Features

Anatomy of a Movement: Jathika Chintanaya

Published

2 years ago

2024/03/15

By Uditha Devapriya

Though I am not in complete agreement with Jathika Chintanaya –both the ideology and its ideologues – I do recognise that, at a certain point, it made a significant intervention in Sri Lanka’s intellectual life. For better or worse, though, the Jathika Chintanaya of today is no longer the Jathika Chintanaya of yesterday. It does hold a wide appeal, but it no longer is led by the intellectual currents which steered it decades ago.

In saying this, I am both paying tribute to the founders of the movement, Gunadasa Amarasekara and Nalin de Silva, and criticising the intellectual decline which followed its founding in the 1980s. Jathika Chintanaya became relevant at a particular juncture in the country’s history. The opening of the economy and the onset of two civil wars, one in the North and the other, a youth insurrection, in the South, virtually castrated the Left, leaving the oppositional space open to other, alternative political streams.

The dismantlement of the Left, in other words, was what made Jathika Chintanaya relevant. But the Left’s dismantlement had nothing to do with Jathika Chintanaya. That had to do with the internal contradictions of the Left movement itself. More than anything, the Old Left failed to tap into the progressive potential of Sinhala and Tamil nationalism and to channel these currents into a wider, cohesive, and more inclusive Sri Lankan nationalism. Instead it veered from one extreme to another, ignoring or sidelining nationalism at first and then, just as disastrously, capitulating to its worst excesses.

All that led to the Left’s diminution on not one, but three fronts. First, it lost the largely Sinhala Buddhist rural petty bourgeoisie in the late 1960s to the JVP. Second, it lost the Tamil petty bourgeoisie, and the militant-revolutionary Tamil youth in particular, to the cause of Eelam after it joined the Sirimavo Bandaranaike government and acquiesced in its doings. Third and most crucially, it lost vast swathes of the Sinhala (and Buddhist) middle-classes after the 1977 election to the UNP, on account of the J. R. Jayewardene government’s own mobilisation of nationalism against the Left and Mrs Bandaranaike.

The Old Left’s ideological sterility and failure of imagination – it remained committed to a crude, economistic analysis of the situation in the country – prevented it from updating its profile and of emulating, if not borrowing from, the many liberation movements springing up in Latin America. The tragedy of the JVP was that it sought to emulate these movements, but deteriorated into a pale shadow of what it wanted to be.

When an ideological movement loses its credibility – as the LSSP and, to a lesser extent, the Communist Party did – It loses what space it has in the marketplace of ideas. Following the 1977 election, it lost its space to three outfits: the New Right, represented by the UNP; the New Left, represented by the JVP; and the Tamil liberation struggle, represented by the LTTE but including numerous other groups.

Though not a political movement in the way the UNP or SLFP were, Jathika Chintanaya absorbed Sinhala middle-class elements drawn from the first two categories and opposed to the third. From inception, then, it was eminently political, and despite its avowed opposition to mainstream politics, shaped by the politics of its time.

It would be crude and not altogether accurate to limit Jathika Chintanaya’s ideology to the construction of a rural Sinhala Buddhist arcadia. This is what its founders envisioned – it is the basis of Gunadasa Amarasekara’s Jathika Arthikaya, which he held up as a model to emulate at the height of COVID-19 in 2020 – but it is hardly the only paradigm it looked up to. The truth was that Jathika Chintanaya’s rise would not have come to be were it not for the Left’s spectacular descent. Both Amarasekara and de Silva had been Left stalwarts. De Silva, in fact, had been a member of the Nava Sama Samaja Pakshaya (NSSP), which at the height of the Southern insurrection advocated devolution of power.

What these ideologues mobilised was middle-class dissatisfaction with both the UNP’s liberalisation of the economy and the Left’s proposed alternatives. They couched a cultural critique of what the Left saw as an economic issue, especially after the 1983 riots. Jathika Chintanaya had nothing to do with the latter. But it formulated an alternative approach to the ethnic problem and the National Question in their aftermath.

This caught on fairly well with middle-class elements disenchanted with the Jayewardene reforms, but stridently opposed to Marxist solutions, in particular those that would require a restoration of the Sirimavo Bandaranaike years.

