose an effective challenge to Modi and the BJP in the next Lok Sabha election. The BJP victories in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan were influenced by a host of factors – the Modi effect, the Central Government’s welfare programs, a deep war chest, strong grassroot level organization, and attractiveness to a new cross-section of voters that includes the youth, women, the more educated, and the more marginalized caste groups. The encompassing canvas of course is the ideology and experience of Hindutva, which has tremendous purchase in the interior Hindi states but little resonance in the coastal and southern states.

All in all, Narendra Modi seems set for a hat trick next year, notwithstanding allegations of dirty tricks abroad. The state elections in November could have been an effective launching pad for a united opposition to mount a reasonably significant challenge to Modi’s bid for a third term. By its decision to go solo in the state elections, the Congress Party would seem to have irreparably botched what a few months ago looked set to grow into a very palpable challenge to Prime Minister Modi and his government.



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Features

Silence of the majority keeps West Asian conflict raging

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Pope Leo the XIVth / President Donald Trump

With no military quick-fix in sight to the ongoing, convoluted West Asian conflict it ought to be clear to the rationally inclined that there is no other way to a solution to the blood-letting other than through a negotiated one. Unfortunately, there are not many takers the world over for such an approach.

Consequently the war rages on incurring the gravest human costs to all relevant sides. Whereas it should be obvious to the Trump administration that Iran wouldn’t be backing down any time soon from its position of taking on the US frontally and with the required military competence in the Hormuz Strait and adjacent regions, the US demonstrates a stubbornness to persist with war strategies that are showing no quick, positive results on the ground.

Clearly, the virtual ‘lock down within a lock down’ situation in the Strait is not proving beneficial for either party. Instead, the spilling of civilian blood in particular continues with unsettling regularity along with an all-encompassing economic crisis that carries a staggering material toll for ordinary people all over the world.

From this viewpoint it is commendable for Pakistan to offer itself as a peace mediator and go ‘the extra mile’ to keep the principal parties engaged in some sort of negotiatory process. But its efforts need to win greater support from the world community. It is a time for peace-makers the world over to stand up and be counted.

It is also a time for straight-talking. To his glowing credit Pope Leo XIV is doing just that and he is the only religious head worldwide to do so. Very rightly he has called on President Trump to end the war through negotiations and described it as ‘unjust’ and ‘a scandal to humanity’.

May this crucial cause be taken up by more and more world leaders, is this columnist’s wish. Instead of speaking fatalistically about a ‘Third World War’, decision and policy makers and commentators, and these are found in plenty in Sri Lanka as well, would do better to help in drumming-up support for a peaceful solution and the latter is within the realms of the possible.

Incidentally, the commonplace definition of the phrase ‘World War’ is quite contentious and it would be premature to speak forebodingly about one right now. The fissures within the West on the Middle East conflict alone rule out the possibility of a ‘World War’ occurring any time soon.

Instead, it would be preferable for the international community, under the aegis of the UN, to take the ‘straight and narrow’ path to a peaceful solution. As implied, this path is no easy avenue; it is cluttered with obstacles that only doughty peace makers could take on and clear.

However, the path to a negotiated peace is worth taking and no less a power than the US should know this. After all, the US ‘bled white’ in Vietnam and had to bow out of the conflict, realizing the futility of pursuing a military solution. A similar lesson should have been learned by Russia which bled futilely in Afghanistan. It too is in an unwinnable situation in Ukraine.

The Pope’s observations to President Trump on negotiating peace have earned for him some snarls and growls of criticism but with time these critics would realize that peace could come only by peaceful means and not through ‘the barrel of a gun.’

For far too long the ‘silent majority’ of the world has allowed politicians to take the sole initiative on working towards peaceful solutions to conflicts and wars. As could be seen, the results have been disastrous. The majority of politicians speak the language of Realpolitik only and this tendency runs contrary to the ways of the selfless peace maker.

Power, which is the essence of Realpolitik, and peace are generally at loggerheads in the real world. Power and self-aggrandizement have to be shelved in the pursuit of durable peace anywhere and it is a pity that the likes of Donald Trump and his team are yet to realize this.

At this juncture the ‘peace constituency’ or the silent majority would need to take centre stage and play their rightful role as the ‘Conscience of the World’. If the latter begins to take on the cause of peace in earnest everywhere, the politicians would have no choice but to pay heed to their cause and take it up, since a contrary course would earn for them public displeasure and votes.

An immediate challenge would be for the ‘peace constituency’ to come together and act as one. Right now, such a coordinating role could be played effectively by only the UN and its agencies. Practical problems are likely to get in the way but these need to be managed insightfully and resourcefully by all stakeholders to peace.

In fact the time couldn’t be more appropriate for the backers of peace to come together and work as one. Right now, economic pressures are increasing worldwide and no less a public than that in the US is beginning to feel them in a major, crushing way.

Going ahead the US public, along with other polities, would find the economic consequences of war to be intolerable. There would be no choice but for governments and peoples to champion peace. Peace makers would need to ‘strike while the iron is hot.’

