Midweek Review

Playing politics with LTTE dead

Published

3 years ago

2023/12/6

British Tamils display the LTTE flag at Maaveerar commemoration in London. (Pix courtesy Tamil Guardian)

Adele

The London Maaveear commemoration would have been complete if the organizers invited Adele Balasingham, the Australian wife of LTTE theoretician, the late Anton Balasingham, one-time employee of the British HC in Colombo. Balasingham was laid to rest in Dec 2006 in the UK. Adele became notorious as a white woman guardian tying cyanide capsules around the necks of young Tiger female cadres as a passing out ritual. She is believed to be living scot free in the UK despite consigning so many, possibly underage Tamil girls to a certain horrible death. Such are the hypocritical standards the British continue to set around the world, while mouthing for human rights in countries that the West dislikes and horrors of Palestine precipitated and perpetuated by London is no exception.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The recently concluded Maaveerar Naal (Great Heroes’ Day)/Maaveerar Vaaram (Great Heroes Week) commemorations underscored the continuing deep divisions within the Tamil community over the conduct of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) during the war.

The organizers of the main commemoration at Nallur, Jaffna, left out the name of the late LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran’s one-time Deputy the late Gopalswamy Mahendraraja aka Mahattaya out of the heroes’ list displayed therein. Prabhakaran was 54 at the time of his death on May 19, 2009 whereas Mahattaya was 38, when he was ordered to be executed by the LTTE leader on Dec 28, 1994.

In fact, Mahattaya, who had been arrested in Aug 1993, interrogated over a period of 16 months and then executed and buried at an undisclosed location in the north never received such tributes bestowed on other members. Mahattaya wasn’t the only one to be dealt with that way. According to Maaveerar Naal organizers, the total number of LTTE dead at the end of the conflict stood at 24,379 (Nov 27, 1982 to May 19, 2009). And Mahattaya hadn’t been among those listed personnel.

Having conducted the first Maaveerar Naal commemoration in the Mullaithivu jungles on Nov 27, 1989, the LTTE expanded the event in 1991 to cover a period of seven days (Nov 20-27). Until Prabhakaran’s elimination on May 19, 2009, his speech delivered at the conclusion of the week remained the highlight of the whole ‘show.’ The Island dealt with the issue and related matters last week (Eelam conflict: In memory of fallen combatants, Nov 29, 2023 edition)

Remains of first LTTEer killed buried in Madurai

A little known fact is that the remains of the first LTTE cadre killed in combat, Sathiyanathan alias Shankar, a native of Kambarmalai near Valvettithurai, had been cremated at the Keeraththurai crematorium in Madurai. Perhaps India should disclose the details as to how many Sri Lankan terrorists (Except for EROS, who were more like the Tigers, none of the other groups resorted to things like suicide bombings) killed in various incidents had been buried there.

It would be pertinent to mention that Shankar, who had received gunshot wounds during a confrontation with the Army in the Jaffna peninsula was moved across the Palk Strait to Tamil Nadu where he succumbed to his injuries. Shankar died on Nov 27, 1982 in the presence of Prabhakaran, who was living there at the time under Indian protection.

Mahattaya’s alleged crime was conspiring with premier Indian intelligence service Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) to eliminate Prabhakaran who ordered former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination. The LTTE assassinated Gandhi on the evening of May 21, 1991, at Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu.

Maaveerar organizers also left out suicide bomber Dhanu alias Anbu alias Kalaivani who blasted Gandhi at Sriperumbudur soon after the Congress leader arrived there for a public meeting. Gandhi was campaigning for the general election. Another person who hadn’t been included in the Heroes’ list was Sivarajan alias Packiachandaran alias Raghuvaran aka One-Eyed Jack as referred to by some Indian media because of a glass prosthesis he wore in place of an eye he lost in a battle, who masterminded Sriperumbudur assassination.

Packiachandaran, and another, committed suicide on Aug 19/20, 1991, at Konanakunte, near Bangalore, when Indian security forces surrounded their hideout. However, a section of the Indian media, at that time, reported several other LTTE operatives, who also took their own lives at Konanakunte, near Bangalore. At least a dozen LTTE operatives died in the Indian crackdown. They were buried there.

Perhaps, those who had been relentlessly demanding full disclosure of the circumstances Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009 should also seek to establish whether RAW engaged Mahattaya in a conspiracy to assassinate Prabhakaran. Did Mahattaya cooperate with RAW? Did Mahattaya switch his allegiance to RAW in the wake of Gandhi’s assassination or the treachery as alleged by the LTTE happened years before?

It would be pertinent to mention that RAW had been accused of using members of various Tamil groups to carry out clandestine operations. No less a person than incumbent Member of Parliament Dharmalingham Siddharthan is on record as having said TELO (Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization) assassinated his father V. Dharmalingam and M. Alalasundaram, both Jaffna district MPs, at the behest of RAW.

Dharmalingham told the writer in the 90s that TELO cadres abducted the two lawmakers on the night of Sept 2, 1985 and killed them. According to Dhamalingham, that had been the Indian strategy meant to influence Tamil politicians in line with New Delhi’s overall plan vis-a-vis Sri Lanka.

The Tamil community here and Diaspora seemed to be quite unable and unprepared to come to terms with ground realities. Can Mahattaya be forgotten just because the LTTE called him a traitor? Can those accusations be proved? Some believe Mahattaya got into trouble after India charge-sheeted 41 persons in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case. That group excluded Mahattaya. Of the 41 persons, Prabhakaran, Intelligence Chief Pottu Amman alias Shanmughanathan Sivasankaran and Deputy Chief of the LTTE Women’s Intelligence Wing Akila were not tried as they could not be apprehended. Twelve LTTE operatives died (some committed suicide. Others killed by Indian security forces) and the charges against them abated and the remaining 26 stood trial at Poonamallee court near Chennai.

Judge V. Navaneetham on January 28, 1998 declared all 26 guilty under Section 120-B (conspiracy) of the Indian Penal Code read with Section 302 (murder) of the IPC and provisions of the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act. By then Mahattaya was dead.

