Features

New political direction and its impact on Economy

Published

3 years ago

2023/07/23

(Excerpted from the Merril J. Fernando autobiography)

No memoir straddling the period of the 1950s would be complete without a reference to the changes in our society, arising from the overthrow of the United National Party (UNP) Government in 1956, in power for two consecutive terms since Independence. The political, social, and cultural changes set in motion by the election victory of the coalition forces led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, comprising the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), permanently re-configured the political and the socio-economic landscape of the country.

That victory also ended the single party dominance which the UNP had enjoyed, for eight years of parliamentary rule since Independence, paving the way for the many subsequent instances of a major party assuming power, in combination with one or more smaller parties. The implementation of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike’s pre-election assurances of language reforms and the nationalisation of large private enterprises, the latter comprising largely of British vested interests, soon brought about a new political and economic order, based on left-of-centre dogma conflated with strong anti-imperialist sentiment.

It resulted in the nationalisation of many successful businesses such as banks, insurance companies, and public transport. I recall that the many strikes that took place during this period, never before experienced in the country, had a crippling impact on imports and exports. The port workers strike of 1959 hit all industrialists equally.

Old-timers in the industry will no doubt recall the part played in easing tea exports by the Trincomalee Tea Administration (TTA), established in 1957/’58, specifically as a counter to the disruptions to tea exports by frequent work stoppages at the Colombo Port. I think that period also marked the beginning of State capitulation to trade union pressure, for increases in wages and salaries as well as the enrichment of other conditions, without corresponding returns through improvements in output.

The SWRD regime, meek in the face of worker agitation, very unwisely established the precedent for the State subsidization of unproductivity, emulated as and when dictated by political expediency by every government which followed. Unlike the MEP regime of SWRD, the preceding UNP governments, whilst consolidating post-independence parliamentary democracy, also exerted stronger control over both the economy and the administration, as well as on civil society.

However, despite the administrative and fiscal stability that the UNP governments ushered in after Independence, there was a strong groundswell of nationalist sentiment against the second UNP regime under Sir John Kotelawala, and that momentum was reflected in the comprehensive defeat of the UNP in 1956. My clear recollection is that whilst the ‘Five Great Forces’ – Sangha, Veda, Guru, Govi, and Kamkaru – arraigned behind SWRD, were expected to offer a serious challenge to the ruling party, very few would have envisaged the complete rout of the UNP that was the election result.

Whilst the foreign policy of the MEP regime was ostensibly neutralist, there was a visible leaning to the left, with the establishment of the first formal diplomatic relations with both the USSR and China, soon after SWRD assumed the premiership. The contrast with the foreign policies of the previous UNP governments was sharply outlined, on account of the latter’s clear alignment with British interests in the South East Asian region in particular. Unarguably, the opening of government to government relations with the Soviet Union and China, eventually resulted in long-term benefits, especially for the tea trade in the case of Russia.

In fairness to SWRD, it may be said that he turned the country away from heavy dependence on Western or pro-Western power blocs and steered it along a more non-aligned direction, expressed more clearly in the foreign policy implementation of the later regime of his widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike.

SWRD and the plantation economy

With regard to the plantation sector, which reflected British dominance more aggressively than any other segment of industry, there had been vigorous left wing agitation for some time for its nationalization. However, during his relatively short period in office, there was no indication that SWRD was prepared to immediately enforce such a move although, on account of the political thinking of the SWRD regime, influenced by its Marxist coalition partners, that apprehension was ever present.

For the time being though, the plantations and allied commercial interests, which were then the largest foreign exchange earners for the country, remained mainly in the hands of the British and a few local entrepreneurs. However, the increase on tax on business profit from 25% to 30% and the enhanced export duties placed additional burdens on an industrial sector already under severe internal pressure on account of intermittent strikes and other interruptions to production. In my view, the most glaring weaknesses of the SWRD administration were its tolerance of industrial indiscipline and the management of the economy.

Notwithstanding his clearly opportunistic conciliation of nationalist sentiment, which propelled him to victory, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was still pragmatic enough to realize that a sudden disruption of the plantation economy and the closely-interconnected ancillary interests, then the primary source of Ceylon’s foreign exchange earnings, would have completely destabilized the country’s economy.