The success of the above endeavours hinges on the importance humans attach to their consciences. The danger about prolonged wars is that they deaden consciences; particularly those of politicians. The latter deaden their consciences to the extent that they prove impervious to the pain and suffering wars incur.

Thus, the ‘peace constituency’ has its work cut out; it cannot rest assured that politicians would prove sensitive to their demands. The latter would need to be constantly dinned into the hearts and minds of politicians and decision-makers if peaceful solutions to conflicts are to be arrived at.

Likewise, the publics of war-torn countries would need to demand the activation and sustaining of accountability processes with regard to those sections that are suspected of committing war crimes and like atrocities. Those publics that cease to demand accountability from powerful sections among them which are faced with war-time atrocity charges are as good as condemning themselves to lives of permanent dis-empowerment and enslavement.

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Don’t take the baby: In the quiet night, mother always returns

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Grey Slender Loris

Chaminda Jayasekara

There is a particular stillness in Sri Lanka’s forests, after dusk — a kind of hushed expectancy where shadows lengthen, cicadas soften their chorus, and the night begins to breathe in its own rhythm. It is a world that does not reveal itself easily. You have to wait for it. You have to listen.

And then, suddenly, you see them — a pair of luminous, unblinking eyes suspended in the dark.

The Grey Slender Loris, or unahapuluwa, emerges, not with drama, but with quiet precision. Small, slow-moving, and almost impossibly delicate, it is one of Sri Lanka’s most enigmatic nocturnal primates — a creature that has survived millennia by mastering the art of stillness.

Yet, during these months — from late March through July — the forests hold a more tender story. It is the breeding season of the slender loris, and with it comes a scene that is often misunderstood by those who encounter it for the first time: a tiny infant, alone on a branch, barely three inches long, its fragile body silhouetted against the night.

Grey Slender Loris with twin babies

To many, it appears to be a moment of abandonment.

To nature, it is a moment of trust.

“People often act out of compassion, but without understanding what they are seeing,” explains Chaminda Jayasekara of the University of Hertfordshire. “A baby loris left alone is not necessarily in danger. In fact, it is part of a natural process that is critical for its survival.”

According to Jayasekara, when a baby loris is about a month old, the mother begins a remarkable routine. As darkness settles, she gently places her infant on a secure branch and moves off into the forest to forage. Her journey can take her hundreds of metres away — sometimes close to 800 metres — as she searches for insects and other small prey.

In those hours of solitude, the infant is not abandoned. It is learning.

Clinging to the branch, it begins to explore its immediate surroundings. Tentatively, almost hesitantly, it reaches out — testing balance, grip, and instinct. It may attempt to catch tiny insects, mimicking behaviours it will one day rely on entirely. This is its first classroom, and the forest its only teacher.

“Those early nights are crucial,” Jayasekara says. “The baby is developing motor skills, coordination, and the ability to interact with its environment. These are things that cannot be replicated in captivity.”

And yet, this is precisely where human intervention often disrupts the process.

Across rural and even semi-urban Sri Lanka, stories circulate of well-meaning individuals who come across a lone baby loris and assume the worst. Driven by concern, they pick it up, take it home, or attempt to hand-rear it — believing they are saving a life.

Grey Slender Loris

But the reality is far more complex — and far more tragic.

“When a baby is removed unnecessarily, it loses something fundamental,” Jayasekara emphasises. “It loses the chance to learn how to survive in the wild. Without that, even if it survives in the short term, its long-term prospects are extremely poor.”

The forest, after all, is not just a habitat. It is a living, evolving system of lessons — how to detect predators, how to navigate branches, how to hunt silently, how to recognise territory. These are not instincts alone; they are behaviours refined through experience.

And the mother, contrary to assumption, is rarely far away.

“If people simply waited — even for several hours — they would often see the mother return,” Jayasekara explains. “She knows exactly where she left her baby. Her absence is temporary, purposeful.”

The advice from conservationists is clear and consistent: observe, but do not interfere.

If you encounter a baby loris, watch quietly from a distance. Avoid using bright lights or making noise. Give it time — at least 10 to 12 hours — before drawing conclusions. In most cases, the situation will resolve itself, just as nature intended.

35 days old Grey Slender Loris

Only if the animal is clearly injured, or if there is strong evidence of abandonment after prolonged observation, should intervention be considered — and even then, it must be done through the proper channels, particularly the Department of Wildlife Conservation.

Attempting to care for such a delicate animal at home is not only ineffective but often fatal.

Sri Lanka is home to two species of slender loris — the Grey Slender Loris and the Red Slender Loris — each adapted to specific ecological zones across the island. Both are protected under national legislation and recognised internationally as species requiring urgent conservation attention.

Their threats are many: habitat loss, road mortality, illegal pet trade, and, increasingly, human misunderstanding.

Yet, in the midst of these challenges, there are also signs of hope.

In recent years, the slender loris has become the focus of a unique form of wildlife tourism — one that values patience over spectacle. Night walks, conducted with trained naturalists and strict ethical guidelines, offer visitors a chance to witness the loris in its natural environment without disturbing its behaviour.

