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Editorial

Pre-election games

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Public opinion last week overwhelmingly welcomed the resignation of former Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella, widely perceived to be responsible for the chaos the country’s once proud health sector has plunged into. We have not been told whether he volunteered his resignation or caved in to a demand from above. Though in remand custody, he enjoys the comforts of the prisons hospital and home cooked meals very much like previously convicted or remanded political panjandrums.

Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka was an exception, soldiering through his ordeal with the proverbial stiff upper lip, refusing a pardon that was his for the asking. The likes of SB Dissanayake, jailed on a charge of contempt of court, spent much of their time in the Merchant’s Ward of the Colombo National Hospital. One convict continues to hold cabinet office pending disposal of an appeal and serves a chief government whip.

Wednesday’s opening of the fifth session of the ninth parliament after a brief 12-day prorogation for no clearly discernible reason, other than as alleged by the opposition to get rid of Prof. Ranjith Bandara from the chair of the Committee of Public Enterprise (COPE), attracted attention. TNA MP, M.A. Sumanthiran, wondered aloud whether the president, who has made several policy statement (previously called throne speeches) at openings of parliament during his short tenure, loves to do so as often as he can.

Thankfully this one lacked the customary pomp and pageantry like a motorcade with motorcycle and sometimes mounted outriders, honour guard and gun salute reportedly on the president’s directive. A bevy of pink-clad school girls sang the traditional jayamangala gatha as he entered parliament, concluding with the familiar exhortation of Raja bhavathu dhammiko, something almost invisible in contemporary Sri Lanka governance.

This being an election year, those who toppled Gotabaya Rajapaksa off the presidential throne, and his brother Mahinda from the prime ministry in 2022 are now within touching distance of an opportunity to enforce the system change they demand by the ballot rather than through agitation. But whether they will be able to do so remains a wide open question. The same clowns strut the political stage. In the context of the upcoming presidential election later this year with a general election to follow next year, the start of the new parliamentary session saw inevitable discussion, both within political circles and in the country at large, of what is likely to follow.

Although 10 billion rupees have been allocated for the various elections that are due, presidential, parliamentary and local, the people have not forgotten that the local elections for which nominations were received in 2022 were not held on the excuse that there was no money to pay for them. On Thursday, Chief Opposition Whip Lakshman Kiriella voiced the suspicion that there may be an attempt to push back the presidential election on the grounds of abolishing the executive presidency. No denial was forthcoming at the time of writing.

Historically, the people of this country are not strangers to elections not being held when due. Among the most notorious of these was Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike postponing the parliamentary election due in 1975 via the Republican Constitution of her United Front government elected in 1970. She appropriated a further two years for this government on the grounds that the time lost due to the JVPs 1971 insurrection must be made good.

JR Jayewardene, who resigned his parliamentary seat in 1976 in protest over this measure, and was re-elected comfortably at a by-election, went much further than Mrs. Bandaranaike had done. Using the referendum provision written into his 1978 constitution he extended the tenure of the then incumbent parliament for a further term.

President Wickremesinghe who already has two members of the Opposition SJB in his cabinet has been hinting broadly that more will follow. Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, the war winning army commander and current chairman of the SJB, has gone public about his disenchantment with his party and its leader, Sajith Premadasa, for taking former army commander Daya Ratnayake on board and naming him senior advisor on state affairs.

Fonseka is resentful of Ratnayake’s role in court martialling him and the patronage appointments he received from President Gotabaya Rajapaksa post-retirement. Hard on the heels of this appointment, a former navy commander, Daya Sandagiri has joined the SJB as advisor on naval and maritime policies. Such moves smell of a reaction to the JVP/NPP’s success in organizing former military personnel, both officers and other ranks, within its fold.

Premadasa’s edict that his MPs boycott Wednesday’s parliament opening was flouted by several members of his parliamentary group. Some of them have been accompanying the president on overseas junkets. Quite apart from split lines appearing in the SJB, a similar situation prevails in the ruling SLPP with Prof. GL Pieris, its founding chairman, throwing his hat into the SJB ring and several other realignments.

All these and those that are likely to follow are based on calculations on which side offers the best chance of re-election or cashing in on plums of public office available for distribution post-election. The voters are very well aware of such realities. But they have nevertheless voted in undesirables in the past and this trend is unlikely to disappear soon.

The same holds true for the kind of candidate to be fielded by the different political parties. They have never been shy of nominating bad hats if they have vote winning abilities.



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Editorial

Transparency and hypocrisy

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Wednesday 9th July, 2025

The Opposition has been asking the NPP government to release the report of a special committee appointed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to probe an alleged racket where 323 red-flagged freight containers were green-channelled at the Colombo Port in January 2025. Its efforts have been in vain. The government has sought to deflect criticism by saying that the committee report will be presented to Parliament ‘in due course’.

