Features
Events leading to the schools takeover by the Sirimavo government
(Excerpted from Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)
In many of her public speeches, the Prime Minister used to emphasize the fact that she was following the policies of her late husband. S.W.R.D., in his first Queen’s Speech, had said “My Government wishes to assure minorities, religious, racial and otherwise, that they need have no fear of injustice or discrimination in the carrying out of its policies and pogrammes”. And now, following those policies, Madam’s Government introduced the Objects and Places of Worship Bill.
This was a Bill to control the indiscriminate establishment of places of worship. It purported to restrict the establishment of places of worship in order to ensure the peaceful pursuit of their faith by the people of the country.
A place of worship could not be established unless there were at least 250 adherents of that particular faith within a radius of half a mile of the proposed location of such place of worship. A licence from the Minister was a prerequisite for such erection, and a power to the Minister to grant a licence implied, in law, a power to refuse such licence.
The proposed law would have prevented me from putting up a tent in my garden for the purposes of meditation and prayer but, as a Buddhist, I would have had no difficulty in obtaining the requisite number of signatures. Persons of other faiths might have experienced some difficulty. On reading the Bill before issuing it to the Ministers, it struck me that the Bill was void under our Constitution.
Section 29 gave Parliament the widest legislative powers in the fewest words “to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Island”, but went on to enact “No such law shall prohibit or restrict the free exercise of any religion”.
I had, as Secretary, no power to stop the circulation of the Bill as a Cabinet paper but I felt uneasy about the Government introducing in Parliament a Bill which I knew would be contested in the courts, particularly by the Roman Catholic community, as soon as it received the Royal Assent. I asked Attorney-General Jansze on the telephone of his opinion and he said the Bill was void. I telephoned the Legal Draftsman, Percy de Silva and inquired how he came to draft a void Bill. “Under strong protest,” he said “I told them the bloody thing was void.”
When the item came on the Agenda, I felt it to be my duty to point out to the Ministers that they were going to present in Parliament a Bill which was void under the Constitution. As Secretary to the Cabinet, I have never considered myself to be a mere quill-driver. There was no point in raising with the Prime Minister a legal matter because she understood no law. I therefore addressed Felix Dias. I told him that I had spoken to the Attorney-General and the Draftsman and that they were both agreed with me that the Bill was void.
I received a sharp return from Felix “Mr Peiris, we are not bothered about the legality of things”. I gave no further advice on the matter. The Bill was presented in Parliament but lapsed on prorogation. It was presented again during the next Session and lapsed for the second time (1962). Strong protests against the Bill were made by the Roman Catholics but these went unheeded. The Bill was introduced because some Roman Catholics had, overnight, erected in some village a prefabricated chapel within half a mile of a Buddhist temple.
From temples and churches, hymns and chants, the Cabinet got down to reconsider the National Anthem. Wise old pundits had said that all the country’s ills were due to he fact that the anthem was wrong according to ‘gana’, a term in oriental music which I do not understand. Apparently it refers to meter.
The pundit, a long haired old boy in national dress whose head of hair reminded me of Einstein, Bertrand Russell and our own Professor Karunaratne of revered memory, pointed out that our anthem began on a descending scale, that is, from middle C down to B, then to A and to G, whereas they should be ascending notes as in “God Save the King”, or the Marseillaise.
Madam Prime Minister minister told me, that there might be something in the suggestion as no Government since 1947 had gone its full term. It was agreed that leading scholars and musicians should be consulted regarding the alteration of the anthem without radically altering its sentiment or music. There are difficulties about tinkering with National Anthems and National Flags. Gramophone records of the Anthem had been made, the melody had been set to music and distributed to foreign bands to be played on ceremonial occasions in their countries.
Only one sensible suggestion was made, and that by the long-haired pundit, namely, drop the first eight bars and carry on with the rest without alteration. I thought this was an eminently suitable suggestion but, at that time, it was not accepted.
There were, to my mind, three classes of persons who were generally non grata, and distasteful to the Government. The first was the Tamils, the second the Roman Catholics and the third was sui generic – Hema Henry Basnayake, Chief Justice.
The Tamils were giving the Government a great deal of trouble by not cooperating in our language policy. Every Tamil was expected loyally to submit to the Sinhala Only policy and those who showed some love and loyalty to their own ancient language had naturally no love or loyalty towards the Government.
