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“I offer to resign” on Premadasa’s allegations of cabinet leaks and the 1962 coup d’etat

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(Excerpted from Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)

At about this time, one Premadasa (later President R. Premadasa), a UNP member of the Colombo Municipal Council, whom I did not know and whom I had not met or seen, made a speech in one of our public parks where he stated that, within five minutes of the conclusion of Sirimavo’s Cabinet meetings, the UNP had a full account of the discussions and the decisions reached at the meeting, but went on to add that they did not get their information from Cabinet officials.

I thoughts it was extremely kind of the gentlemen to pay me and my staff this unsolicited compliment. The next day the Times of Ceylon carried the speech on its front page, including the compliment paid to us. A few days later, a friend asked me whether I had read the attack on me in the Tribune, a paper to which I did not subscribe and did not read. He lent me his copy. The line that the Tribune took was that both Premadasa and the Times of Ceylon were wrong in their information, that Cabinet secrets leaked to the UNP through the top official (myself) in the Cabinet office, who “haunted the pub on the fringe of Colombo 1” – a reference to the Automobile Association of Ceylon of which I was an Honorary Life Member and a member of the Bar and Entertainments Committee – and that it was at this pub that the leaks took place.

The writer went on to add that, if the leaks were to be stopped, the top official should be removed. I was not going to take this insult lying down. A few minutes before the next Cabinet meeting, I told the Prime Minister the gist of the article and that I would not be attending the meeting if she had no confidence in me. I said I would resign. She said “Don’t be silly, Mr Peiris”. I told her that I was not placing on her the burden of coming to a decision and obtained her permission to raise the matter of confidence before the entire Cabinet.

When the Cabinet met, she informed the Ministers that I had a personal matter to raise, and when I finished reading the article aloud and said that I was prepared to go immediately to Queen’s House with my resignation, the following conversation took place between Felix Dias and myself:

F. D. Mr Peiris, why do you assume that the article refers to you?

B. P. Sir, I am the top official of the Cabinet Office, and the reference to the pub on the fringe of Colombo 1 is to the Automobile Association of which I am a member and which I visit fairly frequently.

F. D. Mr Peiris, don’t believe everything you read in the newspapers these days. I speak for the entire Cabinet when I say that we have absolute confidence in your integrity and loyalty.

B. P. Sir, I thank you for that. The matter may therefore be regarded as closed. And so, I continued as an officer of the Cabinet.

Towards the end of 1961, there was a whisper of a series of strikes planned for the new year with a view to paralyzing the Government. Strikes in the public and private sector took place on January 5, 1962. Valuable equipment at Radio Ceylon was damaged and army technicians were put on the job of restoring the radio and transmissions. The strike spread to the Port of Colombo, the Transport Board and the commercial banks, and the Cabinet was meeting almost daily to review the situation to prevent it spreading, particularly to the plantations. The Governor-General, a former Civil Defence Commissioner, was again given complete control of operations.

In the midst of its other problems, the Government had to meet a new situation. In the late Prime Minister’s assassination case, the trial judge had convicted one accused of murder and two others of conspiracy to murder, and had sentenced all three accused to death. On appeal, the Court of Criminal Appeal, on an interpretation of the law, converted the sentence on the charge of conspiracy, from death to one of life imprisonment. The Government was annoyed. It decided that the law should be clearly stated with retrospective effect, namely, that the penalty for conspiracy to murder should be, not life imprisonment, but death.

The Capital Punishment (Special Provisions) Bill was accordingly drafted by the Legal Draftsman under vehement protest and presented in the House of Representatives. It was expected that all three readings would be moved in one day and the item was placed at the top of the Order Paper. A week later this dropped to the bottom because all the accused appealed to the Privy Council. The Crown did the same. Both applications were for special leave to appeal and leave was refused in both cases. The matter became stale and, I believe, the Bill was allowed to lapse.

Another amazing proposal came before the Cabinet in February 1962.1 referred earlier to the continuance in force of certain emergency regulations to enable the detention of certain persons suspected of being connected with a coup to overthrow the Government. It was in the previous month, January, that the proposed coup had failed because someone, at the last moment, got the jitters and spilt the beans. At midnight, a Deputy Inspector-General of Police was arrested. In the succeeding days, other arrests of top ranking officers of the Army, Navy, Police, Civil Service and a few civilians followed. The total number arrested was twenty-nine.

How were they to be tried and what was the punishment to be meted out to them? In some countries today I suppose they would have been shot without trial. But here, Sirimavo had assured the people that she was following the policies of her late husband and that her government was democratic with an admixture of socialism. The Government decided to make drastic and unusual changes in the law.

I have never seen a man more unhappy than Percy de Silva, the Legal Draftsman, who was at this time, preparing, with angry curses under his breath, draft after draft, as fresh instructions, not always consistent one with another, reached him daily from the Government.

Here is a summary of the changes in the law which the Legal Draftsman was directed to put into proper legal form. Instead of a trial by jury, there should be a Trial-at-Bar, that is, a trial before three Judges of the Supreme Court sitting without a jury. There should be no preliminary magisterial inquiry and proceedings should be initiated in the Supreme Court. A Bench is normally appointed by the Chief Justice but, in this case, that power should be vested in the Minister of Justice. The penalty for the offence might be a sentence of death. Bail should be refused unless authorized by the Attorney-General. Confessions made to police officers should be made admissible in evidence.