The President’s Office, during previous governments, drew criticism for its reluctance to disclose information about matters of national importance. It was expected to uphold transparency and promptly respond to requests for information after last year’s regime change, but sadly the status quo remains.

President Dissanayake should be able to release the committee report at issue immediately if his government has nothing to hide. Minister of Ports, etc., Bimal Rathnayake, whom the Opposition has blamed for the questionable release of containers, has claimed that the probe committee has rubbished his rivals’ allegation. If so, he, as the Leader of the House, should have the committee report presented to Parliament forthwith.

However, one should not be so naïve as to expect a committee appointed by a President to hold those in his inner circle accountable for a serious transgression and trigger a political storm. One may recall that in 2015, a committee consisting of three lawyers, appointed by the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, to probe the Treasury bond scams, cleared Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran of wrongdoing while recommending further investigation.

Meanwhile, it has been reported that some MPs who shielded the bond scammers are likely to face a probe. Dozens of MPs benefited from the largesse of the Treasury bond racketeers and got off scot-free. Legal action should have been taken against them then. Interestingly, the JVP had no qualms about defending the UNP-led Yahapalana government even after the release of the damning report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry which probed the bond scams. It threw a political lifeline to PM Wickremesinghe in 2018 vis-a-vis the then President Maithripala Sirisena’s efforts to sack him. It helped him muster a parliamentary majority and fought a legal battle, enabling him to stay in power.

President Dissanayake’s predecessors demonstrated a remarkable ability to swallow committee/commission reports, as it were. Those who expected President Dissanayake to make a difference and handle such documents in a transparent manner must be really disappointed.

Time was when Dissanayake, as an Opposition MP, would aggressively call upon the previous governments to present agreements and commission/committee reports to Parliament, and thereby respect the people’s right to information. His calls struck a responsive chord with the public. Today, he is under pressure from the Opposition to release the report of a committee he himself appointed to probe an alleged racket!

The NPP came to power, promising to practise good governance, which the UNDP has defined as “the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country’s affairs at all levels. It comprises the mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences”. Transparency is one of the cornerstones of good governance, others being participation, the rule of law, responsiveness, consensus orientation, effectiveness, efficiency and accountability. Good governance without transparency is a contradiction in terms. Lack of transparency creates an ideal breeding ground for corruption, misinformation and arbitrary decision-making—all of which are antithetical to good governance.

It is a supreme irony that the SJB MPs who, as members of the Yahapalana government, prevented the presentation of the first COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) report on the Treasury bond scams to Parliament, went so far as to dilute the second COPE report on the scandal, with a slew of footnotes, and unashamedly defended that corrupt administration with the help of the JVP are now campaigning for transparency and the people’s right to information.

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Editorial

A classic catch-22

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Tuesday 8th July, 2025

Sri Lanka, which is struggling to put its worst-ever economic crisis behind it, finds itself in another dilemma. It had to ban vehicle imports to rebuild its foreign currency reserves. That method proved effective in the short run. But the adoption of extreme measures, such as import restrictions or bans, to tackle a foreign exchange crisis only provide short-term relief; they are unsustainable and need to be tapered off for the long-term economic health of the country. Vehicles were not imported for nearly two years, and a significant amount of much-needed forex could be saved, but the ban on vehicle imports took its toll on the government’s tax revenue, which has to be increased to resolve the rupee crisis.

Government revenue is expected to reach 15% of GDP in 2025, according to media reports, but this figure is considered relatively low . The government is under IMF pressure to increase its revenue significantly. It must do everything in its power to do so because gone are the days when money could be printed according to the whims and fancies of politicians in power. Direct and indirect taxes are already beyond tolerance levels for many. Further increases therein are bound to spark protests which might even spill over onto the streets. So, the only way the government apparently could think of increasing its revenue was to allow vehicle imports to resume so as to rake in taxes. The Customs revenue has increased as expected, but vehicle imports have led to another problem which was not unexpected.

The ban on vehicle imports was lifted in February 2025, and since then as many as 18,000 vehicles have been imported at a cost of USD 742 million, we are told. The forex limit the government has imposed on vehicle imports for the current year is USD 1 billion. The Customs has earned Rs. 220 billion by way of import duty on vehicles. A sharp increase in imports following the lifting of a ban is something to be expected owing to what is termed pent-up demand. However, at this rate, expenditure on vehicle imports could exceed USD 1 billion in a month or two.

It is highly unlikely that the government will allow the amount of forex spent on vehicle imports to exceed USD 1 billion on any grounds. The country should be able to pay for essential imports and service debt. One may recall that in 2022, there were hundreds of thousands of vehicles waiting in long fuel queues as the country lacked dollars to pay for petroleum imports. Nobody wants to face a similar situation again.

