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Constitution making:

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A layman’s view

by ROHANA R. WASALA

‘At least since Rousseau’s Social Contract and the end of the divine right of kings, the state has been seen as party to a contract with the people – a contract to guarantee or supply the necessary order in society. Without the state’s soldiers, police and the apparatus of control, we are told, gangs or brigands would take over our streets. Extortion, rape, robbery and murder would rip away the last threads of the “thin veneer of civilization.”’ – Alvin Toffler, Powershift, 1990.

The late Alvin Toffler (American writer, journalist, educator, and businessman) says this while reflecting on the nature of power as one of the most basic social phenomena. ‘Power……implies a world that combines both chance, necessity, chaos and order.’ According to him, we humans ‘share an irrepressible, biologically rooted craving for a modicum of order in our daily lives, along with a hunger for novelty. It is the need for order that provides the main justification for the very existence of government’.

Sri Lankans are currently experiencing, in the raw, a taste of the evils that Toffler says the absence of order would breed, which makes constitution making interesting for them. But what is a constitution? Google offers a simple definition of the term: ‘a body of fundamental principles or established precedents according to which a state or other organization is acknowledged to be governed’.

Now, Professor Jayadeva Uyangoda (‘A very wrong approach to Constitution-making’/The Island/September 29, 2020) opines that the proposed 20A has ‘several major defects’. One key fault, according to him, is that the approach adopted for drafting the amendment is ‘very wrong’. JU offers a number of reasons to explain this alleged wrongness of the ‘approach’: the ‘sponsors and framers’ (I suppose the phrase means the politicians and the legal experts behind the drafting of 20A) refuse to learn ‘constructive lessons from past constitutional reform experiments’, but they have learned some ‘partisan, narrow-minded, politically short-sighted ones’. What he probably means by this becomes clear (not clear enough though) in the rest of his article, but it is doubtful whether his sense of right and wrong in the context is shared by many outside the now diminished anti-nationalist coterie, who occupied the parliament for four and a half years and hexed it with the controversial 19A.

It is not necessary to read further into JU’s article to be able to infer where his own inexcusable biases lie. He is obviously in favour of 13A and 19A forced on the nation from outside, and is against the present government’s sincere effort to remove the obstacles placed on its path by the departing yahapalanaya through its ill-conceived constitutional mixed bag that is 19A, where what is bad is by choice, and what is good is by chance. This is not to argue that the new 20A is perfect in comparison. I share many objections raised in different quarters against the proposed 20A, but I believe that the moot points will be satisfactorily sorted out by the present leaders before they manage to get it through parliament.

The Opposition critics of 20A quite well know that it is, after all, only a stopgap measure to clear the way for the unhindered implementation of the government’s development plans. The government will introduce a completely new Constitution within a year or two. JU’s advice as a political scientist will come in handy then.

The proposed 20A is not an arbitrary piece of legislation that the government is introducing behind the back of the people. There is considerable opposition to some of its articles even within the government ranks. Unlike in the case of 19A, the passage of 20A will be a democratic, above-board affair. The Minister of Justice on behalf of the government issued it as a draft bill for public view and review in all three languages on September 2, 2020. The document clearly specifies what is to be amended, repealed, or replaced. The yahapalana constitutional fraud in the form of 19A is not being repeated. Over this four-week period, some thirty-nine petitions have been filed challenging 20A’s constitutionality before the Supreme Court and they were being heard for the third day (October 2) by a bench of five judges, at the time of writing. The government has already declared that it will abide by the court decision by duly adjusting its response to it. JU’s alarms and warnings are uncalled for.