However, at the Planters’ Association AGM of 1957 chaired by Senator Thomas Amarasuriya (the first Ceylonese to be elected Chairman of the PA), to which Prime Minister Bandaranaike was an invitee, the latter had, in his speech, indicated clearly to the plantation representatives that nationalization of plantations was a key component of his Government’s strategy, though that would be the last measure in the Government’s nationalization programme.

Having said that, SWRD had also given the assurance that adequate notice would be given to the interests likely to be affected. The establishment, in 1958, of the State Plantations Corporation, was also an early warning of the thinking of the regime that plantation ownership and management would no longer be a private, colonial preserve.

In the meantime, the restrictions imposed on expatriates working in the country forced many of them to leave. Among them were experienced planters and tea tasters, many of whom relocated to African tea-growing countries, both in the South and the East of that continent, and helped to develop the industry in those locations with expertise acquired in Ceylon. Others took up employment in the plantation industry in South East Asian countries. Those countries which benefited from the tea experience of our country are our strongest competitors today.

Quite apart from all the above factors, the fear of nationalization itself had a negative impact on the development of plantations, especially those owned by British companies. The older generation of plantation managers and others associated closely with the industry will recall that those estates, owned mostly by ‘Sterling Companies’ as they were known, comprised the cream of our plantations.

Land reforms and conseqences

The biggest impact of the new political direction was finally felt when it paved the way for the Land Reform Policy enactment of 1972, implemented during the tenure of SWRD’s widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, as Prime Minister. In its initial stage it vested over half a million acres, about two-thirds of that extent in tea, rubber, and coconut, with the Land Reform Commission (LRC).

Whilst some of the land thus acquired belonged to British plantation companies, the major proportion was locally owned. Although one of the stated objectives of this exercise was the redistribution of land amongst the landless, only a fraction of the acquired land eventually found its way in to the hands of the Sinhala peasantry.

The actual physical transfer of ownership took place in 1975/’76, with acquired plantation land being divided between the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation (SLSPC) and the Janatha Estates Development Board (JEDB). The newly-formed Up-Country Cooperative Estates Development Board (Usawasama) also received land for management and re-distribution. So did various village cooperative societies and councils.

Though the latter two categories had minimal competence in large-scale plantation cultivation and land and crop management, the leading politicians of the day, with bland confidence, made public statements that such acquired land would be intensely cultivated and productivity increased. Another noble proposition was the cultivation of food crops.

There is no quantifiable evidence of the results of such initiatives, if indeed they ever did take place. In reality, the damage to the well-regulated plantation industry, caused by the deeply-flawed implementation of a broad initiative, configured ostensibly for national benefit, was irreparable. In my view, despite the re-privatization of plantations in 1992, it is unlikely that the industry will ever fully recover from the detrimental changes resulting from such politically-motivated restructuring.

A time-tested management structure built on the experience of over a century, with its accumulated wisdom and knowledge, was replaced by a politically-oriented State administration, hastily cobbled together, literally overnight. The equally-hurried and insensitive implementation of the `Sinhala Only’ policy and other related reforms introduced in 1956, marginalizing minority communities, led to sporadic ethnic conflicts, commencing with the 1958 Sinhala-Tamil confrontation, igniting a long-simmering inter-community discontent and culminating in a 26-year civil war.

The latter, for its duration, hamstrung all development activities, public and private. Despite the conclusion of the conflict over a decade ago, the country yet remains divided along ethnic and religious lines and mired in internal disaffection and controversy, affecting every aspect of national progress.

The actual events briefly alluded to above have been written about, discussed, and analyzed exhaustively in the decades since. Their long term adverse consequences are also now visible, as clear evidence of the imprudence of the thinking which set those processes in motion. Therefore, I do not think it necessary for me to debate those issues in any greater depth in this narrative, except to say that the truth of the old adage, ‘the road to ruin is paved with good intentions,’ has been proven time and time again.

During the SWRD period, I developed a close friendship with the late Sarath Wijesinghe, a very successful proprietary planter, businessman, and reputed politician. He was Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Finance in the SWRD Cabinet whilst also being a member of the Senate. He subsequently served as the Minister of Nationalised Services, Minister of Labour, and the President of the Senate.

Despite his wide-ranging successes and wealth, and the high-profile positions he held in both Government and the private sector, he was a simple and approachable man. He was also Strikes Commissioner, appointed by Prime Minister SWRD, during a period of wide-spread union agitation in the country. Later I became involved with him in neutralizing union action launched by a very strong trade union controlling the export trade.