The trial against any of the accused persons could be commenced and continued in his absence. The judgment of the Court should be declared to be final, and the right of the accused, if convicted, to appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal should be taken away. The right of the subject to appeal to Her Majesty would also have been taken away if the Government only had the power. And, when everything was over and the accused had been convicted (or acquitted) these new changes in the law should cease to have any effect and the old law should automatically revive.

This atrocious piece of draft legislation shook the lawyers both in Hultsdorp and the outstations who still had respect for the sanctity of the law and for fair play and justice. After these proposals had been discussed by the Cabinet and finally approved, the Legal Draftsman was given two days time to prepare the complicated piece of legislation.

Wild rumours were gathering momentum involving the Governor-General Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, Dudley Senanayake, Sir John and anyone else on whom the scandalmongers desired to use the tar brush. At the Cabinet meeting just referred to, the Prime Minister asked me whether the Governor-General had inquired from me whether he had the power to dissolve Parliament without her advice. How this got out I do not know. I can only assume that the conversation that the Governor-General had with me on the telephone had been tapped. And that was not the first time he had discussed matters constitutional with me.

I told the Prime Minister that that was not what the Governor-General had asked me. He had asked me to look up my books and let him know whether he had the constitutional power to dismiss his Prime Minister and his entire Cabinet and I had advised him that he had such power but would have to find, without going to a general election, an alternative government which would take responsibility for his decision to dismiss. The Prime Minister asked me how long ago that was and I said it was about three months. She asked me what his reason could be for asking me the question.

I told her that when the Governor-General asked me a question, it was not open to me to ask him another, that he had put constitutional questions to me before, and that it was probably because he thought that I knew my subject. In a ruminative mood at home, it struck me that, some months before, W. Dahanayake, M. P. had made a public speech to the effect that the country was going to the dogs because of mismanagement by the Government and that it was time that the Governor-General sacked the whole bunch and formed a National Government. On inquiry from the newspapers, I was told that this speech was published in the Times of Ceylon of October 2, 1961, and I told the Prime Minister so; it did not appear to me have any connection with the coup.

On February 13, Felix Dias, Minister of Finance, made what he called a factual statement on the coup d’etat, He stated that the whole purpose of the coup was undoubtedly to overthrow the Government on the night of January 27. The statement continued: “The Government takes a very serious view of the abortive coup d’ etat. It is a comforting thought that most of the regular units of the army were unaffected by the spirit of disloyalty that manifested itself among certain officers who have been involved. In the Police too, it is fortunate that a large number of loyal officers remain who are capable of giving valuable service to the Government at this critical time. It is particularly satisfactory that the majority of the rank and file, both in the army and in the police remain completely loyal to the Government and the country.”

He added that the opportunity must not however be lost to effect complete and radical reforms in the Police Service, in the Armed Services and indeed in the public service. Many Army officers and Police officers who had participated in the coup had bitterly regretted their action and one army officer committed suicide in consequence of his participation. It was essential that deterrent punishment of a severe character should be imposed upon all those who were guilty of this attempt to inflict violence and bloodshed on innocent people throughout the country for pursuit of reactionary aims and objectives. The investigations would therefore proceed to their logical end. The Government was determined to do its duty by the people.

In view of this factual statement and the floating rumours, Sir Oliver voluntarily submitted himself to interrogation, but the Police did not dare to question Her Majesty’s representative. My own humble opinion at the time was that the step he took was most unbecoming of the office he held and the respect due to him. Efforts were now made to remove him from office. It was said that the Queen’s permission had been sought to question the Governor-General on the part he was alleged to have taken in the coup, and that a reply had been received that such a procedure would be unusual and unconventional. The next move was to have the Governor-General removed from office.

Here, the Queen had to act on the advice of Her Prime Minister of Ceylon and the Prime Minister advised removal. At very short notice, Sir Oliver’s successor was announced from the Palace – Mr William Gopallawa, M.B.E., our Ambassador in Washington. Whatever Sir Oliver’s other faults may have been, there was no doubt that he carried his office with great dignity during his long term of nearly eight years as the Queen’s representative in the land. After a long and unique record of distinguished service to his country in many capacities, he took his final bow and left Queen’s House on March 1, 1962.

The new Governor-General was sworn in the next day. His Excellency announced that he would give up the trappings of office, that is, the official uniform, the helmet and plumes, the sword and medals, and that he would wear a plain cloth and banian.

It was said that the Queen’s permission was again sought to question Sir Oliver after he ceased to be Governor-General and that the Government had received a reply from a constitutional sovereign that she was unable to intervene in a matter between the Government of Ceylon and a private citizen but that she hoped that no steps would be taken which would bring dishonour on the high office of Governor-General in view of possible repercussions in other parts of Her Commonwealth. The Government ordered that Queen’s House staff should be questioned first and that Sir John Kotelawala, Mr Dudley Senanayake, Mr J. R. Jayewardene, Mr Philip Gunawardena and Dr N. M. Perera be also questioned.

I was then asked whether I had any objection to making a statement to the police regarding Sir Oliver’s question to me about his constitutional powers in the dismissal of a cabinet. I said I had none and my statement was recorded on February 28,1962. I was placed in the most embarrassing position because the Prime Minister told me that my statement to the Police had been shown to Sir Oliver, who then had made a statement somewhat as follows:

I have known Peiris from the days when I was Civil Defence Commissioner and he was an Assistant Legal Draftsman. He is a straight and honest man of unquestioned integrity. If Peiris says that I spoke to him on the telephone and asked him this question, I will accept his statement as true. But the fact is that I did not speak to Peiris. It is quite likely that someone else put the question to him imitating my voice.