By the phrase ‘past constitutional reform experiments’, JU must be referring to the making of the first and second republican Constitutions (of 1972 and 1978 respectively) and the substantial number of opportune as well as ad hoc amendments introduced by successive governments since, some of them questionable and controversial, where 19A stands in a class by itself as the best example of the worst type of constitutional reform introduced in Sri Lanka to date. What prompts him to describe them as experiments is probably the fact that he is a political scientist with his indispensable toolkit of academic analysis. My interest as a lay citizen, modestly informed of the original construction and subsequent reform of a constitution, is concerned with how good it is going to be for the largest number of the people of the country, as its supreme law, in the context of the more or less stable social and political realities that are prevailing.

As a Constitution is not holy writ, it is open to appropriate amendments from time to time, in compliance with the will of the people, as and when these realities change; a constitution specifies the legal way to reform or replace it as the case may be. The current 1978 republican constitution as amended up to 2015 (Chapter XII/Articles 82-84) specifies the procedure for amending or repealing the constitution. The people whose memory of the yahapalana misadventure is still fresh are anxiously aware of the necessity of passing the 20A.

Contrary to what JU asserts, the political leaders and the legal luminaries responsible for drafting the proposed 20A, have not forgotten the constructive lessons left by their respective predecessors in the form of Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Colvin R. de Silva (1972), and J.R. Jayewardene and J.A. Wilson (1978). Both Bandaranaike and Jayewardene cared about the country, the people, and the culture. Both displayed firm leadership in governing, and a high level of intellect in statecraft. Sirimavo Bandaranaike had her native wit, and Jayewardene possessed a good education. In April 1971, Bandaranaike nipped the JVP terrorism in the bud, not without some violence, though, that she never intended. Opposition leader Jayewardene approved of her actions, saying, ‘yes, a government must rule’. For her courage, firmness, and composure, she was described then as the only male in her cabinet. The contribution of the inspiration provided by Bandaranaike’s political leadership to the making of the first Republican Constitution, the principal architect of which was de Silva, must have been immense and indispensable. Later, hadn’t Jayewardene got Wilson to write the powerful institution of executive presidency into the second republican constitution (1978) as the main anchor to the unitary state, the sovereign Sri Lankan republic that Bandaranaike and de Silva created for the people would have disintegrated and drifted into wilderness and oblivion by now.

Back to the point.

The second alleged defect that JU asserts, without any evidence to support his opinion, is that ‘the framers of the 20A are not motivated by the broader democratic interests of all Sri Lankan people, but the ‘political self-interest’ (of someone or group that JU avoids mentioning). A third defect, JU identifies the Amendment’s supposed lack of ‘a democratic formative framework relevant to our society and its own progressive-modernist legacies of constitutionalism .. (together with the fact that).. it builds itself on one or two dreadful and destructive experiments of constitution-making in the recent past’. This is as close to clear as I can get in interpreting JU here. To illustrate the ‘one or two dreadful and destructive experiments of constitution-making in the recent past’, I think, he draws upon what he, assuming a kind of arbitrary academic license, calls the ‘relatively long history of unmaking, making, and amending constitutions’ that includes the 1972 and 1978 exercises on the one hand, and the 1978C and 18A on the other. JU’s adjectives ‘dreadful and destructive’ could be justifiably applied to the passage of 19A and other such ‘experiments’ in constitutional reform, as contained, for example, in Chapter IV of the Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka (As amended up to 15th May 2015) (Revised Edition – 2015) issued by the Parliamentary Secretariat. Chapter IV – Language covers Articles 18-25. One is bewildered by what the crafty, ill-meaning, ‘sponsors and framers’ have from time to time done to degrade Sinhala in its official status with the uncomprehending concurrence of some self-seeking Sinhala MPs in the House. This, of course, would be an iconic piece of constitution-making for a theorist with one’s head in the clouds.

