Opinion

Regulatory Impact Assessment: Missing link in Sri Lanka’s policy and regulatory reforms to unlock smarter governance

Published

2 months ago

2025/11/27

We are familiar with the practice of conducting a systematic prior appraisal (which includes a cost-benefit analysis and assessment of environmental concerns) when implementing a new development project. In fact, for large Government projects, such an appraisal is mandatory. How about having such a comprehensive assessment prior to a new policy or a new regulation coming into place? Have you ever heard of such a practice in Sri Lanka, to review a new regulation, whether it is by the Government, Local Government, a corporation, or even a private company? This is seen as a serious gap in Sri Lanka’s Policy and Regulatory Reforms aimed at realising ‘Smarter Governance’.

Since 2012, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has been promoting this important approach under their ‘Best Practice Principles for Regulatory Policy’. This internationally accepted method of making a comprehensive appraisal of new regulations or their amendments is called ‘Regulatory Impact Assessment’, RIA in short. By now, RIA has become an established practice in countries like the USA, Canada, the UK, Australia and New Zealand to make a systematic appraisal before a new legislation is introduced. The appraisal would review if the proposed ‘law’ is going to serve its anticipated purpose, and to examine the pros and cons, the would be impact on the economy, society, and culture

This article aims to bring this global conversation home, to explore how Sri Lanka, too, can benefit from adopting RIA as part of its policy and regulatory reforms journey. As the country is moving towards promoting good governance, accountability, and quality infrastructure, the time is right to implant the missing piece, the RIA, that helps Sri Lanka to make better, fairer, and more forward-looking policies.

What’s Happening Now, in Sri Lanka?

A few days ago, one of the writers had a brief conversation with a ‘lawyer’ friend, a former senior public servant with many years of experience in the Sri Lankan public sector who later became an attorney-at-law. That discussion revealed that the prevailing practice in Sri Lanka for enacting new legislation is mostly aimed at verifying if it conforms to the provisions of the Constitution. In layman’s terms, when an idea of a new rule of law is mooted, the legal draftsman is given the responsibility to complete the documentation related to the new legislation. The draft bill so developed will be presented to the parliament. The draft is reviewed at some point to verify its compliance with the Constitution. Then its contents are debated in the parliament, and if passed by the majority of members of parliament, it will become the law of the country.

The lawyer friend cited enough and more examples to show how certain laws have done more harm than good, leaving aside the realisation of desired objectives. Tracing back in our recent history, one can find many instances where drastic consequences have been brought about after enacting certain new regulations. One such example is the legislature introduced a couple of years back to abruptly ban chemical fertilizer imports to the Island. No need to elaborate on the catastrophic outcomes of that legislature. It not only severely crushed the island’s economy, disrupted society in general, and farmers in particular, but as some argue, it was instrumental in changing the then Government. The ‘Sinhala Only Act’ of 1956 (Official Language Act No. 33) in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) which made Sinhala the sole official language of the country, was another example of a legislature that caused severe destruction. These are only two quick examples of such disastrous legislatures. One might argue, if a prior comprehensive assessment of pros and cons – economic, social, cultural, and in other respects – had been made, either such legislation would not be implemented at all, or the improved versions would be in place. In most cases, not only was the underlying objective not met but many undesirable repercussions have been brought about.

Even these days, a debate is going on reading the introduction of a new legislation (rather amendment) aimed at banning corporal punishment in schools. It appears that people take sides and argue (in media as well as in other forums) on pros and cons. These ad-hoc debates and arguments may not bring about a practically implementable legislation aimed at addressing behavioural issues of children. The only way forward is to make a comprehensive and systematic assessment.

The Pertinent Question:

Shouldn’t there be a process, in Sri Lanka too, to make a systematic and comprehensive appraisal of a new legislation/ regulation (or an amendment), well before such an initiative is planted on the ground? Why not have a process to examine an existing regulation when the need arises?

The answer is obviously ‘YES’, in a democratic and advanced society, which we strive to realise. The discussion with the lawyer friend also underscored the fact that introducing such a new initiative is both timely and necessary in Sri Lanka, with the current political environment. Our society is now ready (or moving towards that) for meaningful reforms in all spheres of life, including the legal domain.