The Roman Catholics appeared to set the Government a problem for reasons unknown to me. There were numbers of monks and nuns in the island. There were also some Burmese and German Buddhist priests, all respected men and women who had been resident here for long years on temporary residence permits There were Roman Catholic priests and nuns who had been resident here so long that ‘they did not require any permits, but their numbers were few.
The Government wished to be rid of the Roman Catholic priests and nuns but there were practical difficulties about getting every foreign priest and nun out of the Island. It was well known that our people were not willing to work in the Leprosy Hospitals where the Catholic nuns gave devoted service to the patients.
Even in the general hospitals some of the patients who could afford to pay preferred to enter the non-paying wards, which were in charge of the nuns, because they received infinitely better treatment there. Their kindness and readiness to come to the service and assistance of a patient were well known and deeply appreciated by all but that appreciation was never acclaimed by politicians and public officials in public.
In the end, the Government succeeded in getting them out; but what exactly did the country gain? As late as 1967, His Lordship the Bishop of Colombo, the Rt Rev. Harold de Soysa, after a visit to the Hendala Leprosy Hospital, wrote in the Ceylon Churchman: “It was indeed a cause for much praise to God that although our previous Government callously deprived those suffering patients of the loving ministrations of the nursing nuns who cared for them and ministered to them, on this day of their treat, there were at least twenty Roman Catholic nuns who had come from a nearby convent to be with them and three or four priests as well as our own clergy from the Cathedral parish who minister to the Anglicans there and take regular service in the Chapel.”
Except in very special cases, no visa was to be extended when the person to whom the visa had been granted could be replaced by a Ceylonese, and where any such decision is taken to extend any such visa, it should be submitted for the approval of the Prime Minister. There were 210 non-Ceylonese Roman Catholic priests of whom 178 were on visas, and 997 with 556 on visas. These visas were not to be approved without the approval of the Prime Minister.
It was also decided that a member of the priesthood of any religious denomination should not be employed in the public service in any post which could be filled by a layman. This was aimed principally at the priests teaching in the Roman Catholic schools but had to be so worded as not to make the point obvious. In the result, Buddhist priests teaching in the pirivenas and other educational institutions were also caught up, and there was a howl in the country from the Buddhist public. What compromise there must have been because it was only the Catholics that went out.
There was also the other side of the medal. One day, a clerk from the Ministry of External Affairs, of which Mr N. Q. Dias was Permanent Secretary, walked into my room and said that Mr Dias had suggested that I should take steps to form a Buddhist Association in the Cabinet Office. I was not under N. Q. in any way and I asked the clerk to tell Mr Dias that, so long as I was in the Cabinet Office, there were two things I would not tolerate – politics and religion – the first was barred by rules, while the second was entirely a matter between a man and his Maker.
I have dealt with the Tamils and the Roman Catholics. I come to the third class I mentioned – Chief Justice Basnayake standing by himself. He was an upstanding man of sturdy independence and integrity. On the Bench, he was only concerned with the legal argument placed before him. The fact that counsel for the appellant was a senior silk and counsel for the respondent was a raw junior did not weigh with the Chief. He listened to both with equal attention and respect.
This attitude was resented by some of the seniors who expected a little deferential treatment at the hand of the Chief who was not concerned with the personalities at the Bar. Basnayake was, therefore, among the higher-ups of the legal circle, not a very popular judge. In fact, he was an ideal and independent judge who did not care whether he was popular or not. His unpopularity, if any, went beyond the members of the Bar; it extended to the members of the Government.
It was well known that Sirimavo and her Ministers did not like him because he was too independent and not of ‘our way of thinking’. What was ‘our way of thinking?’ Every public servant, every head of department, was expected to ‘toe the line’ and anyone who did not do so was not of ‘our way of thinking’. When the coup trial, to which reference will be made later, was impending, the law was specially amended to divest the Chief Justice of his statutory power of nominating the Bench to sit at Bar and that power was vested in the Minister of Justice.
Features
Rebuilding Sri Lanka: 78 Years of Independence and 78 Modules of Reform
“The main theme of this year’s Independence Day is “Rebuilding Sri Lanka,” so spoke President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka as he ceremonially commemorated the island’s 78th independence anniversary. That was also President AKD’s second independence anniversary as President. Rebuilding implies that there was already something built. It is not that the NPP government is starting a new building on a vacant land, or whatever that was built earlier should all be destroyed and discarded.