At places like Jetwing Vil Uyana, this approach has been refined into a model of responsible eco-tourism. Over more than a decade, the property has developed a dedicated Loris Conservation Project, recording thousands of sightings while educating visitors and supporting local communities.

Here, the loris is not handled, chased, or exploited. It is simply observed — a quiet presence in a carefully protected landscape.

“The success of such initiatives shows that conservation and tourism do not have to be at odds,” Jayasekara reflects. “When done responsibly, tourism can actually support conservation by creating awareness and value for these species.”

There is something profoundly moving about encountering a loris in the wild. It does not roar or charge. It does not demand attention. Instead, it exists — quietly, deliberately — as it has for millions of years.

And perhaps that is why it is so easily misunderstood.

In a world that often equates visibility with importance, the loris reminds us that some of the most extraordinary lives unfold beyond the spotlight.

It also reminds us of something else — something simpler, yet harder to practice.

Restraint.

Because conservation is not always about stepping in. Sometimes, it is about stepping back. About recognising when nature does not need our help, but our patience.

So if, on some future night, you find yourself walking beneath the trees, and your light catches a tiny figure sitting alone on a branch — do not rush forward.

Pause.
Watch.
Let the moment unfold.

Because somewhere, moving silently through the darkness, guided by instinct and memory, a mother is already on her way back.

And by morning, the forest will be whole again.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Kumar de Silva: 40 years of fame and flair

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Kumar de Silva: The four-decade journey

We first saw him on the small screen in January 1986 – a relatively raw, totally untrained and a very nervous 24-year-old presenting ‘Bonsoir’ on ITN.

And now, 40 years later, and as one looks back, one realises what a multi-dimensional journey Kumar de Silva has navigated across the small screen yes, from your television screens to your laptops, and iPads, tabs, and mobile phones.

Says Kumar: “It is the French language I speak that opened the world of television to me, 40 years ago. It was ‘Bonsoir’ alone, and so to my French teacher at Wesley College, Mrs. BA Fernando, to ‘Bonsoir’, and to the Embassy of France in Sri Lanka, I am eternally grateful”.

Promoting the French language, and culture, in Sri Lanka, in a big way

Kumar went on to say that on the heels of ‘Bonsoir” came ‘Fanclub’, on ITN, describing it as yet another resounding success story which saw him as a music DJ on TV.

His inherent talent saw him handle a range of contrasting programmes across ITN, TNL, Prime TV and SLRC with consummate ease – from News Reading, Business Talk Shows, Celebrity Chats, to Dhamma discussions, on Poya Days, to name a few.

Kumar – the 1986 look

Trained in Paris in television production and presentation, the Government of France, in 2012, conferred on him the title of ‘Chevalier dans l’Ordre des Arts et Lettres’ (Chevalier in the Order of Arts and Letters) in recognition of his contribution to promoting the French language, and culture, in Sri Lanka.

In celebration of his four decades on the small screen, Kumar recently launched ‘Bonsoir Katha’, the Sinhala translation (by Ciara Mendis) of his English book ‘Bonsoir Diaries’ (2013), at a gala soiree. at the Alliance Francaise de Colombo, under the distinguished patronage of the French Ambassador in Sri Lanka, Remi Lambert, and francophone President Chandrika Kumaratunga.

He’s now excited about launching the French version of this book, ‘Les Coulisses de Bonsoir’, in Paris, in autumn this year. It is currently being translated by Guilhem Beugnon, a former Deputy Director of the Alliance Francaise de Colombo. This will, co-incidentally, also be Kumar’s 30th visit to Paris.

Chief Guest French Ambassador in Sri
Lanka Remi Lambert

Says Kumar: “The word GRATITUDE means a lot to me and so I always make it a point to spend time with two very special French people every time I go to France. One is Madame Josiane Thureau, formerly of the French Foreign Ministry, who began ‘Bonsoir’ in Sri Lanka. way back in the mid-1980s. The other is Madame Aline Berengier, the lady who designed the ‘Bonsoir’ logo – the Sri Lankan elephant in the colours of the French national flag”.

Kumar is also a much-sought-after Personal Development and Corporate Etiquette Coach in Colombo’s corporate world. Over the past 15 years, tens of thousands of corporates, have been through the different modules of his interactive training sessions. There have also been thousands of school leavers and undergraduates from national and private universities, many of whom will constitute the corporates of tomorrow.

Guest of Honour francophone President Chandrika Kumaratunga at the gala soiree
at the Alliance Francaise de Colombo

The multi-talented Kumar turns 65 next year, and his journey on the small screen still continues – you see him on the (monthly) ‘Rendez-Vous with Yasmin and Kumar’ on the French Embassy’s YouTube Channel, and (every Friday) on ‘Fame Game with Rozanne and Kumar’ on Daily Mirror Online, Hi Online and The Sun Online.

There’s yet another podcast in the pipeline, he indicated, but diplomatically declined to give us details. All he said, with a glint in his eye, was, “It will hit your screens soon.”

Whatever he has in mind, one can be certain that the new programme will continue to showcase Kumar de Silva’s enduring presence in Sri Lanka’s entertainment scene.

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