It is worth noting that Sri Lanka’s ‘National Quality Policy’, introduced in 2016, and the new developments to establish the National Quality Infrastructure (NQI) framework amply promote such a move. An evidence-based decision-making and better-aligned regulations to boost competitiveness and exports, in line with the National Export Strategy, are a thing that has long been called for. The National budget of the new government has set aside Rs. 750 million to strengthen the NQI under the Ministry of Science and Technology, aimed at giving a fresh momentum to these efforts. These initiatives also pave the way for introducing Regulatory Impact Assessment (RIA) as a vital step toward smarter, more transparent governance.

Such a mechanism to review regulations is not only important for State Governments, but also for local Government institutions and even companies. Of course, this may not be applicable for a country governed by a ‘dictator’ who believes in the ‘my word is the law’ sort.

The fact that several countries in the world that resort to such comprehensive prior appraisals when a new legislation is going to be introduced, may be a pleasant surprise to many in Sri Lanka. The United States stands out as one of the strongest examples. Through its Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), established under the Office of Management and Budget, the U.S. has institutionalized RIA as a mandatory process for all major federal regulations. Accordingly, every significant policy proposal must undergo a detailed cost-benefit analysis to ensure that its social and economic benefits outweigh potential costs. This system has made RIA a powerful instrument of governance in the U.S., one that not only ensures accountability and transparency in policymaking but also prevents unnecessary or overlapping regulations that could hinder economic growth.

A recent research article published in Indonesia commented that RIA is a productive tool for improving the quality of new or modified government regulations. The absence of such a mechanism can results in a regulation being unaccountable, non-transparent, or inconsistent. It also informs that without such a review mechanism, the government would not be successful in creating policies that will benefit economic and social welfare.

What is ‘Regulatory Impact Assessment (RIA)?

To answer this question, I wish to quote from an interesting write-up on ‘Regulatory Impact Assessment: Evaluating Regulations with CBA – Cost Benefit Analysis) published on 03 April 2025.

“RIA ‘is a tool used by governments to evaluate the potential impacts of a proposed regulation. It is a systematic process that aims to identify and measure the potential costs and benefits of a regulation, as well as its impact on different stakeholders, such as businesses, consumers, and the environment. RIA is an important tool for policymakers, as it can help them make more informed decisions about whether or not to implement a proposed regulation. It can also help to ensure that regulations are designed in a way that maximizes their benefits and minimizes their costs.”

Simply, RIA is a crucial and comprehensive method of evaluating the potential impact of a newly proposed regulation. This is an evidence-based policy-making tool that enables policymakers to make informed decisions that consider the impact on businesses, consumers, and the economy. By looking beyond immediate economic gains, RIA ensures that new policies support social well-being, environmental sustainability, and long-term national development.

It may be seen that this is a useful process that could be adopted not only for appraising new legislation but also in many new initiatives of Governments and other institutions.

Process of conducting an RIA?

Basically, five main steps can be identified when it comes to conducting an RIA. Here again, I wish to borrow the content from the publication in www.fastercapital.com, as shown below:

Step 1: Defining the problem:

The first step in conducting an RIA is to define the problem that the regulation seeks to address. The problem definition should be clear, concise, and evidence-based, and should consider the impact on different stakeholders.

Step

2. Identifying options: Once the problem has been defined, the next step is to identify and evaluate different options for addressing the problem. This may include doing nothing, self-regulation, or regulatory intervention.

Step

3. Assessing impacts: The third step is to assess the potential impact of the proposed regulation on different stakeholders. This may include analyzing the costs and benefits of the regulation, as well as any potential risks or unintended consequences. This is going to be a comprehensive evidence-based analysis with data pertaining to stakeholders involved.

Step

4. Consultation: Consultation is a critical step in the RIA process, as it allows stakeholders to provide feedback on the proposed regulation. This may include businesses, industry groups, consumers, and other interested parties.

Step

5. Implementation and review: The final step is to implement the regulation and monitor its impact. This may include conducting post-implementation reviews to assess the effectiveness of the regulation in achieving its objectives.

To elaborate on the process, we can revisit the April 2021 legislation of banning all agrochemicals in Sri Lanka, a decision taken overnight, aiming (said to be) to become the world’s first fully organic farming nation. The RIA process would have involved defining the problem of use (excessive use) of chemical fertilizers for plantations and all other crops, including rice and vegetables. The then officially stated problems were to control the epidemic of chronic kidney disease, assumed to be associated with agrochemicals, and to ‘save’ dwindling foreign reserves needed for fertilizer imports during a crippling economic crisis. No potential impacts of this legislature (Step 3) had been assessed, and the policy makers did not give a hearing to the cry of professionals, experts, and planters, and farmers either, and the legislature was abruptly imposed upon them. This shows that Step 4, the consultation process, was also not completed, and the Government had directly moved into Step 5, the implementation.