Sir Oliver, on relinquishing office, left Ceylon on a well-deserved holiday. The Hindu of March 2, 1962, carried the following editorial:

The cryptic announcement from Colombo of the appointment of Mr Gopallawa as the Governor-General of Ceylon in succession to Sir Oliver Goonetilleke only serves to deepen the mystery surrounding the Island’s affairs for some time. Stringent Press censorship has made matters worse and it may be anybody’s guess what is happening and why. There has been no announcement so far that Sir Oliver, an elder statesman commanding considerable respect within the country and outside, had offered to resign. When his name was stated to have been mentioned by suspects interrogated in connection with the recent reported attempt at a coup d’etat, he had offered to be questioned.

The Government spokesman who should have known the facts expressed disbelief in the suggestion that the Governor-General had anything to do with the attempted coup and apparently viewed with disfavour Opposition demands for his removal. He had mentioned that the Queen had been informed by cable of the position. The Governor-General of Ceylon is appointed by Her Majesty, and, under the 1947 Order in Council, may exercise in the Island, during her Majesty’s pleasure, such powers, authorities and functions as are assigned to him. His appointment is also to be made on the advice of the Prime Minister of the Dominion.

Are we to infer that a sufficiently strong case exists for the Ceylon Government to advise the Queen to order the removal from office of Sir Oliver and the appointment of a successor recommended by the Ceylon Prime Minister? Since other prominent names are also said to have been mentioned by suspects, notably Sir John Kotelawala and Mr Dudley Senanayake, former Prime Ministers, the drastic action in one case can only set speculation rife and add to the prevailing uncertainty in the Island.

The long and heated debate in the Ceylon House of Representatives a fortnight ago has been the only source of information from which any inference could be drawn about the attempted coup and its possible ramifications. And sections of the Opposition did not waste this opportunity to make political points of “right” and “left”. With censorship clamped down, and the prolonged emergency, the people of Ceylon are perhaps the most mystified by the extraordinary developments in the country.

From the assassination of Prime Minister Bandaranaike two years ago to the unprecedented removal from office of the Governor-General this week, it has been a crisis to crisis existence for the hard-pressed Island. The people can well see in the recent developments not only a threat to the stability of the Island’s administration, but to their democratic right to choose their Government and remove it. If inflation, unemployment and a strike-wave had struck at their economic well-being, the attempted coup and the subsequent emergency Bill seeking to bypass judicial processes and the rule of law should be causes for even greater disquiet.

It is no doubt the prime duty of the Government to unearth the conspiracy to overthrow the Government by force, if there had been such a one. But in the process, all care should be taken to preserve the spirit as well as the letter of democracy, and also steer the country clear of any kind of involvement in cold war politics. The suggestion of foreign inspiration for the coup has been here, but so many suggestions have been made in this context, some mostly tactical, that one would hope this too belongs to that category.

And now, the Bill to deal with the coup suspects, which the Legal Draftsman was asked to prepare within two days, was presented in Parliament under the title of the Criminal Law (Special Provisions) Bill. It was severely criticized by all parties of the Opposition. Those in favour of the Bill argued that our former British masters did not foresee a situation where evil men would conspire to arrest the Prime Minister and other ministers and confine them in a dungeon, and that it was necessary to bring the law up to date.

Against this, it was asked why it was proposed to change the law, to empower the Minister of Justice instead of the Chief Justice to nominate the Bench for the proposed Trial-at-Bar. One member of Parliament pleaded that, for the sake of the integrity of our courts of law, the normal process of the selection of the Bench should be left to the discretion of the Chief Justice. The Honourable member for Galle pointed out that you may not be able to stop an appeal to the Queen.

It was also pointed out in Parliament that what the Government was trying to do was to enact a new offence, relate it back to the time of the commission of the offence, and charge the offenders. One remember commented “If this Bill gets into the Statute Book in the form in which it is presented, we would become the laughing stock of the World. It is possible that this matter might be taken up by the United Nations or by the International Jurists or even by our constitutional experts.”

On behalf of the Government, Finance Minister Felix Dias admitted that there were many things in the Bill of an unusual character. He appealed to the members not to oppose the Bill. The debate dragged on.

The General Council of Advocates in Ceylon passed the following resolution:

The General Council of Advocates in Ceylon vehemently opposes the Criminal Law (Special Provisions) Bill in that

(1) it removes the safeguards which are designed to ensure as far as possible a fair investigation and a fair trial;

(2) it empowers the Minister of Justice to choose a Bench of Judges for a particular case; and

(3) it deprives an accused person of the cherished and fundamental right of appeal.

The Bill, after a long debate, was passed by both Houses and came on the Statute Book as the Criminal Law (Special Provisions) Act, No 1 of 1962.

The International Commission of Jurists in Geneva took notice of the new law. They expressed “profound concern” at legislation in Ceylon following the alleged attempted coup. Many of the provisions of this Law, they said, were entirely contrary to the generally accepted principles of the rule of law. The Commission asked permission for an observer to attend the trials, expected shortly, of those arrested in connection with the coup. The Commission noted that investigations into the coup were being conducted by members of the Cabinet themselves with police approval. They added that, apart from the irregularity of this procedure, a specially passed emergency regulation prohibited the persons arrested from being visited by lawyers.