Indeed, making a swift departure from NPP’s usual habit of denouncing Sri Lanka’s entire post independence history as useless, President AKD conceded that “over the 78 years since independence, we have experienced victories and defeats, successes and failures. We will not hesitate to discard what is harmful, nor will we fear embracing what is good. Therefore, I believe that the responsibility of rebuilding Sri Lanka upon the valuable foundations of the past lies with all of us.”
Within the main theme of rebuilding, the President touched on a number of sub-themes. First among them is the he development of the economy predicated on the country’s natural resources and its human resources. Crucial to economic development is the leveraging of our human resource to be internationally competitive, and to be one that prioritises “knowledge over ignorance, progress over outdated prejudices and unity over division.” Educational reform becomes key in this context and the President reiterated his and his government’s intention to “initiate the most transformative era in our education sector.”
He touched on his pet theme of fighting racism and extremism, and insisted that the government “will not allow division, racism, or extremism and that national unity will be established as the foremost strength in rebuilding Sri Lanka.” He laid emphasis on enabling equality before the law and ensuring the supremacy of the law, which are both necessary and remarkable given the skepticism that is still out there among pundits
Special mention was given to the Central Highlands that have become the site of repeated devastations caused by heavy rainfall, worse than poor drainage and inappropriate construction. Rebuilding in the wake of cyclone Ditwah takes a special meaning for physical development. Nowhere is this more critical than the hill slopes of the Central Highlands. The President touched on all the right buttons and called for environmentally sustainable construction to become “a central responsibility in the ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka’ initiative.”. Recognizing “strong international cooperation is essential” for the rebuilding initiative, the President stated that his government’s goal is to “establish international relations that strengthen the security of our homeland, enhance the lives of our people and bring recognition to our country on a new level.”
The President also permitted himself some economic plaudits, listing his government’s achievements in 2025, its first year in office. To wit, “the lowest budget deficit since 1977, record-high government revenue after 2006, the largest current account balances in Sri Lanka’s history, the highest tax revenue collected by the Department of Inland Revenue and the sustained maintenance of bank interest rates at a long-term target, demonstrating remarkable economic stability.” He was also careful enough to note that “an economy’s success is not measured by data alone.”
Remember the old Brazilian quip that “the economy is doing well but not the people.” President AKD spoke to the importance of converting “the gains at the top levels of the economy … into improved living standards for every citizen,” and projected “the vision for a renewed Sri Lanka … where the benefits of economic growth flow to all people, creating a nation in which prosperity is shared equitably and inclusively.”
Rhetoric, Reform and Reality
For political rhetoric with more than a touch of authenticity, President AKD has no rival among the current political contenders and prospects. There were pundits and even academics who considered Mahinda Rajapaksa to be the first authentic leadership manifestation of Sinhala nationalism after independence, and that he was the first to repair the rupture between the Sri Lankan state and Sinhala nationalism that was apparently caused by JR Jayewardene and his agreement with India to end the constitutional crisis in Sri Lanka.
To be cynical, the NPP or AKD were not the first to claim that everything before them had been failures and betrayals. And it is not at all cynical to say that the 20-year Rajapaksa era was one in which the politics of Sinhala nationalism objectively served the interests of family bandyism, facilitated corruption, and enabled environmentally and economically unsustainable infrastructure development. The more positive question, however, is to ask the same pundits and academics – how they would view the political authenticity of the current President and the NPP government. Especially in terms of rejecting chauvinism and bigotry and rejuvenating national inclusiveness, eschewing corruption and enabling good governance, and ensuring environmental stewardship and not environmental slaughter.
The challenge to the NPP government is not about that it is different from and better than the Rajapaksa regime, or than any other government this century for that matter. The global, regional and local contexts are vastly different to make any meaningful comparison to the governments of the 20th century. Even the linkages to the JVP of the 1970s and 1980s are becoming tenuous if not increasingly irrelevant in the current context and circumstances. So, the NPP’s real challenge is not about demonstrating that it is something better than anything in the past, but to provide its own road map for governing, indicating milestones that are to be achieved and demonstrating the real steps of progress that the government is making towards each milestone.