It must be noted, though, that, at least in Amarasekara’s framing, Jathika Chintanaya did not stand in complete opposition to Marxism. What Amarasekara critiqued was not Marxism per se, but its supposed failure to respond to and incorporate Sinhala culture. In Anagarika Dharmapala Marxvadida?, for instance, he criticises S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike for failing to transcend his Western liberal political tendencies and the Old Left for failing to transcend its European lineage. Indeed, during the second insurrection, in an article to Lanka Guardian, Amarasekara expressed sympathy for the JVP for going against the grain.

Such intellectual interventions are sadly no longer possible today. The nationalist right sees conspiracies everywhere and plays the conspiracy card at every opportunity it gets. This has drained it, and paradoxically its fellow travellers on the Left, of what little credibility it once possessed. To be sure, it does hold some appeal, in particular among sections of the Sinhala middle-classes. But its potential for mobilisation is very limited.

The reason is fairly simple. It’s not that Jathika Chintanaya itself lacked imagination, but that most of its followers today lack the impetus and the initiative of its founders. As with every other political formation in this country, it has gone downhill all the way. The question remains, though: if the failure of the Left was what portended Jathika Chintanaya, what would the sterility and decay of Jathika Chintanaya portend?

Devapriya is a writer, researcher, and analyst based in Sri Lanka who contributes to a number of publications on topics such as history, art and culture, politics, and foreign policy. He can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.

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Related Topics:Anatomy of a Movement Covid 19 Dr Gunadasa Amarasekara Jathika Chintanaya Nalin de Silva Sinhala Buddhist rural

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Features

Proactive peacemaking becomes a paramount need

Published

11 hours ago

2026/06/4

Sahan Weerasooriya

Wasting wars: Some war-displaced people in Lebanon. BBC

It may be some time before the full impact of food inflation is felt in the West. Until such time the world would continue to keep itself in suspense over whether the Trump administration is in earnest when it seeks to convey the impression that it is backing a negotiated solution in West Asia.

As is usually the case, consumer stress would be one of the final determinants of political change. To the degree to which the average US consumer somehow ‘muddles through’ and puts the food on the table, to the same extent would the Republican sections of the US public in particular be tolerant of the Trump administration’s inconsistent handling of the West Asian war and the main issues stemming from it. That is, there would be no grave popular disaffection and a demand for political change in the short term.

However, the indications are that the Trump administration’s support base is suffering some erosion in the wake of the current economic crisis. While reports indicate that Democratic sections are firming-up their opposition to the political centre, Republican support for Trump is also showing signs of waning, we are given to understand.

The above developments are probably why Trump is on record as having given Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a ‘dressing down’ recently on his seeming intransigence on the question of giving negotiations a chance in West Asia. The show of displeasure could be really aimed by Trump at containing the impatience of the American public.

However, the current ground situation in the Middle East, particularly the uncontained bloodshed, is likely to impress on the thinking sections of the world that more than temporary political change is needed in West Asia and the US.

A well thought out political solution that addresses all the contentious issues at the heart of the Middle East conflict is what enlightened opinion would demand, and very rightly. Right now, the ‘peace efforts’ initiated by the Trump administration give the impression of being piecemeal solutions at best.

There have been, of course, numerous initiatives in the past aimed at bringing permanent peace to the Middle East. These failed mainly because they did not address in full the root causes of the conflict.

At bottom the Middle East conflict is mainly about race and religious hate bred by socio-economic and material inequalities. For instance, if the Palestinian people were not displaced and deprived of land occupied by them at the time of the founding of the Israeli state, ethnic enmities would not have grown to the current unmanageable proportions.

When addressing the above questions, though, it must be remembered that the Israelis too were a displaced people who were entitled to land and a state of their own in the Middle East. Basically, out of these seemingly irreconcilable and conflicting demands have grown the Middle East imbroglio.

Middle East peace is considerably about reconciling these demands and arriving at a solution that would ensure the creation of two states that would opt for peaceful co-existence thereafter.

As long as the US does not see the need for a non-partisan solution that addresses the needs of both ethnicities and religions and goes all-out, as it were, to have it implemented, the Middle East would continue to bleed.