Sir Leslie Munro, Secretary-General of the Commission, commented on some features of the law which were open to criticism. These included the retrospective nature of the law, the provision that hearsay evidence may be taken into account and denial of the right of appeal.

I pointed out to the Cabinet that the validity of the Criminal Law (Special Provisions) Act was likely to be contested in court as the Act

one Official Language from January 1, 1961 ( the point was raised at the first trial). If the point succeeded, all the “culprits” would escape. And, if the point was upheld in one case, it would apply to all the other laws passed since January 1,1961. The Cabinet thanked me for bringing the matter to their notice, left an agenda of forty-two items aside, and discussed the problem.

Ministers said that they could not take a risk in this case and that, if there were any doubts as regards the correctness of the law, the doubts ought to be removed by fresh legislation. After, discussion, the Minister of Justice was told to a have Bill drafted immediately to clarify the position. The Bill was drafted, the Parliamentary Session was about to come to an end, and the Government hesitated to present the Bill because of its serious political implications. The Bill validated all Acts passed in English and proposed to enact that “Notwithstanding anything in any other law, the English language may continue to be used for the purpose of drafting legislation to be enacted after the date of the commencement of this Act until such date as my be determined by the Cabinet of Ministers”.

The Opposition and the Tamil community would have been given a powerful weapon for attacking the Government. Why was the Bill restricted to the English language? Why not the Tamil language? Is the Official Language Act unenforceable, and if it is impracticable to enforce it, why not repeal it? And numerous other arguments with the only object of embarrassing the Government.

The Prime Minister, a blunt and outspoken woman said “This is what happens when we try to go too fast”. Felix Dias said that he had consulted the Attorney-General Jansze who had advised “Let lying dogs sleep” meaning, do not introduce the Bill. Some of the Ministers attacked the bona fides of the Attorney-General in giving that opinion. They thought that the Attorney-General was trying to leave a loophole to allow the coup suspects to escape. One Minister attacked his honesty as being anti-Government.

I have known Jansze for several years. He was an honest, upright and God-fearing man, an honest and honourable lawyer who did not hesitate to give his opinion on a matter of law and did not care whether that opinion suited the party asking it or not. In view of the Attorney-General’s opinion, the Government decided not to proceed with the Bill.

Under the new Act, No. 1 of 1962, the Minister of Justice, named the Judges for the Trial-at-Bar of the coup suspects – T. S. Fernando, L. B. de Silva and Sri Skanda Rajah. Charges were served on the accused and the preliminary steps taken to hold the trial.

At the trial, Attorney-General Jansze led for the Crown with Solicitor-General Tennekoon and several Crown Counsel. For the defence, there appeared G. G. Ponnambalam, E. G. Wickramanayake, H. W. Jayewardene, A. H. C. de Silva, all Queen’s Counsel, supported by an array of juniors. It was rumoured that defence counsel were appearing pro deo. Objection was taken to the jurisdiction of the court on the ground that it was wrongly constituted and the objection was upheld. The Judges proved, if proof were at all necessary, that the Supreme Court is not and never had been, a stooge of the Executive. In upholding the objection, the court said:

For reasons which we have endeavoured to indicate above, we are of opinion that because:

(a) the power of nomination conferred on the Minister is an interference

with the exercise by the Judges of the Supreme Court of the strict judicial power of the State vested in them by virtue of their appointment in terms of section 52 of the Ceylon (Constitution) Order in Council, 1946, or in derogation thereof, and

(b) the power of nomination is one which has hitherto been invariably exercised by the Judicature as being part of the exercise of the judicial power of the State, and cannot be reposed in anyone outside the Judicature, Section 9 of the Criminal Law (Special Provisions) Act, No. 1 of 1962, is ultra vires the Constitution.

(To be continued)



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Features

Redefining ageing in Sri Lanka

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by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

I have often pondered the factors that have allowed me to reach the age of 78, a milestone that stands in stark contrast to the shorter lifespans of the generations before me, with my father passing away at 68 and my grandfather at just 49. It is both a humbling and fascinating realisation to know that I am currently the longest-living person in my family’s known lineage, yet this milestone naturally invites a deeper reflection on how best to account for such a distinct disparity. A closer look at our familial history reveals the stark realities of earlier eras: my grandfather passed away in 1931, shortly before my father’s marriage, and my father ultimately succumbed to thrombosis in 1974. Yet here I am, decades later, still going strong at 78. Solving this puzzle of longevity requires looking beyond mere chance to consider the powerful interplay of generational advances in public health, modern cardiovascular medicine, shifting dietary and lifestyle habits, and the gradual reduction of environmental stressors across the decades. How, then, do these converging historical and medical shifts help us truly make sense of such a remarkable generational transformation?

Sri Lanka’s demographic journey

For more than a century, Sri Lanka’s demographic and epidemiological journey have served as a global paradigm for what can be accomplished when a nation prioritises social investment over raw economic output. Long before the term human development index gained currency in international policy circles, our island had already begun laying the groundwork for a public health system that was radically egalitarian in its design and astonishingly effective in its execution. In the decades immediately preceding and following independence, the narrative surrounding Sri Lanka’s medical achievements was anchored in the heroic conquest of acute mortality.