There are plenty of critics and commentators who will not miss a beat in picking on the government. Yet there is no oppositional resonance to all the criticisms that are levelled against the government. The reason is not only the political inability of the opposition parties to take a position of advantage against the government on any issue where the government is seen to be vulnerable. The real reason could be that the criticisms against the government are not resonating with the people at large. The general attitude among the people is one of relief that this government is not as corrupt as any government could be and that it is not focused on helping family and friends as past governments have been doing.
While this is a good situation for any government to be in, there is also the risk of the NPP becoming too complacent for its good. The good old Mao’s Red Book quote that “complacency is the enemy of study,” could be extended to be read as the enemy of electoral success as well. In addition, political favouritism can be easily transitioned from the sphere of family and friends to the sphere of party cadres and members. The public will not notice the difference but will only lose its tolerance when stuff hits the fan and the smell becomes odious. It matters little whether the stuff and the smell emanate from family and friends, on the one hand, or party members on the other.
It is also important to keep the party bureaucracy and the government bureaucracy separate. Sri Lanka’s government bureaucracy is as old as modern Sri Lanka. No party bureaucracy can ever supplant it the way it is done in polities where one-party rule is the norm. A prudent approach in Sri Lanka would be for the party bureaucracy to keep its members in check and not let them throw their weight around in government offices. The government bureaucracy in Sri Lanka has many and severe problems but it is not totally dysfunctional as it often made out to be. Making government efficient is important but that should be achieved through internal processes and not by political party hacks.
Besides counterposing rhetoric and reality, the NPP government is also awash in a spate of reforms of its own making. The President spoke of economic reform, educational reform and sustainable development reform. There is also the elephant-in-the-room sized electricity reform. Independence day editorials have alluded to other reforms involving the constitution and the electoral processes. Even broad sociopolitical reforms are seen as needed to engender fundamental attitudinal changes among the people regarding involving both the lofty civic duties and responsibilities, as well as the day to day road habits and showing respect to women and children using public transport.
Education is fundamental to all of this, but I am not suggesting another new module or website linkages for that. Of course, the government has not created 78 reform modules as I say tongue-in-cheek in the title, but there are close to half of them, by my count, in the education reform proposals. The government has its work cut out in furthering its education reform proposals amidst all the criticisms ranged against them. In a different way, it has also to deal with trade union inertia that is stymieing reform efforts in the electricity sector. The government needs to demonstrate that it can not only answer its critics, but also keep its reform proposals positively moving ahead. After 78 years, it should not be too difficult to harness and harmonize – political rhetoric, reform proposals, and the realities of the people.
by Rajan Philips
Features
Our diplomatic missions success in bringing Ditwah relief while crocodiles gather in Colombo hotels
The Sunday newspapers are instructive: a lead story carries the excellent work of our Ambassador in Geneva raising humanitarian assistance for Sri Lanka in the aftermath of Ditwah. The release states that our Sri Lankan community has taken the lead in dispatching disaster relief items along with financial assistance to the Rebuilding Sri Lanka fund from individual donors as well as members of various community organizations.
The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies In Geneva had initially launched an appeal for Swiss francs CHF 5 million and the revised appeal has been tripled to CHF 14 million to provide life saving assistance and long term resilience building for nearly 600,000 of the most vulnerable individuals; the UN office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has contributed US$4.5 million; the WHO has channeled US$175,000; In addition, our mission is working closely with other UN and International organizations in Geneva for technical support to improve disaster preparedness capacity in the long term in Sri Lanka such as through enhanced forecasting to mitigate risks and strengthen disaster preparedness capacities.
In stark contrast it is ironic to see in the same newspaper, a press release from a leading think tank in Colombo giving prominence to their hosting a seminar in a five star hotel to promote the extraction of Sri Lanka’s critical minerals to foreign companies under the guise of “international partners”. Those countries participating in this so called International Study Group are Australia, India, Japan and the US, all members of a regional defence pact that sees China as its main adversary. Is it wise for Sri Lanka to be drawn into such controversial regional arrangements?
This initiative is calling for exploitation of Sri Lanka’s graphite, mineral sands, apatite, quartiz, mica and rare earth elements and urging the Government to introduce investor friendly approval mechanisms to address licencing delays and establish speedy timelines. Why no mention here of the mandatory Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) or traditional public consultations even though such extraction will probably take place in areas like Mannar with its mainly vulnerable coastal areas? Is it not likely that such mining projects will renew commotion among poor mainly minority communities already badly affected by Ditwah?