The practical reality is that the operative meaning of any Article (whether this is legally contested or not) is implicitly embodied in the English text (though, according to the present constitution Sinhala and Tamil are both official languages, while English is the link language.). So, it is vitally important to translate the draft document that is the Constitution into precise, unambiguous, formal and legally acceptable and uncontestable Sinhala and Tamil. I detected a couple of stark discrepancies between the original English draft and the Sinhala translation (not relating to the particular context – Chapter IV – mentioned above) when I made a very random comparison between the two versions while researching an article at the time, but I don’t remember whether I dwelt on the subject long enough for it to be taken notice of by the reader as something important, though beyond the central scope of that article. Apart from this, those sufficiently informed did not fail to see how some Tamil lawmakers wanted to openly hoodwink the Sinhalas with the word ‘akeeya’ stripped of its intended original meaning of unitary, but falsely insisting that the English term ‘unitary’ was not its equivalent and was not suitable as a translation, and started talking about an ‘Orumiththa Nadu’, reminiscent of Tamil Nadu. How the question which version should prevail in case of an incongruence between the Sinhala and Tamil texts should be resolved, I can’t remember having been discussed. But the last item (58) of the published draft of 20A runs: ‘In the event of any inconsistency between the Sinhala and Tamil texts of this Act, the Sinhala text shall prevail.’

Having outlined the lessons to be learnt from constitution-making, -unmaking, and -reforming exercises up to 18A, JU moves on to the many lessons that he thinks may be drawn from the ‘much maligned’ 19A. He identifies four key lessons. The first lesson he mentions is that wide public consultation is useful, and helps ‘improve the level of democratic health in the polity’. I cannot agree with him that this was true about the drafting of 19A. It was claimed that the constitutional experts including Jayampathy Wickremaratne, presumably its principal drafter, toured the country meeting with individuals and representatives of many minority civil groups during a short period of two or three months. They had to rush the job, they said, as they were in a hurry to finish it within a stipulated time frame. About two thousand people were consulted nevertheless, they claimed. It was obvious that they roamed the country making it their main aim to pay more attention to the minorities that they had decided were discriminated against by the majority Sinhalese, as they wanted the meddling foreign powers to believe in order to justify their interventionist excesses in the internal and external politics of the country. Meanwhile they paid only symbolic attention to the Sinhalese majority. Wickremaratne, the chief architect of the fraudulent document, is now rumoured/reported to have found or is seeking political asylum in Australia or somewhere (though there is absolutely no possibility of his being targeted for persecution in Sri Lanka). He has reportedly admitted that 19A is problematic.

The second lesson that JU asserts he can learn from the making of 19A is that it is ‘better to build consensus across all political parties in Parliament for a major amendment or a new Constitution’. If he means that 19A set a negative example of that principle, then he has a case. But in actuality, 19A destroyed the burgeoning interparty consensus in Parliament and the growing intercommunal goodwill in the broader society that the MR government achieved in the wake of victory over terrorism. It was because of this that ‘for partisan political reasons, some might later withdraw from the consensus’ as JU laments.

I agree with JU on the third lesson he derives from his seemingly iconic amendment, which is that ‘If the consultation and consensus-building in constitution-making is not politically managed with clarity of purpose, the overall goals of the constitutional compromise may run the risk of producing a constitutional scheme with potentially harmful internal anomalies and contradictions’. Yes, in other words, 19A is a very good illustration of a very bad constitutional amendment.

The fourth lesson that 19A offers, according to JU, is that ‘a democratic constitution-making exercise today needs, more than ever, an unwavering political leadership to champion it through to the end by innovative and imaginative democratic means’. In my opinion, this is what the pre-2015 government achieved. 19A, by dismantling it, demonstrated how ill the nation fared in the absence of such unwavering, innovative, and democratic leadership. Then, JU starts chewing his own tail, by suggesting a ‘paradoxical’ reason: ‘Alternatives to democracy are also competing with democracy, with enormous material resources, to gain popular support and loyalty through democratic means. In this age of right-wing populism, media-manufactured popular consent and manipulation of public perceptions through information pollution, post-democratic alternatives tend to gain easy currency and public legitimacy’. Frankly, I can’t make head or tail of this, but it makes me wonder whether JU is trying to make light of the very real persecution of the majority community that is hardly recognized by most mainstream politicians, who feel obliged to find refuge behind political correctness.