The rapid expansion of a free, state-funded medical network, the aggressive eradication of endemic malaria through widespread spraying and vector management, the introduction of universal childhood immunisations, and the relentless lowering of maternal and infant mortality rates collectively transformed a post-colonial tropical society into an outlier of longevity. When post-independence health planners first measured the life expectancy of the average Sri Lankan citizen in the mid-twentieth century, a newborn child could expect to live barely past fifty years. Today, robust demographic data confirms that average life expectancy in Sri Lanka has surged to nearly seventy-eight years, with women routinely living past seventy-nine—a figure that stands head and shoulders above our South Asian neighbours and rivals the health profiles of many high-income Western nations.

Yet, this extraordinary victory over acute infectious disease and early death has brought Sri Lanka face to face with a second, far more insidious health crisis. The very success of our twentieth-century public health campaigns ensured that millions of citizens survived childhood and mid-life infections, only to age into an environment increasingly characterised by urbanisation, dietary shifts, sedentary occupations, and psycho-social stress. As a direct consequence, the island’s disease burden has undergone a dramatic structural flip. Non-communicable diseases—specifically type 2 diabetes mellitus, essential hypertension, ischemic heart disease, cerebrovascular accidents, chronic kidney disease, and various forms of malignancy—now account for more than eighty percent of all deaths nationwide. For much of the past forty years, our healthcare infrastructure struggled to adapt to this shifting terrain. The legacy system, designed primarily to treat sudden, acute episodes of illness like respiratory infections, dysentery, or acute trauma, applied that same reactive logic to chronic condition management. Patients were conditioned to seek medical intervention only after a physical crisis had manifested—when severe retrosternal chest pain signalled a myocardial infarction, when unmanaged hyperglycaemia caused irreparable blurred vision or peripheral gangrene, or when a sudden ischemic stroke left a family patriarch or matriarch permanently paralysed. That era of reactive, crisis-driven medicine is finally ending, yielding to a quiet but profound revolution in how health is monitored, preserved, and restored.

Age of paradigm shift

We are entering the age of paradigm shift powered by the convergence of early molecular diagnostics, low-cost wearable health technologies, point-of-care digital sensors, minimally invasive surgical techniques, and advanced interventional cardiology. Modern clinical science is moving decisively away from the blunt rescue operations of the past toward a model of continuous, predictive risk management. Rather than waiting for organs to fail or arterial walls to rupture, contemporary medicine seeks to identify biological vulnerabilities at the cellular and metabolic level long before a single outward symptom appears. In doing so, it is not merely adding passive years to the human lifespan; it is fundamentally altering the biological trajectory of human aging in Sri Lanka, preserving physical autonomy, cognitive clarity, and productive vitality well into the twilight years.

To fully grasp the magnitude of this transformation, one must examine the devastating trajectory of type 2 diabetes in South Asia and how new diagnostic and monitoring tools are systematically dismantling its reign. For generations, metabolic disease was understood as an inevitable accompaniment of aging or an unavoidable genetic fate. South Asian populations possess a well-documented genetic predisposition toward central adiposity and insulin resistance at significantly lower body mass index thresholds than their Western counterparts. Historically, diabetes was detected through basic fasting blood sugar tests administered only when a patient presented with classic symptoms such as excessive thirst, frequent urination, or unexplained weight loss. By the time those symptoms emerged, however, subtle metabolic damage had already been accumulating quietly within the body for a decade or more. Microvascular damage to the retina and kidney glomeruli, along with macrovascular stiffening of the coronary and carotid arteries, had already taken root.

Timeline rewritten

Modern diagnostic protocols have completely rewritten this timeline. The widespread clinical adoption of Glycated Haemoglobin testing, alongside advanced assays measuring fasting insulin and homeostatic model assessment of insulin resistance, now allows clinicians to spot subtle metabolic dysregulation long before blood glucose levels breach the threshold of clinical diabetes or even standard prediabetes. Doctors can now inform a forty-year-old patient that while their blood sugar appears superficially normal on a standard panel, their pancreas is hyper-secreting insulin to clear that glucose—a clear warning sign that metabolic exhaustion is looming five to ten years down the road.

Even more transformative than early laboratory screening is the rapid miniaturisation and commercialization of personal monitoring technology, most notably Continuous Glucose Monitors. These small, water-resistant sensors, affixed painlessly to the upper arm, utilise microscopic filaments embedded in interstitial fluid to continuously record glucose concentrations twenty-four hours a day. Through wireless telemetry, they stream real-time glycaemic data directly to a user’s smartphone. For the first time in medical history, the invisible dynamics of human metabolism are rendered instantly visible to the individual. A user in Colombo or Kandy wearing a continuous monitor no longer must guess how a heavy lunch of refined white rice, a late-night sweet meat, or a forty-minute brisk walk affects their blood chemistry. They can observe the precise glycaemic spike in real time and watch how physical activity accelerates glucose clearance into muscle tissue.

This immediate biofeedback loop transforms the patient from a passive recipient of quarterly doctor’s orders into an empowered, active manager of their own biology. For individuals in the early prediabetic spectrum, continuous visibility provides the behavioural trigger required to implement targeted dietary modifications, stress management, and exercise routines that can completely arrest or reverse the progression toward overt diabetes. For those already living with diagnosed diabetes, continuous monitoring paired with modern pharmacotherapy—such as SGLT-2 inhibitors and GLP-1 receptor agonists that not only manage glucose but directly protect renal and cardiac tissue—drastically dampens dangerous glycaemic variability. By preventing severe spikes and nocturnal hypoglycaemic crashes, these technologies protect the delicate microvascular bed of the kidneys and eyes, virtually eliminating the tragic secondary complications of blindness and end-stage renal disease that historically plagued aging Sri Lankans.