It would be indeed pertinent to find out whether the think tank leading this initiative is doing so with its own funds or whether this initiative is being driven by foreign government funds spent on behalf of their multinational companies? Underlying this initiative is the misguided thinking defying all international scientific assessments and quoting President Trump that there is no global climate crisis and hence environmental safeguards need not be applied. Sri Lanka which has experienced both the tsunami and cyclone Ditwah is in the eye of the storm and has been long classified as one of the most vulnerable of islands likely to be effected in terms of natural disasters created by climate change.
Sri Lanka’s mining industry has so far been in local hands and therefore it has been done under some due process protecting both local workers involved in handling hazardous materials and with some revenue coming to the government. What is now being proposed for Sri Lanka is something in the same spirit as President Donald Trump visualized for redeveloping Gaza as a Riviera without taking into consultation the wishes of the people in that land and devoid of any consideration for local customs and traditions. Pity our beautiful land in the hands of these foreigners who only want to exploit our treasure for their own profit and leave behind a desolate landscape with desperate people.
by Dr Sarala Fernando
Features
The Architect of Minds – An Exclusive Interview with Professor Elsie Kothelawala on the Legacy of Professor J. E. Jayasuriya
This year marks a significant milestone as we commemorate the 35th death anniversary of a titan in the field of education, Professor J. E. Jayasuriya. While his name is etched onto the covers of countless textbooks and cited in every major policy document in Sri Lanka, the man behind the name remains a mystery to many. To honour his legacy, we are joined today for a special commemorative interview. This is a slightly expanded version of the interview with Professor Elsie Kothelawala. As a former student who rose to become a close professional colleague, she offers a rare, personal glimpse into his life during his most influential years at the University of Peradeniya.
Dr. S. N. Jayasinghe – Professor Kothelawala, to begin our tribute, could you tell us about the early years of Professor J. E. Jayasuriya? Where did his journey start?
Prof. Elsie Kothelawala – He was born on February 14, 1918, in Ahangama. His primary education actually began at Nawalapitiya Anuruddha Vidyalaya. He then moved to Dharmasoka College in Ambalangoda and eventually transitioned to Wesley College in Colombo. He was a brilliant student, in 1933, he came third in the British Empire at the Cambridge Senior Examination. This earned him a scholarship to University College, Colombo, where he graduated in 1939 with a First-Class degree in Mathematics.
Q: – His professional rise was meteoric. Could you trace his work life from school leadership into high academia?
A: – It was a blend of school leadership and pioneering academia. At just 22, he was the first principal of Dharmapala Vidyalaya, Pannipitiya. He later served as Deputy Principal of Sri Sumangala College, Panadura.
A turning point came when Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara invited him to lead the new central school in the Minister’s own electorate, Matugama Central College. Later, he served as Principal of Wadduwa Central College. In 1947, he traveled to London for advanced studies at the Institute of Education, University of London. There, he earned a Post Graduate Diploma in Education and a Master of Arts in Education. Upon returning, he became a lecturer in mathematics at the Government Teachers’ Training College in Maharagama. He joined the University of Ceylon’s Faculty of Education as a lecturer in 1952 and later, in 1957, he advanced to the role of Professor of Education. Professor J. E. Jayasuriya was the first Sri Lankan to hold the position of Professor of Education and lead the Department of Education at the University of Ceylon.
The commencement of this department was a result of a proposal from the Special Committee of Education in 1943, commonly known as the Kannangara Committee.
Q: – We know he left the university in 1971. Can you tell us about his work for the United Nations and UNESCO?
A: – That was a massive chapter in his life. After retiring from Peradeniya, he went global. He moved to Bangkok to serve as the Regional Advisor on Population Education for UNESCO. He spent five years traveling across Asia, to countries like Pakistan, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia, helping them build their educational frameworks from the ground up.
Even after that, his relationship with the United Nations continued. He returned to Sri Lanka and served as a United Nations Advisor to the Ministry of Education for two years. He was essentially a global consultant, bringing the lessons he learned in Sri Lanka to the rest of the world.
Q: – How did you personally come to know him, and what was the nature of your professional relationship?
A: – I first encountered him at Peradeniya during my Diploma in Education and later my MA. He personally taught me Psychology, and I completed my postgraduate studies under his direct supervision. He was notoriously strict, but it was a strictness born out of respect for the subject. The tutorials were the highlight. Every day, he would select one student’s answer and read it to the class. It kept us on our toes! He relied heavily on references, and his guidance was always “on point.” After my MA, he encouraged me to apply for a vacancy in the department. Even as a lecturer, he supervised me, I had to show him my lecture notes before entering a hall.