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Opinion

Another big farce!

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“Suresh Sallay is the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday attack”: For argument’s sake, let us assume this to be true even though it is far from being proved ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ by a court of law. Minister Ananda Wijepala, however, in his statement to the parliament painted a picture of absolute certainty of Sallay’s guilt. The unfairness and the implications of this callous statement was well analysed in the editorial “Probes and politics” (The Island, 12 June). International media picked up Minister Wijepala’s statement, making Sallay guilty in the eyes of the world. Perhaps, they are not aware that what is stated in the parliament of Sri Lanka is not necessarily the truth! The more important question is how the reputational damage done to Sallay can be reversed.

Shortly after concluding his statement, Minister Wijepala referred to what he called ‘unexplained’ deaths including that of Rajeewa Jayaweera, in 2020. The fact that Rajeewa, unfortunately, took his own life has been confirmed, repeatedly, by his family. When rumours started circulating after the death of Kapila Chandrasena, Rajeewa’s brother Sanjeewa wrote an article titled, “Sri Lanka Airlines Airbus Scandal and the Death of Kapila Chandrasena and my Brother Rajeewa” (The Island, 17 May), wherein he stated:

“On behalf of my sisters and myself, I wish to state unequivocally that my brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, took his own life in June 2020 due to personal circumstances. His death had absolutely no connection whatsoever to his writings regarding the Airbus scandal. Neither the Rajapaksa’s, nor any political actor, nor any state agency was involved in his death. The magisterial inquiry into the matter returned a verdict of suicide. Those who know me personally are aware of my forthright and combative nature. Had there been even the slightest credible suspicion surrounding my brother’s death I would never have rested until justice was pursued. Since this was established clearly as a case of suicide, I sincerely hope that those who continue to circulate unfounded theories will finally allow the matter to rest with dignity.”

In spite of this heartfelt appeal, Wijepala’s mention makes it very insensitive, adding to the agony of Sanjeeva and his sisters. Further, this inaccuracy casts doubts on the entire statement, as the minister seems ill-informed. Going by his statement, the CID seems to think it has evidence for a successful prosecution. If so, why is it allegedly ill-treating Sallay? Is this punishment before conviction or is there a more sinister motive?

Even if details of torture mentioned in some quarters could be disregarded as exaggerations, there is no doubt that Sallay has been subjected to ill-treatment, which resulted in his admission to hospital. It is noteworthy that Wijepala mentioned that Sallay became uncooperative the moment Gota was prevented from leaving the country. Perhaps, it is in an attempt to implicate the Rajapaksas that the Minister mentioned Rajeewa’s death, quite unjustifiably and insensitively.

The most important question is whether the CID’s confidence is misplaced and biased. The fact that it is biased is obvious as the director of the CID is Shani Abeysekara. He and his superior, Ravi Seneviratne, both, have an ulterior motive. They are accused of failure to prevent the Easter Sunday attacks in spite of the information furnished by many agencies including the one headed by Sallay. They are apparently trying to find a scapegoat. It was bad enough for the NPP government to pull these two out of retirement and instal them in high posts of law-enforcement, without clearing their names, but allowing them to be in charge of this investigation illustrates that they are clueless of the dictum that “Not only must Justice be done; it must also be seen to be done.” This dictum, derived from the principle of natural justice and is followed the world over, clearly shows that mere appearance of conflict of interest is sufficient ground for a conviction to be quashed.

The working hypothesis of the CID seems to be that Sallay masterminded the Easter Sunday terror attacks to ensure Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s election as President. It was obvious that Gota had an easy ride and there was absolutely no need for Sallay or anyone else to resort to terrorism to enable him to win.