Another London Maaveerar commemoration

The British flag is raised at the onset of the event.

British Tamils commemorated Maaveerar Naal/Maaveerar Vaaram at ExCel convention centre in London on Nov 27, 2023. They declared the event 36th Maaveerar commemoration. The organizers played Prabhakaran’s 2008 Maaveerar speech to the crowd. Six months after that speech, Prabhakaran was killed on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon where the LTTE’s conventional fighting capability was brought to an end.

The British Parliament was represented at the event by several members, including Elliot Colburn, MP for Carshalton and Wellington and Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Tamils (APPGT).

The Tamil Guardian in a report headlined ‘British Tamils commemorate Maaveerar Naal’ posted on Nov 27, 2023, quoted Colburn as having said that he would continue to “push for peace, justice, truth and accountability for war crimes.” The MP added that the APPGT would work to join the USA and Canada in sanctioning those responsible for war crimes and who are still in positions of power today.

Both Colburn and another invitee Bob Blackman, the MP for Harrow East, appreciated the appointment of former Premier David Cameron as UK’s Foreign Secretary. (Cameron was recently in Dubai to promote China’s flagship project Colombo Port City. Controversy surrounds his role in the China project with questions being asked whether he was paid by those promoting Colombo Port City. That issue should be dealt with separately).

Maybe we should ask the world to try Britain for war crimes, beginning with, for example, for what they did here in the aftermath of the Wellassa rebellion, especially for putting to death all males above the age of 12, torching everything the people of that region had. And what about the divide and rule policy of theirs here that clearly led to the present day disharmony. Then what about being the main cause of the calamity in Palestine? Let us also not forget what they did in places like Libya, Iraq, etc., in the recent past. The world also cannot forget how they conquered the west and even Australia, where aborigine numbers dropped from millions, when they arrived there, to less than 200,000 now. Mind you they did all that carrying the Bible and the cross. Someone might say look at the wonderful system of schools they left behind in Sri Lanka, it was certainly not for the love of dark Lankans. Some say it was because they just could not abandon or hide so many children they fathered here to local women. So no wonder they also accommodated many of them later in Australia.

In spite of the LTTE remaining on the British list of proscribed organizations, the Maaveerar organizers displayed the LTTE’s flag and some participants were seen dressed like LTTE women cadres. The commemoration resembled a military-type event with the participants saluting in LTTE style.

The British obviously continue to promote the despicable separatist agenda here though the Sri Lankan military finally eradicated the LTTE completely. Unless, of course, the present government does something utterly foolish on the advice of their friends in the West like the way they blindly signed the Ceasefire Agreement prepared by the Norwegians, with the LTTE secretly, without any whetting. A proper background check on those who had been shedding crocodile tears for the LTTE in the UK and elsewhere would reveal the vast majority of them brazenly exploited the war here to secure political asylum in the UK.

Actually, those who really believed in Eelam never sought refuge in the West. That is the bitter truth the Tamil Diaspora do not want to accept under any circumstances. The situation in other countries is very much similar with organized Tamil groups taking advantage of political party systems to encourage further migration of their brethren to those countries.

At the ExCel convention centre event, a lamp was lit by Prabhananthan, the son of the late LTTE senior commander, ‘Brigadier’ Sornam, in memory of LTTE cadres killed. The senior commander was among those killed during the final phase of the ground operations on the Vanni east front. Sornam, as the LTTE Commander in Trincomalee, ordered the closure of the Mavilaru sluice gates in mid-2006. Sornam believed that he could successfully deploy artillery pieces in the East but the battle for supremacy, in Trincomalee, ended with the LTTE experiencing a debilitating setback.

It would be interesting to establish altogether how many Tamils reached the UK since the conclusion of the war and the number of new British Tamils of Sri Lankan origin.

Among the LTTE dead were hundreds of cadres killed in combat with the Indian Army during its deployment in Northern and Eastern provinces in Sri Lanka (July 1987-March 1990) as well as those perished in fighting with other Tamil groups. It would also be necessary to ascertain how many died in internecine fighting among different separatist groups over the years, particularly during 1982-1990 period when Tamil groups, other than the LTTE, joined the political mainstream.

Asked to comment on the continuing controversy over Maaveerar Naal commemoration, the Executive Director of the National Peace Council Dr. Jehan Perera said: “The government’s refusal to permit the commemoration of the LTTE dead is seen as suppression by the Tamil people. They continue to feel that they are not treated justly by the Sri Lankan state. The tolerance shown by the government for the JVP’s commemoration of their dead has not been shown for the commemoration of the LTTE dead. This is due to the concern that the latter will be a rallying point for a renewed struggle. Sri Lanka needs a political settlement accepted by the Tamil people, so that the commemoration of the LTTE dead will not be seen as posing a danger to the unity of the country.”

Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, the founder Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), asserted that Maaveerar commemoration could be allowed like the JVP but not to celebrate death.

Thaminili on RAW conspiracy

‘Thiyunu Asipathaka Sevana Yata’ (In the Shadow of a Sharp Sword), Sinhala translation of ‘Oru Koorvaalin Nizhalil’, life story of high ranking LTTE cadre, the late Subramaniam Sivakamy alias ‘Col’ Thamilini dealt with several contentious issues.

The book launch took place at the Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF) on May 13, 2016. ‘Oru Koorvaalin Nizhalil’ was launched on March 19, 2016, in Kilinochchi, a one-time LTTE bastion.

Her husband, Jeyakumaran Mahadevan, British national of Sri Lankan Tamil origin, earned the wrath of an influential section of Tamil politicians, as well as the Tamil Diaspora, for facilitating the releasing of the book. Thamilini passed away at the Maharagama cancer hospital in October 2017.

Thamilini who had served the LTTE for nearly 20 years compared the disappearance of Mahattaya in1993 after being accused of working for the RAW and the rift between Prabhakaran and battlefield commander, Karuna, credited with spearheading successful conventional fighting units in the Vanni region.