However, staunching the blood flow through the creation of two states would be only half the job done, though a very important part of it. More pernicious, pervasive and difficult to remedy are the inter-ethnic and inter-religious hatreds that have been unleashed over the decades.

However, if substantial, long-lasting peace is to be fostered in the region the latter ‘demons’ would need to be exorcised from the hearts and minds of the communities concerned. No doubt an uphill task but one that must be undertaken by those who wish the region well.

The UN would need to put its ‘best foot forward’ in such undertakings but it is time that it dawned on the international community and other caring quarters that Middle East peace, and all other such uphill challenges, require proactive peacemaking on the part of all civilized sections for their effective management. That is, public involvement in peacemaking too is a must.

Since hatreds are harboured in the human consciousness the enmities embedded in the latter need to be managed and defused judiciously alongside other undertakings in a peace process. In the case of West Asia, such enmities could be even spread globe-wide besides being multi-dimensional. For instance, it ought to be thought-provoking that Iran is insistent on a peace initiative that would also include Lebanon.

Besides security considerations it is also ethnic and religious affiliations that account for Iran making this demand. For instance, the Shias are a numerically important religious community in Lebanon and they provide a significant number of Hizbollah fighters, who are in a vital sense carrying out a ‘proxy war’ for Iran. It also needs to be factored in that Iran is a Shia-majority country.

Thus trans-border religious affiliations could add to the complexities and enormity of ethno-religious conflicts. However, the task of managing centuries-long enmities needs to be launched and prodded on with by peacemakers since a downing of arms alone would not guarantee substantive peace.

It is not realized sufficiently that the process of ending hatreds begins with mutual apologies by antagonists to a conflict for the harm inflicted on each other. This would be anathema in some ears but there is no getting away from the requirement. It is the vital first step to permanent peace anywhere.

In fact there could be no reconciliation worth speaking of without such mutual apologies. It is a point worth re-iterating in these times when even the government of Sri Lanka is voicing the need for national reconciliation. Well, without the words, ‘I am sorry’, there could be no permanent end to enmities – they would do well to remember.

The above requirements may not go down very well with governments, but they resonate in the hearts and minds of most people, since they are inheritors of religious traditions of some kind.

This is a principal reason why peacemaking works well when publics too are involved in them. The effectiveness of such campaigns increases several fold when they have a Mahatma Gandhi or a Jawaharlal Nehru at their helm. A strong proactive involvement by the public in peace could lead to the emergence of such leaders at some point in these campaigns.

Features

Dialog Brings Sri Lanka’s Largest Digital Vesak Experience to Matara

Published

11 hours ago

2026/06/4

Sahan Weerasooriya

From left to right: Hon. Saroja Savithri Paulraj, Hon. Sunil Handunnetti, and Lasantha Theverapperuma experience the Dialog 5G Ultra-powered VR tours.

Official Digital Partner of the 2026 ‘Dakshina Prabha’ National Vesak Zone

Dialog Axiata PLC, Sri Lanka’s #1 connectivity provider, collaborated with the Ministry of Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs to bring one of Sri Lanka’s largest and most technologically advanced Vesak experiences to the ‘Dakshina Prabha’ National Vesak Zone. The three-day celebration, in Matara attracted more than hundred thousand visitors, who engaged with a series of innovative digital activities powered by Dialog 5G Ultra, including Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Virtual Reality (VR) experiences, digital pandols and a Data Dansala. The opening ceremony was attended by Hon. Sunil Handunnetti, Minister of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development and Hon. Saroja Savithri Paulraj, Minister of Women and Child Affairs, along with distinguished guests and Dialog’s senior management.

One of the key attractions at the venue was the Dialog 5G Ultra-powered Virtual Reality (VR) experience, which attracted more than 35,000 participants. The activation enabled devotees to virtually visit and pay homage to sacred Buddhist sites, including the Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi in India and the Atamasthana in Anuradhapura, directly from the Vesak zone in Matara.

Visitors receive complimentary mobile data through Dialog’s QR-powered Data Dansala.