It is surprising that the Director of the CID went to Paris to record a statement from Azad Moulana, who fled Sri Lanka to avoid arrest, to get confirmation of what the latter stated to Channel 4. By the way, expenses incurred by the team that went to the UK regarding Ranil’s expenses are kept under wraps in spite of an RTI request. Perhaps, the team spent more public money than Ranil did!

Those driven by a vested interest must be hoping that Sallay will continue his fast and perish. This would be a better outcome for them given the farcical manner in which investigations are being conducted. It is hoped that their dream will not come true.

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana ✍️

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Opinion

A triumph for Pakistan’s skilled diplomacy at Iran-US talks

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On 11 June, ahead of ceasefire negotiations, US Vice President J.D. Vance (left) and Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf meet the Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif

“Thanks to the tireless mediation efforts of Pakistan and Qatar, significant progress has been made in ending the war in Lebanon…”

–Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi on X

The recent Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Iran and the United States which resulted in a high-level meeting in Lucerne, Switzerland, is a testament to the highly skilled diplomacy of the South Asian nation, Pakistan, and is admirable for the very difficult task they undertook and achieved with panache. They remained unruffled throughout and continue to do so, despite the unpredictable nature of the relationship between the parties to the conflict, the US and Iran, at times turning publicly hostile, and subject to an influential spoiler in Israel determined to sabotage a positive outcome, making the process as delicate as defusing an explosive device with seconds to detonate.

Pakistan remained engaged steadfastly, even when the parties walked out of negotiations, refused to attend them, or seemed to give up any hope of a diplomatic endgame and returned to the Strait of Hormuz for actual and verbal wars. In the meantime, Lebanon was clearly being turned into the new Gaza, which was a red line for the Iranians.

The Pakistanis kept talking, visiting not only the two main belligerents USA and Iran, but the regional actors paying the price of an escalating conflict; perfecting the draft agreements while broadening the stakeholders who were invested in a peaceful diplomatic outcome, and aiming to do so as fast as was possible. It seemed like a long shot, especially with X messaging playing its now indispensable, often colorful role. The Pakistani team’s faith in the process was magnificently rewarded in the news coming out of Lucerne after the first day of negotiations of encouraging progress, with Qatar supporting Pakistan as joint mediator in the important venture.

This stage in the negotiations was described by Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif as “make or break”, which was also echoed by some analysts and mainstream media. The expectations were cautious but positive, and the world watched with renewed hope, if somewhat muted, as Pakistan presided over the opening media conference with confidence.

It wasn’t a perfect pitch to play on by any means: the Israelis had escalated their bombing of Lebanon, a million Lebanese were displaced and the Iranians had closed the Strait, yet again, with a day to go for the talks. As the teams were about to start negotiations, X swooped over Lake Lucerne dropping President Trump’s message about the Iranians being unable to return to “their f…..g country” if they didn’t open the Strait, the unprintable language no longer shocking through regular usage.

It was reported that the Iranians had included psychologists in their communications team in Teheran to comprehend the cultural idiosyncrasies of the President of the United States, which clearly helped them to remain engaged with the process in Lucerne despite the provocation. Iran’s response that the US should choose their words carefully because their weapons were at the ready to strike at Israel, had the media rushing to report that the talks had broken down. In a secondary issue, according to the Tasnim news agency, the US had wanted International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Rafael Grossi who was on site in Lucerne to be present at the talks, but Iran wouldn’t have it.

Great Innings

It is on this unenviable wicket that Pakistan, supported now by Qatar as mediators, seem to have played a beautiful innings.

The process was flawless. According to reports, the mediators met separately with the two teams to discuss the draft, before the main negotiations began. This would have minimised the points of disagreements which may have soured the atmosphere between the two signatories, while the mediators did the work to accommodate those views. The results announced after 12 hours of negotiations showed that all concerned stayed engaged with the process and were persuaded to sign on to a viable diplomatic roadmap.