According to Thamilini, both occurrences severely disturbed the organization and caused irreparable damage. Prabhakaran accused Mahattaya of conspiring with RAW to assassinate him at the opening of a memorial hall built at Kodikamam, in memory of those who had perished during the 1991 assault on the strategic Elephant Pass Army base.

The LTTE claimed that RAW planned to use a Tiger working for the Indian spy network to kill Mahattaya immediately after he shot Prabhakaran, thereby paving the way for an Indian plant to take over the Tiger leadership. The operative was identified as Kiruban.

Having declared that she had been present at Irupalai political school when charges were read out before those accused of the conspiracy, Thamilini claimed that RAW planned to do away with both Prabhakaran and Mahattaya, simultaneously, thereby facilitating Kiruban taking over the LTTE leadership. Kiruban had been freed by RAW to execute the operation while the agency propagated that he escaped from their custody.

The LTTE Intelligence, according to Thamilini, executed scores of cadres, including those holding senior command positions, for being allegedly involved in the conspiracy. The executed included a Susilan, who had driven away a tank, captured during the LTTE attack on the Pooneryn Army base, in early Nov. 1993, to the LTTE-held area.

Thamilini declared that the way the organization had moved against Karuna reminded her of the Mahattaya episode and the circumstances under which the LTTE wiped out rival Tamil organizations. Thamilini questioned the validity of accusations, including conspiracy against the leader, misappropriation of funds and sexual misconduct directed at various personnel, over the years. One of the major charges directed at Mahattaya had been that he was lenient towards those under him and sought to use them against the leader.

What Thamilini didn’t say was that Prabhakaran in 2003 made an abortive bid to take Karuna into custody by requesting the then government to fly the dissident Tiger to Kilinochchi. Karuna declined to get onboard though the SLAF sent a helicopter to pick him from somewhere in Batticaloa.

Political background

At the time Prabhakaran took Mahattaya into custody in August 1993, D.B. Wijetunga served as the President in the wake of a Tiger assassin blowing up President Ranasinghe Premadasa in Colombo on May Day of the same year. The country was heading towards national elections – parliamentary and presidential polls in Aug and Nov 1994, respectively. (The writer had an opportunity to meet Mahattaya on January 08, 1990 along with several Colombo-based Indian journalists and veteran local journalist, the late Rita Sebastian, at Koliyakulam, a farming village a little distance away from Omanthai. Mahattaya was assisted by Yogi, the then public face of the LTTE. The writer undertook a perilous motorcycle ride with an LTTE cadre through a jungle path as the Indian Army patrolled the main roads.). The Island reported the conversation (‘LTTE pledges to eliminate pro-Indian Tamil groups’, January 10, 1990 and ‘In Tiger country’, January 14, 1990)

The possibility of Prabhakaran suspecting President Premadasa making an attempt to convince Mahattaya to sue for genuine peace, too, cannot be ruled out. Regardless of tough measures and precautions taken by Prabhakaran to avert any such eventuality, the possibility of the President making a bid to end senseless bloodshed cannot be ruled out. Did such suspicions influence Prabhakaran’s decision to eliminate President Premadasa in an attack very much similar to that of Gandhi assassination? The whole scenario should be examined against the backdrop of Mahattaya having an opportunity to meet President Premadasa in Colombo as the leader of the PFLT (People’s Front of Liberation Tigers) political wing of the LTTE during direct talks between the two parties (May 1989-June 1990).

The execution of Mahattaya took place close on the heels of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s victory at the Nov 1994 presidential election. By then, the LTTE had taken control of the Vanni region though there were few isolated military bases in coastal areas. The Kandy-Jaffna A9 road north of Omanthai had been brought under LTTE control right up to Kilinochchi and it remained in their hands till the first week of January, 2009, when the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s Army routed the LTTE and finally killed him on the banks of Nanthikadal lagoon with his last band of trusted carders accompanying him nearly, five months later on May 19.

The LTTE never raised its ugly head again. Even a thousand Maaveerar commemorations will not make any difference. However, the public will have to be wary of efforts to grant what Eelamists couldn’t win through military means.

All News Advertisement

Midweek Review

H’tota port’s strategic status remains focal point of geopolitical scrutiny

Published

6 days ago

2026/07/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Chinese scientific research vessel Yuan Wang 5 at the Hambantota International Port (HIP) in August 2022. The visit took place just weeks after the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The second Chinese research vessel Shi Yan 6 arrived at the Colombo port in October, 2023. In the wake of the Chinese ship visits, the US and India forced Sri Lanka to impose a moratorium on such visits on January 1, 2024. Although the government announced it would be for one year, the moratorium remains.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Dual-use naval facilities are commercial ports, shipyards, or maritime hubs operationally designed and equipped to support military operations when required though they operate primarily for civilian trade in peacetime.

The issue at hand is whether the Hambantota International Port (HIP) operated as a public-private partnership between Sri Lanka and China is one such dual-use naval facility, as propagated by the US?

Sri Lanka handed over the Port to China on December 09, 2017, after the finalisation of the hotly disputed 99-year old lease for the strategic port on July 29, 2017. Having opposed Chinese projects in Sri Lanka in the run-up to the 2015 presidential election, the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe attended the handing over ceremony. China paid USD 1.2 bn for the Port.

In spite of repeated denials by successive governments over the years, the US still identifies HIP as a dual-use naval facility. India, too, subscribes to that view. There is no doubt that the Quad, a strategic partnership among the US. India, Japan and Australia considers HIP as such and its policy, vis-a-vis Sri Lanka, geared to meet that challenge. But, is HIP really a dual-use naval facility as alleged and Sri Lanka part of the overall Chinese strategy. The other issue is whether Sri Lanka is a willing partner of the Chinese strategy or caught up in that due to circumstances beyond its control.