The government’s catch-22 is to manage vehicle imports in such a way that state revenue will not decrease, and it will be possible to keep the country’s forex reserves above the safe threshold. This is a balancing act of the highest order that has to be performed successfully to steer the economy out of both rupee and forex crises. The situation is far too complex for the government to cut the Gordian knot; imposing a ban on vehicle imports again is one of the least desirable options, according to experts, for such a course of action will adversely impact the vehicle market again, and government revenue will drop steeply, making it even more difficult to meet the IMF-prescribed revenue targets.

Since decreasing interest rates have led to an increase in vehicle imports, some economists are of the view that serious thought should be given to adjusting them. The depreciation of the rupee may also bring the demand for vehicle imports down, they have pointed out. But the appreciation of major foreign currencies, especially the US dollar, against the rupee will adversely affect all imports, causing increases in the prices of essentials. Taxes on vehicle imports are also very high, and it may not be possible to increase them further to curtail the growing demand. The challenge before the government is to find a way out, with the help of all other stakeholders.

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Editorial

Tank bund tourism

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Monday 7th July, 2025

Close on the heels of a warning that the UNESCO World Heritage status of Sigiriya is in jeopardy due to unauthorised structures and settlements in the archaeological reserve around the world-famous rock fortress, the government has unveiled a grand plan to use the bund of an ancient irrigation tank, of all places, to promote tourism in Anuradhapura.

An attempt to reopen the road on the Anuradhapura Nuwara Wewa bund, which was closed to vehicular traffic years ago reportedly over structural safety concerns, among other things, has sparked protests. The government insists that the tank bund must be made freely accessible to visitors as part of its tourism development project. Director of Irrigation, Anuradhapura, Jayantha de Silva, has said a scientific study is currently underway to assess the condition of the bund, and based on its findings the Irrigation Department will decide whether to reopen the road on the reservoir embankment to vehicles.

The National Farmers’ Union (NFU) has defended the Irrigation Department, questioning the government’s wisdom of trying to use the ageing tank bund to promote tourism. It has said all farmers in the area have asked the Irrigation Department to ensure the safety of the bund by keeping it closed to vehicles, and they will not allow the government to endanger the tank.

What is of more concern than the dispute over the Nuwara Wewa bund is the government’s tourism development strategy, which apparently lacks focus on sustainability, if some NPP politicians’ statements thereon are any indication. Lamenting that some sections of the Tourism Act stood in the way of developing tourism, Deputy Minister Ruwan Ranasinghe said, at the Anuradhapura meeting, that they would be amended. In the Maldives, hotels jutting into the sea charged as much as USD 500 each for rooms with a stunning view of turquoise waters and the horizon, but such projects were not in the realm of possibility here, he said, making one wonder whether the government was of the view that Sri Lanka should do likewise to earn more forex. Geographically, Sri Lanka and the Maldives have more dissimilarities than similarities and therefore in developing tourism, the former should not necessarily adopt the same strategy as the latter, which is full of uninhabited isles ideal for secluded resorts. It is hoped that the proposed amendments to the Tourism Act will not provide for ill-conceived projects aimed at boosting tourism at the expense of the country’s environmentally sensitive coastline. Encroachment on beaches has already reached unmanageable levels, and it must not be allowed to worsen.

Sustainability must be a cornerstone of any programme to develop tourism, with environmental and ecological protection/conservation being factored in. The safety of ancient structures must not be compromised in the name of promoting tourism. These matters are best left to experts such as engineers, archaeologists, and environmental scientists.

There was a howl of protest when the previous government sought to develop a section of the Polonnaruwa Parakrama Samudraya bund as a walking path. Protesters including prominent Buddhist monks prevented backhoes from disturbing the rip-rap of the tank. They pointed out that the project would weaken the embankment of the ageing tank and ruin its aesthetic appeal. A public debate on the issue ensued, and the project was put on hold. Politicians should have sought expert views and commissioned a thorough study instead of trying to bulldoze their way through.

Deputy Minister Ranasinghe’s inspection tour of the Nuwara Wewa bund and his subsequent statements reminded us of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s visit to a section of the Sinharaja rainforest, affected by a road development project. Gotabaya pooh-poohed environmentalists’ grave concerns, sending the wrong message to politicians, state officials and others bent on environmental destruction. Politicians must not rush in where experts fear to tread.

NFU President Anuradha Tennakoon has revealed that some Irrigation Department officials who are opposing the government’s plan to reopen the tank bund to vehicles have received threats. One can only hope that they will not be victimised for doing what is good for the ancient tank and the people dependent on its water for survival.

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