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Qatar, which released the statement on the 22nd of June 2026 from Lucerne, they agreed to establish several creative mechanisms which have every chance of keeping things on track:

*  A High Level Committee, which will provide political oversight on the mediation.

*  Chief negotiators will report regularly to the High Level Committee

*  Working groups on nuclear issues

*  Working group on sanctions

*  Working group for monitoring, and dispute resolution group to ensure the effective implementation of the MoU and on other matters.

*  A communication line between the parties to avoid incidents and miscommunication with the aim of safe passage for commercial vessels through the Strait of Hormuz.

· A de-confliction cell between the parties, the Lebanese Republic and facilitated by the Mediators, to ensure the adherence of the termination of military operations in Lebanon.

Pakistan has always had well-trained, sophisticated diplomats. I was lucky to have met several and see their outstanding performances at the United Nations in Geneva, Paris, Lisbon and Singapore. They played a role well above the size of their economy or weight in world affairs. My first encounters with Pakistani diplomats were in Islamabad, where my father was Chargé d’Affaires at the Sri Lankan High Commission, and I made lifelong friends at the Institute of Modern Languages where trainee diplomats and military officers studied, and which I too attended.

Their diplomats were always well-spoken, well-versed in diplomatic practice and were often the first to protest if procedure was violated in those forums. They worked tirelessly, were no strangers to long hours, and were motivated to keep going until a result was reached. Their language skills, especially in the most widely used global language English, which they retained, as did India, as the language of higher education and administration, served them very well.

Pakistan and Sri Lanka

From what I have seen, Pakistan was impressive in their solidarity with their regional partners, often taking the lead to resolve issues, being regularly elected to speak for the OIC (Organization of the Islamic Conference), for example. Sri Lanka could unhesitatingly rely on their firm friendship and support, and played a leading role during my husband, Dr Dayan Jayatilleka’s tenure as Ambassador/PR in Geneva during the decisive last years of Sri Lanka’s war and in the immediate aftermath, when Sri Lanka was under severe pressure at the UN Human Rights Council.

As trusted supporters, my husband invited them to be part of a mechanism that he proposed to the EU of a “Quad” which would represent Sri Lanka’s interest, together with him as Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the UNHRC, in all further negotiations with the EU which had 12 members in the Human Rights Council. The EU was exerting pressure on him to meet with the 12 of them for further talks on the draft resolution into which they meant to insert accountability for war crimes and to remove any reference to Sri Lanka’s sovereignty which Dayan had refused to countenance.

Pakistan readily agreed, as did India, as well as Cuba as the current chair of the NAM and Egypt as the incoming Chair of NAM, to form the Quad. As it happened, while the Quad was more than ready to debate any issues, the EU decided not to continue with the meeting after that show of regional and Global South solidarity and strength. The Quad however continued to operate as a unit and played a critical role at a moment in the proceedings when unexpected negotiations were called by the President of the Human Rights Council in the middle of the Special Session, and stood solidly together refusing to budge on the agreed draft. In this instant, India and Pakistan worked closely together in support of Sri Lanka, earning our eternal gratitude.

Pakistan’s emergence as a global player navigating complex international issues with such sophistication and facility, was no surprise to those who had seen them function. And yet it was not known widely. When Lakshman Kadirgamar was Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka, he sent my husband together with a few others to observe Pakistani Foreign Policy think tanks and to learn their modus operandi. The group returned impressed. The only surprise perhaps has been its overtaking of India, a great regional power, in global conflict resolution. India has been conspicuously silent, and has had no role in these important initiatives.

Exceptional Global Diplomacy

The Pakistani diplomatic initiatives taken when all seemed lost, and sustained against all odds have offered the world a valuable interlocutor in conflict resolution, and their place in global diplomacy is now acknowledged. The MoU between the United States and Iran is called the “Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding”. Analysts have said that this initiative is significant for the fact that unlike the JCPOA, regional actors rather than extra-regional ones have been made stakeholders, therefore has a considerable probability of success.