Disastrous results of that legislation emerged within less than a year, and the Rice harvests dropped by 32% and tea production fell by 18%. The entire collapse of agricultural production triggered widespread food insecurity and economic losses. For example, the estimated loss on tea exports alone was $425 million according to some reports. These are a few negative impacts of that legislation, and the true economic, social, and other costs may have been enormous. No need to emphasize that most of such problems could have been arrested if an RIA had been conducted before implementing the said legislation.

Challenges in Conducting an RIA:

Although the above discussion points to the fact that conducting an RIA is an appropriate step before new legislation is introduced and also to review existing regulations, several challenges are encountered when this process is going to be implemented on the ground.

This is particularly true for those who are new to the process.

RIA is a comprehensive evidence-based tool that requires relevant data to justify the arguments. One of the challenges in conducting RIAs is the lack of data or difficulties in accessing even available information. In particular, when evaluating the impact of a new regulation, data on possible implications applicable to different stakeholders may not always be readily available. In such situations, the analysis may have to be based on assumptions or incomplete information. That can even lead to inaccurate results. If we take the case of the chemical fertilizer ban, certain information on social impact on crop production and international markets, etc., may not be available at the time.

Another challenge in conducting RIAs is the difficulty in quantifying certain costs and benefits. For example, the psychological impact on children who undergo capital punishment may not be easily quantified, and the respective repercussions may be long-term and extensive.

The political pressure to harshly implement new legislation may be another challenge for conducting an RIA. This was clearly evident in 2021, when the government introduced the Import and Export (Control) Regulations No. 7 of 2021, which prohibited the importation of chemical fertilizers and agrochemicals into the country. The decision was implemented rapidly, leaving little room even for a fretful discussion, leave aside a comprehensive assessment of its potential economic, social, and environmental impacts.

The research conducted in 2015 in Indonesia, focusing on both the central and regional government levels, has identified challenges like, lack of leader commitment, a lack of apparatus knowledge of mindset and perception, as well as limitations in budget, legal support, and socialization. While focusing on challenges, this article also highlights that several benefits would be obtained if RIA were to be used.

RIA in Sri Lanka- the Way Forward: Initiatives of the Ministry of Science and Technology

It is worth noting that the Ministry of Science and Technology recently conducted a two-day workshop on RIA with a technical expert from UNIDO, mostly for state sector officials. This is obviously a major step towards bringing in this important concept – RIA – to the public sector. As noted above, though there may be challenges, it is high time we, with more collaborative efforts, make a serious attempt to take a leap forward, in par with progressing nations like the USA, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. It is also important to bring in the University researchers and other experts into this field, aimed at deliberating and researching on RIA, making everyone aware of the significance of this vital tool, the RIA.

In short, RIA is not just a mere academic or technical exercise. It is a gateway to smarter, fairer, and more sustainable governance. For Sri Lanka, embracing RIA means more than avoiding economic blunders or policy missteps, but about protecting society, safeguarding the environment, and ensuring that every law serves its true purpose. As the country invests in strengthening the National Quality Infrastructure and seeks to boost competitiveness and exports, RIA could be the missing link that transforms good intentions into real-world results. For us in Sri Lanka, the time is right to do what is right, given that all local and international conditions seem quite favorable for introducing a progressive approach as RIA. No matter what, Sri Lanka cannot afford to repeat past mistakes. RIA may be a way to go to make policymaking not just faster or easier, but wiser, more inclusive, and future-ready.

by Prof Theekshana Suraweera
(Chairman, Sri Lanka Standards Institution), and

Dr Prabath C. Abeysiriwardana
(Director (Planning), Ministry of Science and Technology)

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Opinion

From the Lecture Hall to the Global Market: How Sri Lankan students are mastering the “Gig Economy”

Published

11 hours ago

2026/02/6

Thilina Walpola

Image : Courtesy South China Morning Post

Have you ever wondered how a university student, between heavy textbooks and late-night study sessions, manages to earn a professional income in US dollars? It sounds like a dream, but for thousands of Sri Lankans, it’s becoming a daily reality through online freelancing.