A parallel revolution

A parallel revolution is unfolding in the management of systemic hypertension, the proverbial silent killer responsible for most stroke deaths and heart failure hospitalizations in our country. Hypertension is notoriously insidious because elevated arterial pressure causes no physical discomfort until catastrophic vascular damage occurs. For decades, the standard method for diagnosing hypertension was an opportunistic blood pressure reading taken with a manual sphygmomanometer during a sporadic visit to a hospital OPD or private dispensary. This method was notoriously fraught with diagnostic error. Patients frequently suffered from white-coat hypertension, where the stress of being in a clinical setting artificially elevated their reading, leading to over-prescription of medication. Conversely, others suffered from masked hypertension, where normal clinic readings concealed dangerously high blood pressure spikes during routine working hours or sleep.

The widespread availability of affordable, clinical-grade digital blood pressure monitors, smart wristbands, and ambulatory blood pressure cuffs has rendered sporadic clinic readings obsolete. Individuals can now capture comprehensive, multi-day home blood pressure profiles that accurately reflect their cardiovascular reality across morning, evening, and resting states. Automated smart wearables can detect subtle arterial stiffness and wave velocity trends, alerting users to early vascular aging long before persistent resting hypertension becomes established.

The clinical payoff of catching mild blood pressure elevations in their earliest phases is immense. Early lifestyle interventions, such as dietary sodium restriction, increased potassium intake through local produce, weight management, and low-dose antihypertensive agents like ACE inhibitors or calcium channel blockers, can easily reset arterial pressure back to optimal ranges. Maintaining arterial elasticity over decades prevents the hypertrophy of the left ventricle of the heart, preserves the delicate filtration barriers of the renal capillaries, and shields the cerebral vasculature from micro-aneurysms. Consequently, the incidence of devastating haemorrhagic strokes and vascular-dementia-induced cognitive decline—conditions that historically stripped elderly Sri Lankans of their dignity and independence—is declining among populations with access to early vascular management.

Interventional advancements

When cardiovascular disease does breach these early preventive barriers, modern surgical and interventional advancements ensure that an acute cardiac event no longer carries the death sentence or permanent disability that it did a generation ago. The field of interventional cardiology has evolved from major open operations toward extraordinarily precise, minimally invasive procedures. Half a century ago, a severe coronary artery blockage required open-heart surgery, complete with a sternotomy, heart-lung bypass machinery, weeks of intensive hospital care, and months of painful recovery. Today, through advanced transradial cardiac catheterization, an interventional cardiologist can enter the arterial system via a tiny puncture in the patient’s wrist under local anaesthesia. Utilising high-resolution fluoroscopic imaging, intra-vascular ultrasound, and fractional flow reserve technology, the cardiologist can navigate directly into the coronary vessels, clear the occluding atherosclerotic plaque, and deploy state-of-the-art drug-eluting stents to restore full myocardial perfusion within hours.

Moreover, surgical innovations have dramatically expanded the upper age limits of who can safely undergo complex structural heart procedures. Historically, an elderly patient in their late seventies or eighties suffering from severe aortic valve stenosis was considered far too frail to survive the trauma of traditional valve replacement surgery. Today, the advent of Transcatheter Aortic Valve Replacement allows cardiac teams to deliver a fully functional biological valve through a femoral catheter directly into the heart while it continues to beat. Similarly, electrophysiological breakthroughs—including tiny, leadless pacemakers implanted directly into the cardiac chambers and sophisticated implantable cardioverter-defibrillators—continuously monitor cardiac rhythm, firing micro-electrical shocks to instantaneously terminate fatal ventricular arrhythmias without any human intervention. These mechanical and surgical triumphs mean that a cardiac diagnosis in late life no longer signals an irreversible descent into bedridden invalidity. Instead, septuagenarians and octogenarians are routinely restored to functional physical capacity, walking, traveling, and living independently.

The convergence of these preventive diagnostic tools, wearable monitoring gadgets, metabolic therapies, and minimally invasive cardiac surgeries is driving a profound paradigm shift in how we conceptualise the aging process itself. For centuries, biological aging was viewed as an inescapable, uniform process of decay characterised by progressive frailty, multi-organ breakdown, and loss of functional independence. Today, geroscience—the study of the biological mechanisms driving aging—has demonstrated that the physical decline traditionally associated with old age is largely the cumulative result of unmanaged, low-grade chronic pathology. By systematically neutralising chronic hyperglycaemia, hypertension, sub-clinical inflammation, and vascular occlusion early in life, modern medicine is successfully decoupling chronological age from physiological decline.

Conceptual shift

This conceptual shift is best reflected in the growing clinical focus on healthy life expectancy, or health span, as opposed to raw lifespan. Life expectancy merely measures the total number of years an individual lives from birth to death; health span measures the number of those years lived in full physical health, free from chronic disease, functional disability, or severe cognitive impairment. Historically, even as Sri Lanka’s total life expectancy expanded during the late twentieth century, our average health span lagged significantly behind, creating a painful decade-long gap at the end of life spent battling chronic invalidity, reliance on family caregivers, and heavy financial burdens from constant hospitalizations.