This is a significant achievement of no small measure, because Iran and the United States have been hostile for decades. In the only high-level meeting since 1979 between the two countries which took place recently in Islamabad, Pakistan has managed the process with remarkable patience, confidence and faith, to bring it along to a place of hope. According to Pakistan TV, at the end of the Lucerne meeting, JD Vance praised Pakistan’s role in bringing the US and Iran together to the negotiating table, calling PM Sharif and Field Marshal Munir, his best friends in the region. He had also said “We love Pakistan”.

Considering what Pakistan had actually attempted and succeeded in doing, this is remarkable. It has been able to by-pass the decade’s old propaganda against Iran as an existential threat in the region, especially to Israel, which was an established position in US policy circles. Consider the context: Trita Parsi, Executive Vice President of the Quincy Institute based in Washington revealed in an interview with Tucker Carlson that Israel has been pushing the narrative of Iran as an existential threat to their country for decades with success, while not believing it themselves within Israel. He said when he did his PhD on the subject, he interviewed several top officials including those in intelligence services in Israel, and found that rather than the irrational, destabilizing, suicidal actor they were portraying Iran as, successfully, to US policy circles, they believed the opposite, and regarded their adversary as a cautious calculating, rational actor. ().

JD Vance’s optimistic framing of the Lucerne discussions as a historic opportunity to transform the Middle-Eastern region for long term, sustainable peace is a testament to Pakistan‘s expert navigation of the diplomatic Hormuz Strait where a number of intractable issues had no safe passage, but are now freed for discussion.

With the dedication, expertise and diplomatic skills that the mediators have shown, the on-going process

itself may be considered a victory. The new development in this round of negotiations, that of active engagement of regional countries, may yet help protect the process, and assist in the complex navigation required to circumvent the mines that may be placed in its way.

by Sanja de Silva Jayatilleka

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Opinion

SL needs an education system focused on global job market

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Education is widely recognised as the foundation of national development. For decades, Sri Lanka has maintained a strong commitment to free education, producing a highly literate population and creating opportunities for millions of students regardless of their socioeconomic background. While this achievement deserves recognition, the challenges of the twenty-first century demand a new approach to education. The modern world is characterised by rapid technological advancement, globalisation, and an increasingly competitive international job market. To ensure economic growth and prosperity, Sri Lanka needs an education system that prepares students not only for local employment but also for opportunities across the global workforce.

The traditional Sri Lankan education system has largely been designed around academic examinations and university entrance. Success is often measured by performance in the Grade Five Scholarship Examination, G.C.E. Ordinary Level Examination, and G.C.E. Advanced Level Examination. While these assessments have helped maintain academic standards, they have also created a culture that prioritizes memorization and examination results over practical skills, innovation, and adaptability. As a result, many graduates possess theoretical knowledge but lack the competencies required by modern employers.

The global job market is undergoing significant transformation. Technological innovations such as artificial intelligence, automation, robotics, and digital communication are reshaping industries worldwide. Many occupations that existed a decade ago have evolved dramatically, while entirely new professions have emerged. In this environment, employers seek individuals who can think critically, solve problems creatively, work collaboratively, and adapt quickly to change. Therefore, Sri Lanka’s education system must move beyond traditional learning models and embrace a curriculum that develops these essential skills.

One of the most important reforms should be the integration of digital literacy and technology education across all levels of schooling. In today’s world, computer skills are no longer optional; they are fundamental requirements for employment in nearly every sector. Students should be introduced to coding, data analysis, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence concepts, and digital communication tools from an early age. Familiarity with technology not only increases employability but also encourages innovation and entrepreneurship. By equipping students with technological competencies, Sri Lanka can create a workforce capable of competing in international markets and attracting foreign investment.