Dialog also conducted an AI Digital Vesak Greeting Card Competition from 21 May to 01 June 2026, attracting numerous entries from across the country. The shortlisted designs were showcased across 20 large LED screens throughout the venue and across Matara City, and were also made available for download via mobile devices. Further, through the use of AI, traditional Jathaka Katha were reimagined in a digital format, demonstrating how technology can be used to preserve and enhance cultural and religious heritage. Together, these initiatives blended traditional Vesak celebrations with emerging technologies, offering visitors a unique and immersive way to engage with Vesak traditions.

Extending the spirit of Vesak through connectivity, Dialog conducted a special Data Dansala powered by its QR Reload platform, enabling visitors to receive complimentary mobile data by scanning QR codes placed across the venue. In addition to the Matara National Vesak Zone, similar Data Dansala activations were also conducted at the Gangaramaya and Bauddhaloka Vesak zones in Colombo.Visitors also had the opportunity to create personalised Vesak-themed digital photos through an AI Photo Booth, generating AI-enhanced portraits using their own photographs and adding a contemporary digital element to the Vesak celebrations.

Visitors watch AI-generated Jathaka Katha

Commenting on the initiative, Hon. Sunil Handunnetti, Minister of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development, said, “The 2026 Dakshina Prabha Vesak Festival marked the first time AI-powered digital innovations were incorporated into a National Vesak Festival in Sri Lanka. Presenting Buddhist stories and teachings through technology created a new and engaging way for visitors to connect with these traditions. We thank Dialog for supporting this initiative and for working closely with us to bring our vision to life. Their contribution played an important role in making this first-of-its-kind event a reality.”

Lasantha Theverapperuma, Group Chief Marketing Officer of Dialog Axiata PLC said, “We thank the Government of Sri Lanka for the opportunity to support the 2026 Dakshina Prabha National Vesak Festival and for embracing technology as part of this year’s celebrations. As the Official Digital Partner, we were privileged to contribute through our Dialog 5G Ultra and AI capabilities, creating new ways for visitors to engage with Vesak traditions while preserving their cultural significance for future generations.”

Beyond supporting the National Vesak Zone in Matara, Dialog also enhanced the Gangaramaya and Bauddhaloka Vesak zones through a range of digital activations during the Vesak season. The company additionally continued its sustainability initiatives, including the Thirasara Aloka Poojawa, which illuminated rural places of worship through solar-powered lighting solutions.

Features

Beauty, elegance and talent…for women

Published

11 hours ago

2026/06/4

Sahan Weerasooriya

Universal Woman is an international pageant focused on “beauty, elegance, and talent” for women, positioning itself as a platform to shape global ambassadors. The 2026 edition will be held in Cambodia, and Sri Lanka will be there, as well.

According to reports coming my way, contestants, at the international event, will work with industry trailblazers, under international standards.

Sri Lankan supermodel, runway and pageant trainer Chulpadmendra Kumarapathirana, is the National Director for Universal Woman Sri Lanka 2026.

With over two decades in the industry, Chula was crowned Miss Sri Lanka 2006, and has since shaped the next generation of titleholders through her Colombo-based Chulpadmendra Catwalk Studio, widely regarded as one of the country’s leading modelling academies.

The team behind Universal Woman Sri Lanka 2026

A former host of Derana Miss Sri Lanka for Miss World 2008 and a judge for Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2025, Chula now serves as National Director for Universal Woman Sri Lanka 2026, leading the franchise’s search for Sri Lanka’s delegate to the international final in Cambodia.

Applications for Universal Woman Sri Lanka 2026 are being taken, via WhatsApp: 077 659 4994, says Chula.

The judging panel for Universal Woman Sri Lanka 2026 includes Senaka De Silva, Pageant Aesthetic Advisor & Chairperson of the Judging Panel, Angela Seneviratne, Caroline Jurie, Rozelle Plunkett, and Suraj Mapa.

Universal Woman Sri Lanka 2026 officially began its journey with a first round of auditions, held in Colombo, marking the start of an exciting new chapter in Sri Lanka’s pageant industry.

Launching the first round of auditions

The platform aims to empower women while selecting an intelligent, confident, and inspiring representative to compete at the Universal Woman International Pageant 2026 in Cambodia, this September.

Universal Woman Sri Lanka now moves forward with the vision of creating one of the country’s most prestigious and empowering pageants while preparing to crown a queen who will proudly represent Sri Lanka on the international stage.