The Indo-Pacific Defence Forum, published quarterly by the US Indo-Pacific Command, has regularly dealt with HIP. Its first issue this year went all out to emphasise HIP’s status as a dual-use naval facility. Sarosh Bana, Executive Editor of Business India magazine, in an article, titled ‘Indian Ocean Primacy,’ published in the first issue of the Indo-Pacific Defence Forum, referred to HIP as a dual-service naval facility.

In the article that dealt with the Indian move to establish a strategic naval base this year, in Andhra Pradesh, to neutralise China’s Longpo naval base on Hainan island, Bana categorised Bangladesh Navy base BNS Pekua and Kyaukphyu deep seaport being developed in Myanmar. Bana declared all above mentioned facilities as part of China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) infrastructure scheme. Since 2013, China has invested as much as USD 700 bn for OBOR projects covering over 150 countries across Africa, Europe, Latin America and the Indo-Pacific.

Specialist in political economy Dr. Alfred Oehlers, in an article, titled ‘Peace Through Economic Strength,’ also carried in the same edition of the Indo-Pacific Defence Forum, discussed the Hambantota Port, while another specialist in Chinese affairs Dr. Jinghao Zhou dealt with overall Chinese strategy at global level. Zhou’s article was titled ‘Countering OBOR’ and primarily argued how ports in Chinese hands could be used for military purposes.

Obviously the US and its partners are deeply concerned over the growing Chinese, influence both at regional and global level. Sri Lanka remains one of their key focus as HIP, located just 10 nm from major east – west shipping routes, continues to grow, quite rapidly and received significant international attention during the war between Israel-US against Iran (February-June, 2026).

US sub strike

HIP received global attention in the wake of a US torpedo attack on non-belligerent Iranian frigate IRIS Dena off Sri Lanka’s southern coast. The attack took place off Galle Port, within the country’s exclusive economic zone, in the first week of March, just days after the eruption of hostilities in West Asia. Sinking of IRIS Dena was the only attack that took place outside the war zone before Pakistan-Qatar mediated talks that brought about a fragile ceasefire that enabled the re-opening of Strait of Hormuz, albeit amidst many a violation.

In the immediate aftermath of the unprovoked attack on unnamed IRIS Dena returning home after participating in International Fleet Review (IFR) and Exercise Milan 2026 at Visakhapatnam (15-25 June), Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar declared Hambantota as a Chinese military facility. This happened in the presence of Sri Lanka Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath at Raisina Dialogue 2026 (March 5 to 7) in New Delhi. Dr. Jaishankar said so as he responded to a pointed query regarding India’s much-touted position as the region’s net security provider. India was given a shocking jolt without even a warning, when the US struck in Delhi’s backyard, ignoring its status as the purported regional policeman.

Without mentioning that India, too, participated in US-led military exercises off Diego Garcia, Dr. Jaishankar referred to joint US-British base at Diego Garcia, Chinese military base at Djibouti in east Africa and Hambantota.

The US submarine strike also underscored that regardless of the climax of US-India relations during Narendra Modi’s third consecutive term as the Prime Minister, beginning in June 2024, the overall US strategy may disregard domestic and regional issues. India that backed the Israeli-US offensive against Iran by conveniently remaining silent on the assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February, 2026, after Modi visited Israel on the eve of the daring surprise attack on Iran, however had to protest US military action during the last phase of Pakistan-Qatar mediated talks to arrange a ceasefire. India bitterly complained when US targeted ships crewed by Indians in the Hormuz Strait.

In the second week of June, 2026, the US attacked three ships, namely The Marivex, a Palau-flagged oil tanker, merchant tanker Jalveer and merchant tanker Settebello in the Gulf of Oman. The attack on Settebello claimed the lives of three Indians. The US justified attacks on the basis that all three ships violated blockade imposed on Iranian ports. Can such unilateral actions be justified under any circumstances?

Indian and foreign news agencies quoted India’s Centre of Indian Trade Unions as having said in a statement: “When a foreign military kills Indian workers in international waters, the government of India must speak – loudly and firmly.” That statement even received the attention of CNN.

The US launched the blockade on 13 April, 2026, after failing to achieve its primary objectives though Iran endured significant damage. The US forces disabled eight vessels and redirected 134 others.

India insisted that “targeting of commercial shipping and civilian infrastructure in the region must end. But, India never condemned the sinking of an unarmed Iranian frigate returning home from Visakhapatnam.

The US allowed Sri Lanka and India to accommodate two other ships that were accompanying IRIS Dena at the time of its sinking off Galle-Hambantota stretch. The US had the opportunity to hit all three ships but refrained from doing so.

Expanded US role

While claiming Sri Lanka a part of OBOR strategy on the basis of HIP being a dual-use naval facility, the US and India stepped up military assistance to Sri Lanka. Since the transferring of a US Coast Guard vessel in 2004/2005 to Sri Lanka, the US provided a range of assistance with direct intelligence support during the 2006-2009 period leading to destruction of four LTTE floating warehouses in the high seas.

But with the US-India backed regime change operation achieving the desired result in 2022, the superpower and the regional power appeared to have advanced their strategy to a new level. The removal of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had been of pivotal importance to their game plan but emergence of Ranil Wickremesinghe as Gotabaya’s successor undermined their strategy.

On behalf of the conspirators, the then Indian High Commissioner Gopal Baglay (2020 to 2023) went to the extent of urging Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the presidency as an interim measure to thwart Wickremesinghe’s ascent to power for obvious reasons.

The US quietly dropped accountability issues that dominated bilateral issues since the successful conclusion of war in 2009 from its agenda while it stepped-up military assistance to cash-strapped Sri Lanka.

US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Paul Kapur, on 22 June, declared in Colombo the delivery of U.S. satellite communications technology to the Sri Lanka Navy, their self-proclaimed Indo-Pacific partner. The US Embassy, in a statement issued following the official announcement made on aboard SLNS Gajabahu at the Port of Colombo, quoted Kapur as having said: “This secure, real-time connection —representing a transformational upgrade for the Sri Lanka Navy— will be available aboard their entire fleet of offshore patrol vessels and ensures no communication gap at sea. It will allow our Sri Lanka partners to respond quickly to emergencies, protect the cargo ships that fuel our economy, and disrupt illegal activity across the Indian Ocean before it reaches our shores.”