Another critical area is English language proficiency. English remains the dominant language of international business, science, technology, and higher education. Although English is taught in schools, many students complete their education without achieving fluency. This language barrier limits access to global employment opportunities and international professional networks. A modern education system should place greater emphasis on practical communication skills, including speaking, listening, presentation, and professional writing. Enhanced English proficiency would allow Sri Lankan graduates to engage confidently in multinational workplaces and global industries.

In addition to technical and language skills, the education system must focus on developing soft skills that are highly valued by employers worldwide. These include communication, teamwork, leadership, emotional intelligence, time management, and problem-solving abilities. Many international companies report that technical knowledge alone is insufficient for workplace success. Employees must also collaborate effectively with colleagues from diverse cultural and professional backgrounds. Schools can nurture these qualities through group projects, debates, leadership programmes, extra-curricular activities, and community service initiatives.

Furthermore, vocational and technical education should be given greater recognition and support. For many years, Sri Lankan society has emphasised university education as the primary path to success. However, global economies increasingly require skilled technicians, engineers, healthcare professionals, digital specialists, and tradespeople. Countries with strong vocational education systems often experience lower unemployment rates and better alignment between education and labour market needs. Sri Lanka should expand vocational pathways and create stronger partnerships between educational institutions and industries. Such collaboration can provide students with hands-on experience, internships, apprenticeships, and direct exposure to workplace environments.

Entrepreneurship education should also become a key component of the curriculum. The future workforce will not consist solely of employees working for established organizations. Many young people will create their own businesses, develop innovative products, and participate in the digital economy. Schools should teach financial literacy, business planning, marketing, innovation management, and basic economic principles. Encouraging an entrepreneurial mindset can help students identify opportunities, manage risks, and contribute to economic growth through job creation.

Another important reform involves the modernization of assessment methods. The current examination-focused system often rewards memorization rather than genuine understanding and practical application. Global employers are increasingly interested in competencies rather than examination scores alone. Therefore, schools should adopt more diverse forms of assessment, including research projects, presentations, portfolios, practical assignments, and collaborative problem-solving activities. Such methods provide a more accurate reflection of students’ abilities and encourage meaningful learning.

Teacher development is equally essential for successful educational transformation. Teachers play a central role in shaping student learning experiences. If educators continue to rely on outdated teaching methods, curriculum reforms will have limited impact. Continuous professional development programs should train teachers in modern pedagogical approaches, digital technologies, student-centered learning, and industry-relevant skills. Empowering teachers with contemporary knowledge and resources will enable them to prepare students more effectively for global career opportunities.

The education system should also foster global awareness and cultural understanding. As businesses increasingly operate across national borders, employees must be capable of working in multicultural environments. Subjects such as global studies, international relations, environmental sustainability, and intercultural communication can broaden students’ perspectives and prepare them for participation in a globalized world. Exposure to international issues helps students develop adaptability and appreciation for diversity, qualities that are highly valued in multinational organizations.

Moreover, stronger connections between education and industry are necessary. Curriculum development should involve input from employers, professional organizations, and industry experts to ensure that educational content remains relevant to labor market demands. Regular reviews and updates can help schools respond quickly to changing economic trends and technological advancements. Such collaboration reduces the gap between what students learn and what employers require.

Sri Lanka stands at a critical moment in its educational journey. While the country’s free education system has produced significant achievements, the demands of the global economy require a more future-oriented approach. An education system focused on the world job market should emphasize digital literacy, English proficiency, soft skills, vocational training, entrepreneurship, global awareness, and practical learning experiences. It should move beyond rote memorization and examination-centered learning toward the development of adaptable, innovative, and skilled individuals.

By implementing these reforms, Sri Lanka can create a workforce that is competitive on the international stage, capable of securing high-quality employment opportunities, and prepared to contribute meaningfully to national economic development. Investing in such an education system is not merely an educational reform; it is a strategic investment in the future success and prosperity of the nation.

BY Saumya Aloysius

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