By pushing the onset of chronic disease into the extreme final years of life—a phenomenon known in epidemiology as the compression of morbidity—modern health technologies enable citizens to preserve their vitality, cognitive sharpness, and muscular mobility well into their seventies and eighties. Older adults are no longer forced by physical frailty into early social and economic isolation. Instead, they remain active, productive participants in their communities, continuing to teach, write, advise, manage businesses, and contribute their accumulated wisdom to the nation’s social and economic capital. Aging in contemporary Sri Lanka is gradually ceasing to be defined by decline and dependency, evolving instead into a prolonged phase of active, self-directed life.

However, as we celebrate these triumphs of science and engineering, we must confront a critical societal question: how can Sri Lanka ensure that this revolution in longevity is democratised across all segments of our population, rather than remaining an exclusive privilege reserved for the urban affluent? Advanced continuous glucose monitors, high-end smart wearables, drug-eluting stents, and specialized interventional care carry significant financial costs. In a nation currently navigating complex economic recovery and tight fiscal constraints within the public health sector, there is a very real danger that a widening technological divide could create a two-tiered aging experience—where wealthy urban citizens enjoy healthy longevity while low-income and rural populations remain vulnerable to unmanaged chronic disease and premature death.

Bridging the gap

Bridging this gap requires an intentional, forward-looking public health strategy. The Ministry of Health’s ongoing expansion of Healthy Lifestyle Centres across island-wide primary healthcare networks represents an important step in the right direction. These centres must be equipped not merely with basic blood pressure cuffs and weighing scales, but with digital point-of-care diagnostic tools capable of measuring HbA1c, lipid profiles, and renal function markers instantaneously in remote rural clinics. Furthermore, public health policy must leverage our national mobile telecommunications infrastructure to deploy community-level digital health tracking. Telemedicine platforms, automated SMS health reminders, and subsidized digital monitoring devices distributed to high-risk individuals in rural agricultural and industrial districts can democratize preventive care, catching metabolic and cardiovascular risks in tea plantation workers and paddy farmers just as effectively as in Colombo executives.

Ultimately, the story of health in Sri Lanka has always been one of extraordinary resilience and institutional ingenuity. Just as our public health pioneers in the mid-twentieth century proved to the world that a developing nation could eradicate tropical diseases and achieve high life expectancy through free public education and universal healthcare, our contemporary medical system must now demonstrate that preventive longevity can be made accessible to all. The tools to detect disease before it strikes, to monitor bodily health in real time, and to surgically repair failing organs are already in our hands. By integrating these modern technologies into our public health fabric, Sri Lanka can ensure that the gift of long life is matched by the gift of enduring health, productivity, and human dignity for generations to come.

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The Ghost Stories of Edith Wharton

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 16:

I have thus far looked only at novels, but in recent years I have also read several short story collections full of suspense and mystery. The first of these that I will explore is by someone not usually associated with such work. Edith Wharton was rather known for her incisive stories about American high society in the 19th century, on the lines of Henry James, though she was brilliant and less convoluted .

She was not someone I had read in childhood, but for some reason I have on my shelves several books by her, though I cannot now recollect from where they were all collected, and when. Over the years I read several of the novels I have, and enjoyed them, but for some reason I do not think I took down The Ghost Stories of Edith Wharton, a comparatively slim volume, that had been tucked away amongst my children’s books.

I could recollect none of the stories, except for the last two, the plots of which came back to me as I began reading them. One was called ‘All Souls’’ and was about a lady who lived by herself and found one night that all her servants had gone away, leaving her alone in the house. She had broken her ankle that day and been put to bed, with strict injunctions not to move, but when her bell was not answered she had staggered up, to find the electricity not working and no one at home. The voice she heard in the kitchen turned out to be from a radio.

When she awoke on what she thought the following morning, she was told she had imagined things and the servants were all back in place, and it was only the same morning. I had remembered by then that the probable explanation was that the servants had all gone to celebrate a witches’ sabbath, for it was All Souls’ Day when the dead walk. What I had forgotten was that before she fell she had seen a woman walking up to the house, and when a year later she saw the woman again, she fled, to stay with her cousin, who narrates the story. She never went back to the house.

The last story in the book is more straightforward, about a young man who goes to stay with an explorer he had met, who has set up house in the desert. But his host is not there when Medford arrives, and he is looked after by his manservant Gosling, who said Almondham was due back any day. But he did not arrive, and meanwhile there was less and less water to drink, for Medford refused wine and there was no Perrier.

Meanwhile his bath water smells, and I then remembered that in fact Gosling had killed his master, though perhaps not intentionally, and put him in the well. The reason was that he had not been allowed any leave and, just when he thought Almondham would relent, he said he was expecting a visitor and Gosling would have to stay on.

But while this is no great mystery, Edith Wharton creates suspense by making Medford worry about whether Gosling is correct in telling him not to trust the Arab servants, who were likely to kill him if he went off alone with them. And though it is more and more obvious that Gosling has not told him the truth, Medford is sure of nothing, until he suddenly finds Gosling about to push him into the stinking well, though he then backs off.

These two stories, which I remembered, perhaps because they had been anthologized elsewhere, were the most compelling, though I did find almost all the others also quite readable. And almost all held one’s interest, with the suspense being maintained until the end – and beyond it sometimes since the stories were sometimes open ended.