On the following day, the US officially handed over 10 US-built TH-57 Sea Ranger (Bell 206) single engined helicopters to the Sri Lanka Air Force. The event, held at the Ratmalana air base, was attended by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Kapur and US Pacific Air Forces Commander General Kevin Schneide.

It would be pertinent to mention that the SLNS Gajabahu is one of the four former US Coast Guard vessels transferred since 2004/2005. But, the US refrained from transferring ships to Sri Lanka during the war and the second ex-Coast Guard vessel was made available in 2017, a decade after the end of the conflict. Of the four US Coast Guard vessels, Sri Lanka took delivery of the last one a couple of months ago and it arrived here in May.

The US-Sri Lanka relations had never been so strong though the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) was signed in March 2007 during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first term. The US and India seemed to be overtly happy with the ruling National People’s Power (NPP) approach.

The US-India accusations that HIP is a dual-use naval facility while simultaneously providing military assistance seems contradictory.

A forgotten move

Soon after the 2019 presidential election, Gotabaya Rajapaksa deeply antagonised China when he declared that the 99-year lease of the Hambantota Port was a mistake. President Rajapaksa revealed his decision to renegotiate the agreement.

In an hour-long exclusive interview, his first since becoming the President, aired on Nitin A Gokhle’s Strategic News International (SNI) web platform and on the defence website Barthshakthi, the newly elected President said: “We were never to give control of the Port [Hambantota] to China; that was a mistake.” Rajapaksa pointed out that the decision was made by the previous administration.

“The previous Government gave it on a 99-year lease, and even though China is a good friend of ours and we need their assistance for development, I am not afraid to say that was a mistake.”

But, the President retracted his statement soon after China warned that re-negotiations wouldn’t be possible under any circumstances. The President had no option but to call a special meeting with the Colombo-based journalists working for international news agencies to retract his statement to the Strategic News International (SNI) web platform and the defence website Barthshakthi. Who influenced President Rajapaksa to declare his intention to renegotiate the Hambantota Port deal? Did President Rajapaksa at least consult his elder brother Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa or the Cabinet of Ministers? Or did Gokhle, in some way, influenced the President.

The President couldn’t have been unaware of the possible angry Chinese reaction as Sri Lanka suffered due to the foolish Yahapalana decision to suspend the Colombo Port City project. In keeping with UNP leader Ranil Wickremeinghe’s promise to halt the Colombo Port City project, in the run-up to the presidential election, in January 2015, at his behest the Cabinet of Ministers suspended the project. Sri Lanka made the announcement on 5 March, 2015.

The utterly irresponsible Yahapalana leadership justified their idiotic decision on the failure on the part of China and Sri Lanka to follow proper procedures in launching the project. The Indian and US hand in the Colombo Port City work stoppage was transparent. But, at the end, China forced the Yahapalana government to lift the suspension to pave the way for the resumption of work.

The NPP hadn’t been formed at that time. The JVP formed the NPP ahead of the 2019 presidential poll and opposed both the Colombo Port City and the Hambantota Port, primarily over sovereignty concerns. But since winning the presidential and parliamentary polls in 2024, the JVP-led NPP seemed to be continuing with Chinese projects while creating extra space for the US and India. It wouldn’t be wrong to say that Sri Lanka is tilted towards the US-India combine. Regardless of the often repeated pledge to what some called strict commitment to non-alignment, Sri Lanka is now in that US-led camp. US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Kapur’s declaration onboard SLNS Gajabahu proved that.

Indo-Lanka relations

The signing of the Memorandum of Understanding on Defence, on 5 April, 2025, in Colombo, immediately followed by India securing controlling shares of the security-related Colombo Dockyard Ltd., previously owned by Quad member Japan, marked an increasing loss of sovereignty to an overwhelming neighbour. Altogether, India and Sri Lanka signed seven MoUs. The presence of the Indian Premier at the signing ceremony underscored the importance of the occasion.

Both governments are of the view that all MoUs cannot be fully disclosed. They believe that there is no need or responsibility on the part of India and Sri Lanka to do so. However, none of the political parties represented in the current Parliament are not publicly opposed to the Indian approach. Over the years, India, China and the US have enhanced relations with political parties here as well as others, they are confident of pursuing their agendas.

While the local and global focus is on Hambantota Port, within 24 hours after Premier Modi concluded his visit to Colombo in the first week of April 2025, the Colombo West International Terminal (CWIT), Lanka’s first fully automated container terminal with an $800 million investment, officially began operations.

The project, developed under a 35-year Build, Operate, and Transfer (BOT) agreement, is managed by a consortium of India’s Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Ltd (APSEZ), Sri Lankan conglomerate John Keells Holdings PLC, and the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA).

There are five container terminals at the Colombo port. They are Jaya Container Terminal (JCT), the oldest built during JRJ tenure; South Asia Gateway Terminals (SAGT), Colombo International Container Terminals (CICT), Unity Container Terminal (UCT), and the Colombo West International Terminal (CWIT). China spearheads the CICT operation. China (China Merchants Port Holdings Company Limited [CMPort]) owns 85% stake and the rest belongs to Sri Lanka (Sri Lanka Ports Authority).

Regardless of US and Indian interventions, China has sustained its operations here primarily focusing on Beijing’s major investments. China suffered a setback in 2024, when the US-India combine forced President Ranil Wickremesinghe to announce a one-year ban on foreign research ships visiting Sri Lanka. It was supposed to end on December 31, 2024. But, the NPP, in spite of publicly promising to state its stand on the ban that obviously targeted China, is yet to disclose its position. In fact, the writer raised this issue with Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath in January this year and he assured an announcement within two months.