Three export companies were blockaded by striking workers. We were able to bring in workers from outstations, who were assembled at Independence Square by dawn and then transported to the three companies. Though there were violent responses from the striking workers, nobody was injured and the strikes were settled by the morning of the third day.

Overall, the SWRD period of governance was signposted by frequent strikes and civil commotions, which had a crippling impact on industry, especially the tea sector. With its almost total reliance on the export of bulk, ease of transport and shipping were a vital necessity and they were the dimensions affected most by the intermittent disruptions.

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Features

Retirement age for judges: Innovation and policy

Published

2 hours ago

2026/04/6

Thilina Walpola

I. The Constitutional Context

Independence of the judiciary is, without question, an essential element of a functioning democracy. In recognition of this, ample provision is made in the highest law of our country, the Constitution, to engender an environment in which the courts are able to fulfil their public responsibility with total acceptance.

As part of this protective apparatus, judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal are assured of security of tenure by the provision that “they shall not be removed except by an order of the President made after an address of Parliament supported by a majority of the total number of members of Parliament, (including those not present), has been presented to the President for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity”[Article 107(2)]. Since this assurance holds good for the entirety of tenure, it follows that the age of retirement should be defined with certainty. This is done by the Constitution itself by the provision that “the age of retirement of judges of the Supreme Court shall be 65 years and of judges of the Court of Appeal shall be 63 years”[Article 107(5)].

II. A Proposal for Reform

This provision has been in force ever since the commencement of the Constitution. Significant public interest, therefore, has been aroused by the lead story in a newspaper, Anidda of 13 March, that the government is proposing to extend the term of office of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal by a period of two years.

This proposal, if indeed it reflects the thinking of the government, is deeply disturbing from the standpoint of policy, and gives rise to grave consequences. The courts operating at the apex of the judicial structure are called upon to do justice between citizens and also between the state and members of the public. It is an indispensable principle governing the administration of justice that not the slightest shadow of doubt should arise in the public mind regarding the absolute objectivity and impartiality with which the courts approach this task.

What is proposed, if the newspaper report is authentic, is to confer on judges of two particular courts, the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal, a substantial benefit or advantage in the form of extension of their years of service. The question is whether the implications of this initiative are healthy for the administration of justice.

III. Governing Considerations of Policy

What is at stake is a principle intuitively identified as a pillar of justice.

Reflecting firm convictions, the legal antecedents reiterate the established position with remarkable emphasis. The classical exposition of the seminal standard is, of course, the pronouncement by Lord Hewart: “It is not merely of some importance, but is of fundamental importance that justice should not only be done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done”. (Rex v. Sussex Justices, ex parte McCarthy). The underlying principle is that perception is no less important than reality. The mere appearance of partiality has been held to vitiate proceedings: Dissanayake v. Kaleel. In particular, reasonableness of apprehension in the mind of the parties to litigation is critical: Ranjit Thakur v. Union of India, a reasonable likelihood of bias being necessarily fatal (Manak Lal v. Prem Chaud Singhvi).

The overriding factor is unshaken public confidence in the judiciary: State of West Bengal v. Shivananda Pathak. The decision must be “demonstrably” (Saleem Marsoof J.) fair. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has rightly declared: “The authority of the judiciary ultimately depends on the trust reposed in it by the people, which is sustained only when justice is administered in a visibly fair manner”.

Credibility is paramount in this regard. “Justice has to be seen to be believed” (J.B. Morton). Legality of the outcome is not decisive; process is of equal consequence. Judicial decisions, then, must withstand public scrutiny, not merely legal technicality: Mark Fernando J. in the Jana Ghosha case. Conceived as continuing vitality of natural justice principles, these are integral to justice itself: Samarawickrema J. in Fernando v. Attorney General. Institutional integrity depends on eliminating even the appearance of partiality (Mandal Vikas Nigam Ltd. v. Girja Shankar Pant), and “open justice is the cornerstone of our judicial system”: (Sahara India Real Estate Corporation Ltd. v. SEBI).