A recent study published in the Ianna Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies has pulled back the curtain on this digital revolution. By interviewing 21 successful student freelancers across Sri Lanka, researchers have mapped out exactly what it takes to turn a laptop and an internet connection into a thriving career.

The Rise of the “Earn-as-you-learn” Era

In Sri Lanka, the number of online freelancers has exploded from about 20,000 in 2016 to over 150,000 today. While our traditional education system often focuses on preparing students for 9-to-5 office jobs , these students are diving into the “Gig Economy” a digital marketplace where they sell specific skills, like graphic design or programming, to clients all over the world.

The Secret Sauce for Success

So, what makes some students succeed while others struggle? The research found that it isn’t just about being good at coding or design. Success comes down to six “Core Pillars”:

· A Growth Mindset: The digital world moves fast. Successful students don’t just learn one skill; they are constantly updating themselves to ensure they don’t become “outdated”

· The Balancing Act:

How do they handle exams and clients? They don’t use a magic wand; they use strict time management. Many work late into the night (from 6 p.m. to midnight) to accommodate international time zones.

· The Power of “Hello”:

Since most clients are in the USA or UK, strong English and clear communication are vital. It’s about more than just talking; it’s about negotiating prices and building trust.

· Proactive Problem Solving:

Successful freelancers don’t wait for things to go wrong. They update their clients regularly and fix issues before they become headaches.

Why This Matters for Sri Lanka

Right now, our universities don’t always teach “how to be a freelancer”. This study suggests that if we integrate freelancing modules and mentorship into our degree programs, we could significantly reduce graduate unemployment. It’s a way for students to gain financial independence and bring much-needed foreign currency into our economy while still in school.

You Can Do It Too

If you’re a student (or the parent of one), the message is clear: the global market is open for business. You don’t need to wait for graduation to start your career. With a bit of flexibility, a willingness to keep learning, and a proactive attitude, you can transition from a learner to an earner.

The Research Team Behind the Study

This groundbreaking research was conducted by a dedicated team from the Department of Business Management at the SLIIT Business School (Sri Lanka Institute of Information Technology). The authors of the study include:

· Lihini Niranjana Dasanayaka

· Thuvindu Bimsara Madanayake

· Kalana Gimantha Jayasekara

· Thilina Dinidu Illepperuma

· Ruwanthika Chandrasiri

· Gayan Bandara

by Ruwanthika Chandrasiri

Opinion

Is India a ‘swing state’? A response

Published

11 hours ago

2026/02/6

Thilina Walpola

In an article titled “India shaping-up as model ‘swing state” (The Island 29.01.2026) Lynn Ockersz says, “Besides, this columnist would go so far as to describe India as a principal ‘Swing State.’ To clarify the latter concept in its essentials, it could be stated that the typical ‘Swing State’ wields considerable influence and power regionally and globally. Besides they are thriving democracies and occupy a strategic geographical location which enhances their appeal for other states of the region and enables them to relate to the latter with a degree of equableness. Their strategic location makes it possible for ‘Swing States’ to even mediate in resolving conflicts among states”.

A ‘swing state’, as in elections, should be able to decisively influence the final outcome. In the context in which India is recognised as a ‘swing state’ the final outcome should first be regional and then, if possible, extend to the rest of the world. And the desirable outcome must entail regional peace, cordial relations and economic stability which would constitute the most vital needs for any part of today’s world. Military power should not feature in the equation, for more often than not, such power is used to brow beat into submission the weak and the poor.

India no doubt is growing fast to be a global economic power and militarily also it is way ahead of the region. Its democracy, in the sense that democracies are measured in today’s world, also may be as the columnist says “thriving”. However, periodical elections, however fair they could be, should not be the sole criterion to judge democracy. If democracy cannot solve the problem of inequality it may lose its credibility as a mode of good governance. As a means of finding who rules, the system may be satisfactory but the other vital components of democracy, such as equitable wealth distribution, if lacking, the system may not serve its purpose.

Inequality in India is among the highest globally, with the top 1% owning nearly 40% of national wealth and the top 10% holding roughly 65% of total wealth and 58% of income. While the economy grows, the bottom 50% receives only 15% of the income. This disparity, driven by wealth concentration and low female labour participation, persists across class, caste, and gender. The income gap between the top 10% and the bottom 50% remained stable, with no significant reduction in inequality over the last decade.