Sri Lanka is in a deepening dilemma as the US and India relentlessly pressure the country on multiple issues. New Delhi is keen to upgrade the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and also connect the two countries through a land bridge in line with the overall enhancement of bilateral relations at every level. The seven MoUs finalised on 5 April, 2025, were meant to take the relations to the next level. The following are the MoUs (1) HVDC Interconnection (high-voltage direct current power link) for Import/Export of Power (2) Sharing Successful Digital Solutions Implemented at Population Scale for Digital Transformation (3) Development of Trincomalee as an Energy Hub (4) defence cooperation (5) grant assistance for the Eastern Province (6) cooperation in the fields of health and medicine and (7) Pharmacopoeial cooperation between the Indian Pharmacopoeia Commission.

With Sri Lanka in total political turmoil, foreign powers may find it easier to advance their agendas at different levels, simultaneously.

Midweek Review

The Sacred Strains of W.D. Amaradewa

Published

6 days ago

2026/07/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

The mellow, sacred strains of W.D. Amaradewa,

The master singer who plumbed the depths,

Of the ordinary people’s hearts and minds,

Wafting from the Dansala across the street,

Where devotees clad in immaculate white,

Gave themselves a much needed repast,

Helped give the venerated day just past,

Its special spiritual meaning and identity,

Putting the cardinal point beyond doubt,

Of content and medium being one in great art.

By Lynn Ockersz

Midweek Review

Opp. caught up in CIABOC offensive

Published

2 weeks ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Mahinda Rajapaksa leaving CIABOC on 12 June, 2026

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) on 12 June questioned former President Mahinda Rajapaksa regarding the USD 2 Mn bribe allegation directed at the late SriLankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena, whose body was found on 8 May in a close relative’s home in Kollupitiya. Chandrasena’s alleged suicide sent shock waves through political circles and interested parties questioned the circumstances leading to him being granted bail on 6 May on cash bail of Rs. 500,000 with three sureties of Rs. 10 million each. The Colombo Magistrate court also imposed a travel ban. The issue at hand is as to how Mohamed Riswan and Mohamed Irshan stood as sureties for Chandrasekera. Of all the investigations undertaken by the CIABOC, the USD 2 Mn bribe case is the most politically charged probe.

Of the Rajapaksas, former State Minister Shasheendra Rajapaksa is so far the last to be indicted. CIABOC on 19 June filed indictments before the Colombo High Court against him and two others Sepalika Saman Kumari and Keerthi Bandara Kotagama. According to the charges, the accused are alleged to have committed the offence of corruption and aided and abetted the commission of the offence by using official influence to pressure certain government officials, attached to the Office for Reparations, to obtain compensation amounting to Rs. 8.85 million for a property built on a state land by Shasheendra and destroyed by marauding Aragalaya mobs.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The ruling National People’s Power (NPP) government last week emphasised, in no uncertain terms, that it wouldn’t tolerate the growing Opposition challenge.

Amidst the growing controversy over the continuing detention of retired Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay. in terms of the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), under humiliating conditions, in connection with the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, police arrested Sugeeshwara Bandara, leader of the New People’s Front (NPF). The Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) apprehended him on 18 June and the Fort Magistrate’s Court remended him till 1 July..

The CCIB also apprehended Binoy Hettiarachchi who was accompanying Bandara. Hettiarachchi served as a media coordinator at the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office. Police intercepted their vehicle at Kollupitiya where the arrests were made like in an action-packed movie. Hettiarachchi was freed four hours later.

But, it would be better to identify Bandara as the former private secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as well as the Director General of Special Projects at the Presidential Secretariat in the wake of Ranil Wickremesinghe taking over the presidency.

Accused of receiving two salaries simultaneously, under the President’s Expenditure Head, Bandara who managed the media for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the run-up to the 2019 presidential election, is under investigation for abuse of government vehicles and employing government workers for political work.

Having launched his political career as the Colombo District organiser of the alliance New People’s Front, a breakaway faction of the UPFA, in February, 2024, Bandara contested the November, 2024, parliamentary polls on the New Democratic Front (NDF) ticket. But, of late, Bandara, as the leader of NPF, became one of the most active opposition activists, aligned with the political grouping, dubbed People’s United Opposition, operating from Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office.

Bandara drew the wrath of the government when he launched a noisy protest outside Finance Secretary Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma’s residence at Akuregoda, Pelawatta, on 26 April, where he and his protesting supporters were given a shower of excreta. The group, led by Bandara, demanded the Finance Secretary’s resignation over the theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury. No less a person than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reacted angrily to Bandara’s actions.

Acknowledging the right for legitimate protests, the President warned against protests directed at residences of officials. On 18 April, Bandara led a protest outside Agriculture Minister K.D. Lal Kantha’s recently built luxury residence at Weliwita, Kaduwela, where he questioned how the JVPer managed to build such a home as he was on record as having repeatedly said that he lived a difficult life.

The police apprehended Bandara as he was returning from a meeting between senior representatives of the People’s United Opposition and the IMF Colombo at the Tiki Bar, Shangri-La. In spite of negligible parliamentary presence, with those elected on the NDF ticket at the last parliamentary election not really speaking in one voice, the Flower Road project has become a headache for the government.

In fact, the Flower Road operation has been causing continuous harassment to the NPP, while the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) struggled to play its anticipated role as the main Opposition. Instead of conducting a cohesive campaign against the cocky NPP government, members of the SJB seem to be pulling in different directions at the expense of the common opposition front.

Regardless of the Wickremesinghe-led grouping vowing to press ahead with its campaign, the arrest of Bandara is obviously meant to have a detrimental impact on the activities of the Opposition.

It would be pertinent to mention that Bandara had been among those who stayed with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the President’s House, in Colombo, as a massive protest erupted on 9 July, 2022. Bandara was among the last to flee the President’s House as the military withdrew, amidst mounting pressure on their positions.

The police arrested Bandara as former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa moved the Court of Appeal in terms of Article 140 of the Constitution to prevent him being arrested under the PTA. The wartime Defence Secretary sought the court intervention in the wake of police probing the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage and obtaining a travel ban against him.