IV. Practical Constraints

Apart from these compelling considerations of policy, there are practical aspects which call for serious consideration. The effect of the proposal is that, among all judges operating at different levels in the judicature of Sri Lanka, judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal only, to the exclusion of all other judges, are singled out as the beneficiaries of the proposal. An inevitable result is that High Court and District Judges and Magistrates will find their avenues of promotion seriously impeded by the unexpected lengthening of the periods of service of currently serving judges in the two apex courts. Consequently, they will be required to retire at a point of time appreciably earlier than they had anticipated to relinquish judicial office because the prospect of promotion to higher courts, entailing higher age limits for retirement, is precipitately withdrawn. Some degree of demotivation, arising from denial of legitimate expectation, is therefore to be expected.

A possible response to this obvious problem is a decision to make the two-year extension applicable to all judicial officers, rather than confining it to judges of the two highest courts. This would solve the problem of disillusionment at lower levels of the judiciary, but other issues, clearly serious in their impact, will naturally arise.

Public service structures, to be equitable and effective, must be founded on principles of non-discrimination in respect of service conditions and related matters. Arbitrary or invidious treatment is destructive of this purpose. In determining the age of retirement of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal, some attention has been properly paid to balance and consistency. The age of retirement of a Supreme Court judge is on par with that applicable to university professors and academic staff in the higher education system. They all retire at 65 years. Members of the public service, generally, retire at 60. Medical specialists retire at 63, with the possibility of extension in special circumstances to 65. The age of retirement for High Court Judges is 61, and for Magistrates and District Judges 60. It may be noted that the policy change in 2022 aimed at specifically addressing the issue of uniformity and compatibility.

If, then, an attempt is made to carve out an ad hoc principle strictly limited to judicial officers, not admitting of a self-evident rationale, the question would inevitably arise whether this is fair by other categories of the public service and whether the latter would not entertain a justifiable sense of grievance.

This is not merely a moral or ethical issue relating to motivation and fulfillment within the public service, but it could potentially give rise to critical legal issues. It is certainly arguable that the proposed course of action represents an infringement of the postulate of equality of treatment, and non-discrimination, enshrined in Article 12(1) of the Constitution.

There would, as well, be the awkward situation that this issue, almost certain to be raised, would then have to be adjudicated upon by the Supreme Court, itself the direct and exclusive beneficiary of the impugned measure.

V. Piecemeal Amendment or an Overall Approach?

If innovation on these lines is contemplated, would it not be desirable to take up the issue as part of the new Constitution, which the government has pledged to formulate and enact, rather than as a piecemeal amendment at this moment to the existing Constitution? After all, Chapter XV, dealing with the Judiciary, contains provisions interlinked with other salient features of the Constitution, and an integrated approach would seem preferable.

VI. Conclusion

In sum, then, it is submitted that the proposed change is injurious to the institutional integrity of the judiciary and to the prestige and stature of judges, and that it should not be implemented without full consideration of all the issues involved.

By Professor G. L. Peiris
D. Phil. (Oxford), Ph. D. (Sri Lanka);
Former Minister of Justice, Constitutional Affairs and National Integration;
Quondam Visiting Fellow of the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge and London;
Former Vice-Chancellor and Emeritus Professor of Law of the University of Colombo.

Features

Ranked 134th in Happiness: Rethinking Sri Lanka’s development through happiness, youth wellbeing and resilience

Published

2 hours ago

2026/04/6

Thilina Walpola

In recent years, Sri Lanka has experienced a succession of overlapping challenges that have tested its resilience. Cyclone Ditwah struck Sri Lanka in November last year, significantly disrupting the normal lives of its citizens. The infrastructure damage is much more serious than the tsunami. According to World Bank reports and preliminary estimates, the losses amounted to approximately US$ 4.1 billion, nearly 4 per cent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product. Before taking a break from that, the emerging crisis in the Middle East has once again raised concerns about potential economic repercussions. In particular, those already affected by disasters such as Cyclone Ditwah risk falling “from the frying pan into the fire,” facing multiple hardships simultaneously. Currently, we see fuel prices rising, four-day workweeks, a higher cost of living, increased pressure on household incomes, and a reduction in the overall standard of living for ordinary citizens. It would certainly affect people’s happiness. As human beings, we naturally aspire to live happy and fulfilling lives. At a time when the world is increasingly talking about happiness and wellbeing, the World Happiness Report provides a useful way of looking at how countries are doing. The World Happiness Report discusses global well-being and offers strategies to improve it. The report is produced annually with contributions from the University of Oxford’s Wellbeing Research Centre, Gallup, the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network, and other stakeholders. There are many variables taken into consideration for the index, including the core measure (Cantril Ladder) and six explanatory variables (GDP per Capita ,Social Support,Healthy Life Expectancy,Freedom to Make Life Choices,Generosity,Perceptions of Corruption), with a final comparison.