Q: – He sounds quite imposing! Was there any room for humor in his classroom?
A: – He had a very sharp, dry wit. Back then, there was a fashion where ladies pinned their hair in high, elaborate piles. He once remarked, “Where there is nothing inside, they will pile it all up on the outside.” Needless to say, that hairstyle was never seen in his class again!
Q: – Looking at the 1960s and 70s, what reforms did he promote that were considered innovative for that time?
A: – As Chairman of the National Education Commission (1961), he was a visionary. He promoted the Neighborhood School Concept to end the scramble for prestige schools. He also proposed a Unified National System of education and argued for a flexible school calendar. He believed holidays should vary by region, matching agricultural harvest cycles so rural children wouldn’t have to miss school.
Q: – One of his major contributions was in “Intelligence Testing.” How did he change that field?
A: – He felt Western IQ tests were culturally biased. He developed the National Education Society Intelligence Test, the first standardized test in national languages, and adapted the Raven’s Non-Verbal Test for Sri Lankan children. He wanted to measure raw potential fairly, regardless of a child’s social or linguistic background.
Q: – How would you describe his specific contribution to the transition to national languages in schools?
A: – He didn’t just support the change, he made it possible. When English was replaced as the medium of instruction, there was a desperate lack of materials. He authored 12 simplified Mathematics textbooks in Sinhala, including the Veeja Ganithaya (Algebra) and Seegra Jyamithiya (Geometry) series. He ensured that “language” would no longer be a barrier to “logic.”
Q: – After his work with the UN and UNESCO, why did he become known as the “Father of Population Education”?
A: – While in Bangkok, he developed the conceptual framework for Population Education for the entire Asian region. He helped dozens of countries integrate population dynamics into their school curricula. He saw that education wasn’t just about reading and writing, it was about understanding the social and demographic realities of one’s country.
Q: – Madam, can you recall how Professor Jayasuriya’s legacy was honoured?
A: – Professor Jayasuriya was truly a unique personality. He was actually one of the first Asians to be elected as a Chartered Psychologist in the U.K., and his lectures on educational psychology and statistics were incredibly popular. During his time at the University of Ceylon, he held significant leadership roles, serving as the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and even as acting Vice Chancellor. His impact was so profound that the Professor J. E. Jayasuriya Memorial Lecture Theatre at the Faculty of Education in Peradeniya was named in his honor.
Beyond his institutional roles, he received immense recognition for his service, including honorary D. Lit and D. Sc degrees from the University of Colombo and the Open University, respectively. Perhaps his most global contribution was his ‘quality of life’ approach to population education developed for UNESCO in the mid-1970s. As O. J. Sikes of UNFPA noted in the International Encyclopedia on Education, it became the predominant teaching method across Asia and is still considered the fastest-growing approach to the subject worldwide.
Q: – Finally, what is the most profound message from his life that today’s educators and policymakers should carry forward?
A: – The lesson is intellectual integrity. When the government’s 1964 White Paper distorted his 1961 recommendations for political gain, he didn’t stay silent, he wrote Some Issues in Ceylon Education to set the record straight.
He believed education was a birthright, not a competitive filter. Today’s policymakers must learn that education policy should be driven by pedagogical evidence, not political expediency. As our conversation came to a close, Professor Elsie Kothelawala sat back, a reflective smile on her face. It became clear that while Professor J. E. Jayasuriya was a man of rigid logic, and uncompromising discipline, his ultimate goal was deeply human, the upliftment of every Sri Lankan child.
Thirty-five years after his passing, his presence is still felt, not just in the archives of UNESCO or the halls of Peradeniya, but in the very structure of our classrooms. He was a pioneer who taught us that education is the most powerful tool for social mobility, provided it is handled with honesty. As we commemorate this 35th memorial, perhaps the best way to honor his legacy is not just by remembering his name, but by reclaiming his courage, the courage to put the needs of the student above the convenience of the system.
Professor Jayasuriya’s life reminds us that a true educator’s work is never finished, it lives on in the teachers he trained, the policies he shaped, and the national intellect he helped ignite.
by the Secretary J.E.Jayasuriya Memorial Foundation : Dr S.N Jayasinghe
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