The court heard Romesh de Silva PC’s submissions on behalf of the ex-President on 18 June. The court deferred the hearing to 24 June. The crux of the matter is that the ex-President fears that the CID is about to arrest him on the basis of a statement made by fugitive Azad Moulana, in Paris, linking Sallay directly with the Easter Sunday carnage.

NPP intensifies pressure

The NPP seems confident of its current course of action meant to pin down the Opposition. In spite of unbridled corruption being the major issue on the post-war election platform, no political party succeeded in going flat-out against the political opposition.

However, the NPP allowed the judicial process to continue. The first major sentencing was announced on 2 April, 2025, just six months after the parliamentary polls, handsomely won by the NPP. The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) moved the Colombo High Court successfully against the former Chief Minister of the North Central Province S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon.

Colombo High Court No. 01 Judge Adithya Patabendige sentenced him in terms of Section 70 of the Bribery Act. The HC declared the former CM perpetrated malpractices by ordering fuel to his personal secretary’s vehicle. The personal secretary happened to be Shanthi Chandrasena, wife of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, a former Cabinet Minister and one of the most powerful Ministers to represent the North Central province.

The ex- Chief Minister and the second accused, his personal secretary, were convicted guilty of two charges. Both were sentenced to 16 years rigorous imprisonment and were also ordered to pay a fine of Rs. 200,000/- with an additional two-year prison term in case of default.

Deputy Director General Asitha Anthoney appeared on behalf of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.

There had never been any really coordinated CIABOC campaign against corruption. No political party, or a particular family, felt threatened by CIABOC. Both those in and outside Parliament acted with impunity. They feared no one. There was no need to be because the powerful and the influential operated above the law.

Just a couple of weeks after sentencing of S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon and Shanthini Chandrasena, the CIABOC arrested the latter’s husband, one-time Deputy Economic Development Minister and Special Projects Minister, S.M. Chandrasena. The CIABOC took him into custody on 4 July, 2025.

The CIABOC accused the former Minister of causing loss to the government by distributing seed corn, imported at a cost of Rs 25 mn, in 2024, among the farmer community in the Anuradhapura district, at a subsidised price. The distribution had taken place ahead of the 2015 presidential election contested by Mahinda Rajapaksa and estranged former SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena. The CIABOC alleged that Chandrasena exerted undue influence on the Director (Planning) and other officers of the District Secretariat and distributed seeds through his political allies to gain an advantage in the 2015 presidential election and incurred a loss to the government.

Chandrasena was granted bail on 1 August, 2025. He was indicted on 12 June before the Colombo High Court.

Before further discussing the ongoing anti-corruption campaign, let me introduce the top leadership of CIABOC. The Commission consists of Justice W.M.N.P. Iddawela (Chairman), K.B. Rajapakse and Chethiya Goonesekera P.C, with High Court judge R.S.A. Dissanayake as its Director General.

The sentencing of the S. M. Ranjith Samarakoon didn’t really bother his side. The arrest of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, too, didn’t really upset those facing charges. But, sentencing of former Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage and former Sathosa Chairman and former Trade Minister Nalin Fernando on 29 May, 2025, sent shock waves through the Opposition.

The Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar sentenced Aluthgamage and Fernando for committing the offence of corruption by purchasing 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 checkers boards through Sathosa, allegedly to distribute to schools and sports clubs selected by the Sports Ministry, and distributing them to party offices of the government, during the 2015 presidential election campaign thereby, causing a loss of over 53 million rupees to the government, stunned the Opposition.

Aluthgamage was sentenced to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment, Fernando received a sentence of 25 years of rigorous imprisonment. Additionally, a fine of Rs. 100,000 (hundred thousand) was imposed for each count.

The CIABOC’s Assistant Director General Mrs. Anuththara Jayasinghe and Assistant Director General Mrs. Thushari Dayaratne conducted the prosecution.

During the Yahapalana government Aluthgamage spearheaded a high profile anti-corruption campaign, dubbed ‘Yahapalana Top 10 kamba horu’. The then Joint Opposition (JO) group, led in Parliament by Dinesh Gunawardena, published a 750-page book, targeting the Yahapalana ministers. Mahindananda, who spearheaded that campaign, is now serving a long sentence.

The JO group consists of UPFA lawmakers who declined to throw their weight behind the then President Sirisena aligned with the UNP.

Let me mention the names of those against whom the accusations were made by the JO.

Yahapalana corruption

The JO dealt with 10 major cases. (1) The Treasury bond scams perpetrated in 2015 and 2016. Accusations were directed at Ranil Wickremesinghe, Ravi Karunanayake and Governor Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran. The losses were estimated at Rs 26 bn. (2) causing losses amounting to Rs 10 bn through the fraudulent import of vehicles. Ravi Karunanayake was named the chief culprit (3) Misappropriation of Mahapola funds to the tune of Rs. 1 bn. Allegations were directed at Malik Samarawickrema (4) Stealing from an insurance scheme implemented for the benefit of those going for employment in West Asia. The JO accused Thalatha Atukarale of misappropriating funds amounting Rs 1.5 bn (5) Receiving Rs 1.5 bn through the leasing of Hambantota port to China on a 99-year lease. Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema and R. Paskaralingam were named the offenders (6) Kabir Hashim was accused of causing a loss of Rs 54 bn by cancelling aircraft ordered from Airbus Industries for the national carrier (7) fraudulent activities pertaining to the release of paddy stocks held by the government. The JO estimated the losses caused to the government at Rs 10 bn. (8) Scam in vehicle parts. Ravil Karunanayake was accused of causing losses amounting to Rs. 6.5 bn, (9 A) Dr. Rajitha Senaratne was accused of leasing of the Modera fisheries harbor and procurement of eight vessels to catch fish, fraudulently, and thereby causing losses up to Rs 1 bn, (9B) The JO also found fault with Dr. Senaratne for perpetrating Rs 1.5 bn fraud in the procurement of medicine and lastly (10) Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema, R. Paskaralingam and Charitha Ratwatte were blamed for a massive fraud in the procurement of coal for the Norochcholai coal-fired power plant. That particular fraud was estimated at Rs 5 bn.