India ranks very low in gender parity (127 out of 146 countries in the Global Gender Gap Report 2023). Female labour force participation is very low, at 15.7% (though government data suggests 41.7% by including agriculture and unpaid work). Women earn significantly less than men, working 53 hours per week compared to 43 for men. Inequality is intensified by existing social divides based on caste, religion, region, and gender. Access to healthcare is limited for many, with 63 million people pushed into poverty annually due to costs. Approximately 74% of India’s population could not afford a healthy diet in 2023. Roughly 64% of the total Goods and Services Tax (GST) in India comes from the bottom 50% of the population, whereas only 4% comes from the top 10% (Global Inequality Report 2024).

This sad state may not be the fault of democracy but the economic system of all so called democratic countries. The other three countries, Indonesia, South Africa and South Korea, that the columnist has named as suitable to be ‘swing states’ are no better. Neoliberalism and democracy are increasingly viewed by critics as an “evil nexus” or a destructive pairing, where the logic of the free market—privatisation, deregulation, and austerity—subverts the principles of democratic self-governance and social equality.

However, my main argument concerns the more important qualities that a country must possess to qualify as a ‘swing state’; the capacity to lead from the front in campaigning for peace and cordiality in the region. In this regard India fails miserably. The past with regards to good neighbourliness, where mighty India is concerned, tells a sad story. How it tried to solve the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka may be etched in the minds of those who lived in that era. The “parippu-drop” followed by gun-boat diplomacy saved the LTTE enabling it to continue with its murderous terrorism aimed at dividing the country. It was India who provided the initial “infra-structure” for training of terrorists who waged a thirty year war in Sri Lanka, committing brutal genocide against the Sinhalese and Muslims and not sparing the Tamils as well. India did not lift a finger to stop the bloodletting. Then it rammed the 13^th A down our throats as a solution to the problem but did not keep to its terms and conditions which required it to disarm the LTTE. 13^th A hangs over our head like the Sword of Damocles and India doesn’t fail to remind us about it from time to time. And we are burdened with the white elephant of provincial councils. Moreover, evidently India continues to interfere in our internal affairs, apparently colluding with the US, it may have had a hand in the regime change in Sri Lanka in 2022 (Shamindra Ferdinando, The Island, 04.02.2026). Another matter that appears to be perniciously secretive is that the Indian government doesn’t want the Sri Lankan government to reveal to its people the contents of the defence agreement it has entered into with the latter, as if people didn’t matter !

Now that tiny Sri Lanka is weakened and pliable after suffering multiple crises, India comes to its aid at the slightest mishap, very much like the hero who comes to the rescue of the damsel in distress, seemingly competing with other suitors. It doesn’t want the damsel to fall into the arms of China, given its geopolitical beauty.

Take the case of the other neighbours of India, does it have the capacity to swing, for instance, Pakistan into at least a position of less animosity. And what about its eastern neighbour, Bangladesh? They can’t even play cricket. Relations between India and Bangladesh, are currently under severe strain as of early 2026, driven by the ousting of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who has been given asylum in India to the chagrin of Bangladesh. Tensions are high due to attacks on diplomats, stalled visa services, water disputes, and alleged interference. The unresolved sharing of the Teesta River and other transboundary rivers remains a major contention, with Bangladesh accusing India of managing these to its detriment. Concerns exist in New Delhi regarding Bangladesh strengthening ties with other nations like Pakistan, seen as a shift away from Indian influence (Altaf Moti, 2026).

Coming back to the conflict with its western neighbour Pakistan, since the 1947 partition, both countries have claimed Kashmir, a region inhabited by a majority Muslim population but initially ruled by a Hindu Maharaja, leading to wars in 1947, 1965, and 1999. India accuses Pakistan of supporting militant groups in Kashmir, a claim Pakistan denies, which has frequently led to military escalations, such as the 2019 Pulwama incident and 2025 strikes. The Indus Waters Treaty is under strain, with potential for conflict over control of water resources. Both nations are nuclear-armed, raising international concerns about regional stability. Recent tensions included increased cross-border firing, drone warfare, and suspected militant attacks in Kashmir, leading to retaliatory missile strikes. The conflict remains a major geopolitical issue, with tensions frequently escalating due to nationalist sentiment and a lack of diplomatic progress (Britanica, 2026).