According to the recently published World Happiness Report 2026, Sri Lanka ranks 134th out of 147 nations. As per the report, this is the first time that Sri Lanka has suffered such a decline. Sri Lanka currently trails behind most of its South Asian neighbours in the happiness index. The World Happiness Report 2026 attributes Sri Lanka’s low ranking (134th) to a combination of persistent economic struggles, social challenges, and modern pressures on younger generations. The 2026 report specifically noted that excessive social media use is a growing factor contributing to declining life satisfaction among young people globally, including in Sri Lanka. This calls for greater vigilance and careful reflection. These concerns should be examined alongside key observations, particularly in the context of education reforms in Sri Lanka, which must look beyond their immediate scope and engage more meaningfully with the country’s future.

In recent years, a series of events has triggered political upheaval in countries such as Nepal, characterised by widespread protests, government collapse, and the emergence of interim administration. Most reports and news outlets described this as “Gen Z protests.” First, we need to understand what Generation Z is and its key attributes. Born between 1997 and 2012, Generation Z represents the first truly “digital native” generation—raised not just with the internet, but immersed in it. Their lives revolve around digital ecosystems: TikTok sets cultural trends, Instagram fuels discovery, YouTube delivers learning, and WhatsApp sustains peer communities. This constant, feed-driven engagement shapes not only how they consume content but how they think, act, and spend. Tech-savvy and socially aware, Gen Z holds brands to a higher standard. For them, authenticity, transparency, and accountability—especially on environmental and ethical issues—aren’t marketing tools; they’re baseline expectations. We can also observe instances of them becoming unnecessarily arrogant in making quick decisions and becoming tools of some harmful anti-social ideological groups. However, we must understand that any generation should have proper education about certain aspects of the normal world, such as respecting others, listening to others, and living well. More interestingly, a global survey by the McKinsey Health Institute, covering 42,083 people across 26 countries, finds that Gen Z reports poorer mental health than older cohorts and is more likely to perceive social media as harmful.

Youth health behaviour in Sri Lanka reveals growing concerns in mental health and wellbeing. Around 18% of youth (here, school-going adolescents aged 13-17) experience depression, 22.4% feel lonely, and 11.9% struggle with sleep due to worry, with issues rising alongside digital exposure. Suicide-related risks are significant, with notable proportions reporting thoughts, plans, and attempts, particularly among females. Bullying remains a significant concern, particularly among males, with cyberbullying emerging as a notable issue. At the same time, substance use is increasing, including tobacco, smokeless tobacco, and e-cigarettes. These trends highlight the urgent need for targeted interventions to support youth mental health, resilience, and healthier behavioural outcomes in Sri Lanka. We need to create a forum in Sri Lanka to keep young people informed about this. Sri Lanka can designate a date (like April 25th) as a National Youth Empowerment Day to strengthen youth mental health and suicide prevention efforts. This should be supported by a comprehensive, multi-sectoral strategy aligned with basic global guidelines. Key priorities include school-based emotional learning, counselling services, and mental health training for teachers and parents. Strengthening data systems, reducing access to harmful means, and promoting responsible media reporting are essential. Empowering families and communities through awareness and digital tools will ensure this day becomes a meaningful national call to action.

As discussed earlier, Sri Lanka must carefully understand and respond to the challenges arising from its ongoing changes. Sri Lanka should establish an immediate task force comprising responsible stakeholders to engage in discussions on ongoing concerns. Recognising that it is not a comprehensive solution, the World Happiness Index can nevertheless act as an important indicator in guiding a paradigm shift in how we approach education and economic development. For a country seeking to reposition itself globally, Sri Lanka must adopt stronger, more effective strategies across multiple sectors. Building a resilient and prosperous future requires sound policymaking and clear strategic direction.