Although the JO transformed itself to Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) later, to successfully contested the 2019 presidential election, none of the above-mentioned cases were investigated. As far as we know, none of those cases had been dealt with during the SLPP rule, from November, 2019, to July, 2022. Faced with an externally backed regime change operation, the SLPP invited Wickremesinghe, who had been named by them in three major corruption cases, to accept the premiership in May, 2022, and presidency in July same year.

So far, there is no indication whether the mentioned JO allegations had received the attention of the CIABOC or the Attorney General of the government. As far as we know of all the politicians and officials, Wickremesinghe is the only one facing imminent threat due to the ongoing case pertaining to him visiting the UK in September, 2023, to join his wife Prof. Maithree at the University of Wolverhampton at her graduation ceremony.

Wickremesinghe has been accused of squandering nearly 17 mn rupees at a time the country was in deep economic turmoil. The Fort Magistrate’s court is scheduled to take up the case on 8 July.

SLPP parliamentary group leader Namal Rajapaksa is also facing a major legal challenge. The former Minister has been indicted on charges of criminal misappropriation of Rs. 70 mn in connection with the controversial Krrish project. The indictments have been forwarded to the Colombo High Court by the Attorney General, alleging that Namal Rajapaksa misappropriated funds by receiving Rs. 70 million from the Indian real estate company for the development of rugby in Sri Lanka.

Yoshitha Rajapaksa, too, has been dealt with by the CIABOC. The Rajapaksas have been accused of lowering qualifications required to join the executive branch of the Navy and then sending him to the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom at taxpayers’ expense. Produced before the Colombo Additional Magistrate, Yoshitha was released on three personal bail bonds of Rs. 5 million each.

Producing Yoshitha before court on 17 June, Deputy Director General of the Bribery Commission, Ruvini Wickramasinghe declared: “”Your Honour, the complaint regarding this incident was received on June 25, 2016. Accordingly, the Commission initiated investigations. The complaint states that the suspect had participated in naval training programmes held in England and Ukraine by misusing government funds, while depriving qualified applicants of such opportunities. At that time, this individual, who is a civilian in the dock today, was also a civilian in 2006 when he was deemed eligible for the Royal Navy Young Officer training at the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom. The opportunities to receive this training are extremely limited. Your Honour, selection to this prestigious course is usually based on being the most outstanding cadet officer during a two-year training period or based on performance during training. However, this suspect, although a civilian in 2006, was proposed and included in the list and was sent for the course in haste.”

The Deputy Director General also stated that Yoshitha Rajapaksa had undergone medical examinations required for overseas training even before being officially recruited into the Navy.

The court was also told that though Sri Lanka previously received scholarships from the UK the Rajapaksa government funded Yoshitha to the tune of Rs 6.2 mn.

Opp. attacks CIABOC

The Opposition has repeatedly attacked the CIABOC with its Director General Ranga Dissanayake being the primary target. Accusing Dissanayake of being a JVPer, the Opposition has repeatedly questioned the conduct of the High Court judge demanding that the CIABOC inquired into the top official’s conduct, especially with regard to the alleged suicide of former Sri Lankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena who had been under investigation pertaining to the receiving of USD 2 mn bribe to facilitate procurement aircraft from Airbus Industrie during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term.

Former Foreign Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, a regular speaker at Flower Road media briefings, alleged that the CIABOC was a political tool in the NPP’s hands.

A section of the Opposition to question the circumstances one-time JVP heavyweight Nandana Gunatilleke died in January this year at the Ragama Teaching Hospital after accusing Dissanayake of pursuing an agenda beneficial to the JVP, a charge denied by the High Court judge. When the writer raised the allegations with Dissanayake, he emphatically denied any wrongdoing on his part https://island.lk/ciaboc-dg-denies-jvp-link/.

The CIABOC has simply ignored accusations directed at its DG who proved through his actions that he really meant high profile public pronouncements against corruption.

Former Deputy Minister and ex-MP Sarana Gunawardena was sentenced to a total of 16 years rigorous imprisonment by the Colombo High Court on June 8, 2026.

During the Yahapalana administration many cases, filed by the CIABOC as well as the Attorney General, were either dismissed or dropped due to lapses on their part. The accused in such cases were ex-MP Sajin Vass Gunawardena, ex-EP Chief Minister Sivanesathurei Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan, ex-Ministers Johnston Fernando, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, Basil Rajapaksha, Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Janaka Bandara Tennakoon and former AG and CJ Mohan Peiris.

Regardless of Opposition protests, the public appreciate tangible action against corruption. However, the NPP has not been free from serious allegations against it since the last general elections. The release of suspicious 323 containers, plus two containers filled with ice, in January, 2025, followed by the massive coal scam perpetrated in September 2025, loss of over USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury and controversial Aswesuma payments, as well as wealth, accumulated by NPP Ministers as revealed by declarations made to CIABOC, shocked the electorate.

The NPP has failed to counter allegations. The circumstances under which Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody resigned, along with Energy Secretary Udayanga Hemapala, on 17 April, just a week after the NPP defeated the no-confidence motion moved by the Opposition against the Energy Minister. dealt a devastating blow to the NPP’s much touted integrity. The NPP couldn’t explain as to why a person under investigation by the CIABOC for an alleged fraud perpetrated during the Yahapalana government was accommodated in President Dissanayake’s first Cabinet. Indicted before the Colombo High Court, Jayakody’s case commenced last week.

Asset declarations of some NPP Ministers have shocked the country. The SJB has called for CIABOC to investigate them without delay and prove that CIABOC was not only going after the Opposition. Ministers Lal Kantha and Wasantha Samarasinghe are two of the top JVPers who have attracted attention as the Opposition hits back at the government.

SJB MP Mujibur Rahuman said that the JVP/NPP owed an explanation as to how their members amassed so much wealth since 2024 as they repeatedly claimed their inability to meet even their basic needs. But, their asset declarations exposed their blatant lies.