Another matter of relevance is that India-Pakistan-Afghanistan relations are defined by a complex, triangular, and competitive dynamic. Following the 2021 Taliban takeover, India has adopted a pragmatic, security-focused approach, delivering humanitarian aid to Afghanistan via Iran to circumvent Pakistan. Meanwhile, Pakistan-Afghanistan ties have deteriorated over border disputes, prompting Kabul to seek warmer relations with India as a counterweight to Islamabad. Without formally recognising the Taliban, India has re-established a technical mission in Kabul to secure its interests, monitor anti-India groups, and maintain developmental influence, which directly challenges Pakistan’s historical influence in the region. Is such manoeuvring of regional relations a virtue of a ‘swing state’!

Paradoxically, India is developing a special friendship with the murderous regime of Netanyahu in Israel focussing on defence and anti-terrorism. Indian prime minister is planning to visit Israel towards the end of this month which would obviously boost the image and credibility of a ruler who has committed genocide of the Palestinians. The barb no doubt is intended to prick Pakistan. Could such a country bring peace to the region, which it must if it is to qualify as a ‘swing state’.

India seems to have good relations with its northern neighbour, little Nepal, though minor but persistent issues remain. Disputes, notably regarding the Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh area, have caused tensions. Nepal has, from time to time, requested, a revision of the 1950 Treaty, viewing it as unbalanced. Growing influence of other foreign powers (particularly China) in Nepal poses a strategic challenge for India.

The other northern neighbour, the giant, is a different kettle of fish. India has fought several wars with China and there are frequent border skirmishes. The rivalry between these two giants is second only to that between the US and China. The war for markets, influence and hegemony between these countries may one day tear the world apart.

India seems to be having border disputes with most of its neighbours. Fortunately, we have no common border with it but there is Katchatheevu, on which they have recently made a claim.

India being the big brother must take the initiative to resolve the disputes it has with its neighbours and work towards lasting peace in the region. The inability to do so reflects, more than the external factor, the internal depravity that plagues its politics. One has only to listen to its political leaders during election times to gauge the depth of racism they descend to in order to swing the votes. This phenomenon is more evident in their own ‘swing states’. This racism cannot be confined to its borders, it has to cross the borders and be projected to the neighbourhood, if the politicians are to appear to be truly patriotic. Thus, the border disputes and acrimony continue.

If peace, cordiality and economic stability are the desirable goals for the region – one cannot think of anything more important than these – India may not be the ‘swing state’ that could give leadership to the struggle that would finally bring these qualities to the region.

by N. A. de S. Amaratunga

Opinion

Sovereignty without Governance is a hollow shield

Published

1 day ago

2026/02/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

Globalisation exposes weakness and failed governance; and invites intervention – A message to all inept governments everywhere

The government of Burkina Faso has shattered the illusion of party politics, dissolving every political party in the nation. Its justification is blunt: parties divide the people, fracture sovereignty, and allow corrupt elites to hijack the sacred powers that belong to the citizenry.

This is not an aberration. It is the recurring disease of fragile states. Haiti, Somalia, Sudan, Venezuela, Sri Lanka—their governments collapse under the weight of incompetence, leaving their people abandoned and their sovereignty hollow. These failed states do not merely fail themselves; they burden the world. Their chaos spills across borders, draining the strength of nations that still stand.

Globalisation does not forgive weakness. It exposes it. And as global opinion hardens, a new world order is taking shape—one that no longer tolerates decay. The moment of rupture came when US President Donald Trump seized Nicolás Maduro from his Venezuelan hideout and dragged him to face justice in America.

Predictably, the chorus of populists cried “oil!” They shouted about imperialism while ignoring the rot of Maduro’s failed government and his collapse in legitimacy. But the truth is unavoidable: if Venezuela had been competently governed, Trump would never have had the opening to topple its leadership. Weakness invited conquest. Failure opened the door.

Singapore offers the perfect counterexample. It is perhaps the best-governed nation on earth, and for that reason it is untouchable. Strong governance is the only true shield of sovereignty. Without it, sovereignty is a brittle shell, a flag waving over ruins.

Trump’s precedent will echo across continents. China, Russia, India—regional powers are watching, calculating, preparing. The message is unmistakable: Sovereignty is conditional. It is not guaranteed by history or by law. It is guaranteed only by strength, by competence, by the will to govern effectively.

This is the revolutionary truth: nations that fail to govern themselves will be governed by others. The age of excuses is over. The age of accountability has begun. Weak governments will fall. Strong governments will endure. And the people, sovereign and indivisible, will demand leaders who can protect their destiny—or see them replaced by those who can.

By Brigadier (Rtd) Ranjan de Silva
rpcdesilva@gmail.com