(The writer is a Professor in Management Studies at the Open University of Sri Lanka. You can reach Professor Abeysekera via nabey@ou.ac.lk)

by Prof. Nalin Abeysekera

Features

Hidden diversity in Sri Lanka’s killifish revealed: New study reshapes understanding of island’s freshwater biodiversity

Published

2 hours ago

2026/04/6

Thilina Walpola

Aplocheilus parvus

A groundbreaking new study led by an international team of scientists, including Sri Lankan researcher Tharindu Ranasinghe, has uncovered striking genetic distinctions in two closely related killifish species—reshaping long-standing assumptions about freshwater biodiversity shared between Sri Lanka and India.

Published recently in Zootaxa, the research brings together leading ichthyologists such as Hiranya Sudasinghe, Madhava Meegaskumbura, Neelesh Dahanukar and Rajeev Raghavan, alongside other regional experts, highlighting a growing South Asian collaboration in biodiversity science.

For decades, scientists debated whether Aplocheilus blockii and Aplocheilus parvus were in fact the same species. But the new genetic analysis confirms they are “distinct, reciprocally monophyletic sister species,” providing long-awaited clarity to their taxonomic identity.

Speaking to The Island, Ranasinghe said the findings underscore the hidden complexity of Sri Lanka’s freshwater ecosystems.

“What appears superficially similar can be genetically very different,” he noted. “Our study shows that even widespread, common-looking species can hold deep evolutionary histories that we are only now beginning to understand.”

A tale of two fishes

The study reveals that Aplocheilus blockii is restricted to peninsular India, while Aplocheilus parvus occurs both in southern India and across Sri Lanka’s lowland wetlands.

Despite their close relationship, the two species show clear genetic separation, with a measurable “genetic gap” distinguishing them. Subtle physical differences—such as the pattern of iridescent scales—also help scientists tell them apart.

Co-author Sudasinghe, who has led several landmark studies on Sri Lankan freshwater fishes, noted that such integrative approaches combining genetics and morphology are redefining taxonomy in the region.

Echoes of ancient land bridges

The findings also shed light on the ancient biogeographic links between Sri Lanka and India.

Scientists believe that during periods of low sea levels in the past, the two landmasses were connected by the now-submerged Palk Isthmus, allowing freshwater species to move between them.

Later, rising seas severed this connection, isolating populations and driving genetic divergence.

“These fishes likely dispersed between India and Sri Lanka when the land bridge existed,” Ranasinghe said. “Subsequent isolation has resulted in the patterns of genetic structure we see today.”

Meegaskumbura emphasised that such patterns are increasingly being observed across multiple freshwater fish groups in Sri Lanka, pointing to a shared evolutionary history shaped by geography and climate.

A deeper genetic divide

One of the study’s most striking findings is that Sri Lankan populations of A. parvus are genetically distinct from those in India, with no shared haplotypes between the two regions.

Dahanukar explained that this level of differentiation, despite relatively recent geological separation, highlights how quickly freshwater species can diverge when isolated.

Meanwhile, Raghavan pointed out that these findings reinforce the importance of conserving habitats across both countries, as each region harbours unique genetic diversity.

Implications for conservation

The study carries important implications for conservation, particularly in a country like Sri Lanka where freshwater ecosystems are under increasing pressure from development, pollution, and climate change.

Ranasinghe stressed that understanding genetic diversity is key to protecting species effectively.

“If we treat all populations as identical, we risk losing unique genetic lineages,” he warned. “Conservation planning must recognise these hidden differences.”

Sri Lanka is already recognised as a global biodiversity hotspot, but studies like this suggest that its biological richness may be even greater than previously thought.

A broader scientific shift

The research also contributes to a growing body of work by scientists such as Sudasinghe and Meegaskumbura, challenging traditional assumptions about species distributions in the region.

Earlier studies often assumed that many freshwater fish species were shared uniformly between India and Sri Lanka. However, modern genetic tools are revealing a far more complex picture—one shaped by ancient geography, climatic shifts, and evolutionary processes.

“We are moving from a simplistic view of biodiversity to a much more nuanced understanding,” Ranasinghe said. “And Sri Lanka is proving to be a fascinating natural laboratory for this kind of research.”

Looking ahead

The researchers emphasise that much remains to be explored, with several freshwater fish groups in Sri Lanka still poorly understood at the genetic level.

For Sri Lanka, the message is clear: beneath its rivers, tanks, and wetlands lies a largely untapped reservoir of evolutionary history.

As Ranasinghe puts it:

“Every stream could hold a story of millions of years in the making. We are only just beginning to read them.”

By Ifham Nizam