Amongst the most gripping was the story of a man who decided to visit the sister, who lived alone in Brittany, of an old friend. But when he got to a darkened house, he suddenly remembered that he had been told the woman had died. So he is quite convinced, when an old woman lets him in, and he is confronted by a shadowy figure on the stairs, that this is a ghost.

She begs him to stay, for she says she has felt appallingly lonely since she died, but he finally breaks away and flees. But when he tells the sister this, and says he is sorry he had not visited the grave, for she had wanted to be buried in her garden, he is told that she had not died, but only had a cataleptic fit, from which she had recovered.

Several other stories deal with adultery, or affection for a man, on the part of a woman treated badly by her husband. These stories, it is suggested, reflect Wharton’s own situation, for the man she married was serially unfaithful and not at all sympathetic, and they parted company. But women were expected to uphold rigid standards of behaviour, and many of Wharton’s heroines suffer accordingly.

The most dramatic of these involves a woman who meets her lover in a crypt, which her husband walls up, with a statue of her he has commissioned, the face of which breaks up to indicate the grief that overcame her. I have read similar outcomes in stories by Balzac and also Nirmali Hettiarachchi, adapted by the latter, but only here does stone change shape to express the grief that led to the deaths of all the women.

In another story a husband strangles a dog a woman lavished love on since she was alone, with a necklace he had given her and which she passed to an admirer, a necklace the husband had somehow got back. He then strangled all other dogs she paid attention to, but one night when she went down, the man who loved her having come back, to warn him that her husband was home, she heard him being attacked at the top of the stairs by the ghosts of all the dogs. And since dog bites were seen on the dead body, she was acquitted of the charge of murder which had been brought against her.

There are tales too of possession by dead women, one ending in an exorcism, the other with the husband vanishing, after getting letters from his dead wife, leaving his new wife and her mother dimly understanding what has happened. All these denouements are, if not as dramatic as in the last two stories, memorable, which is why I have little doubt this is the first time I read these other stories. And they serve to emphasize the talent of a remarkable woman, who made a life for herself away from the conventions of American society.

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To skillfully fall from the clouds…

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A memoir by Thamasha Abeynaike

Glancing at the phone for a photo before the start of the first charter flight of the day, I noticed the time was 11:11. It seemed like a nod from the universe that this was bound to be a memorable day — and the 27th of December 2021 didn’t disappoint.

Capt. Gihan Fernando (Capt. GAF) greeted us at the hangar and after a reminder to me, as an observer on the flight, to ‘Take lots of photos!’, we waved him goodbye.

After a flawless sector from Ratmalana to beautiful Sigiriya, PIC Capt. Dinindu Ruwanpathiranage (Capt. Dinny) taxiied onto the apron and we awaited the arrival of our passengers for the next sector : Sigiriya to Koggala.

To say we were blessed with the most relaxed and understanding couple as passengers for this sector would be an understatement.

Wassim and Marya, who are now an indescribable part of our aviation lives, shared their plans of a beautiful vacation on the coast of Weligama.

Landing Site — Circled in Red, Attempted Runway — On Bottom Left of picture

Personally, I was excited for my favourite approach in Sri Lanka — the approach into Koggala Airport — bordered on one end by the beach, and the other by the Koggala Lake.

Our take off from Sigiriya was at sharp 13:00h and our lives were shaken within the next 52 mins.

While overflying Kurunegala, and following a descent down to 5000ft MSL, the engine of our trusted 4R-GAF Cessna 172 aircraft started to run rough. Following troubleshoots and after our trained procedures, Capt. Dinny diverted to Katunayake International Airport.

The Italian phrase “Cadere dalle nuvole” (direct translation : ‘to fall from the clouds’) — means “When you’re forced to face the reality.”

We are trained in Forced Emergency Landing Procedures throughout our flying careers countless times. I, myself, have chatted to my friends over numerous dinners about aerodynamics and emergency procedures. However, when the actual engine of your aircraft is giving up on you, there is no definite prediction of descent rate and glide range.

At Nawaloka Hospital Colombo : Photo by Channa

Sigiriya Airport Apron : Photo by Wassim

We ran through the emergency procedures many times with one of our ever supportive passengers, Wassim, mentioning, ‘We will not disturb you. You guys get us down safely.’ No better words could have been spoken and a confident voice echoed in my head ‘We’re all going to be safe’.

While perfectly lined up with a cleared runway at Katunayake Airport and with Capt. Dinny talking to and working with a misfiring engine, the engine of our C172 finally completely shut down at 200ft.

This is a testament to the indefinable skill of Capt. Dinny — to make a split second decision to abandon the approach and turn to a paddy field on his right, upon which we touched down beautifully at an impressive speed of 55knots at 13:52h.

Unfortunately, while slowing down in the mud, the aircraft collided with a concrete road which was slightly raised from the field level.

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I am forever grateful for this sequence of events, as Capt. Dinny’s skill and the thought of keeping the nose raised throughout the landing roll, saved us from being crushed by the instrument panel collapsing onto us.

Six months later, we have

physically recovered.

After listening to the stories of hearing this news and rushing to our side — from our families, friends, students to the aviation community — I can only sum it all up to one word : Grateful.This redirection was a blessed awakening to the true value of life and what potential a great training, instinct and a calm mindset hold in this beautiful field of aviation.

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