Features

New political direction and its impact on Economy

Published

3 years ago

2023/07/23

(Excerpted from the Merril J. Fernando autobiography)

No memoir straddling the period of the 1950s would be complete without a reference to the changes in our society, arising from the overthrow of the United National Party (UNP) Government in 1956, in power for two consecutive terms since Independence. The political, social, and cultural changes set in motion by the election victory of the coalition forces led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, comprising the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), permanently re-configured the political and the socio-economic landscape of the country.

That victory also ended the single party dominance which the UNP had enjoyed, for eight years of parliamentary rule since Independence, paving the way for the many subsequent instances of a major party assuming power, in combination with one or more smaller parties. The implementation of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike’s pre-election assurances of language reforms and the nationalisation of large private enterprises, the latter comprising largely of British vested interests, soon brought about a new political and economic order, based on left-of-centre dogma conflated with strong anti-imperialist sentiment.

It resulted in the nationalisation of many successful businesses such as banks, insurance companies, and public transport. I recall that the many strikes that took place during this period, never before experienced in the country, had a crippling impact on imports and exports. The port workers strike of 1959 hit all industrialists equally.

Old-timers in the industry will no doubt recall the part played in easing tea exports by the Trincomalee Tea Administration (TTA), established in 1957/’58, specifically as a counter to the disruptions to tea exports by frequent work stoppages at the Colombo Port. I think that period also marked the beginning of State capitulation to trade union pressure, for increases in wages and salaries as well as the enrichment of other conditions, without corresponding returns through improvements in output.

The SWRD regime, meek in the face of worker agitation, very unwisely established the precedent for the State subsidization of unproductivity, emulated as and when dictated by political expediency by every government which followed. Unlike the MEP regime of SWRD, the preceding UNP governments, whilst consolidating post-independence parliamentary democracy, also exerted stronger control over both the economy and the administration, as well as on civil society.

However, despite the administrative and fiscal stability that the UNP governments ushered in after Independence, there was a strong groundswell of nationalist sentiment against the second UNP regime under Sir John Kotelawala, and that momentum was reflected in the comprehensive defeat of the UNP in 1956. My clear recollection is that whilst the ‘Five Great Forces’ – Sangha, Veda, Guru, Govi, and Kamkaru – arraigned behind SWRD, were expected to offer a serious challenge to the ruling party, very few would have envisaged the complete rout of the UNP that was the election result.

Whilst the foreign policy of the MEP regime was ostensibly neutralist, there was a visible leaning to the left, with the establishment of the first formal diplomatic relations with both the USSR and China, soon after SWRD assumed the premiership. The contrast with the foreign policies of the previous UNP governments was sharply outlined, on account of the latter’s clear alignment with British interests in the South East Asian region in particular. Unarguably, the opening of government to government relations with the Soviet Union and China, eventually resulted in long-term benefits, especially for the tea trade in the case of Russia.

In fairness to SWRD, it may be said that he turned the country away from heavy dependence on Western or pro-Western power blocs and steered it along a more non-aligned direction, expressed more clearly in the foreign policy implementation of the later regime of his widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike.

SWRD and the plantation economy

With regard to the plantation sector, which reflected British dominance more aggressively than any other segment of industry, there had been vigorous left wing agitation for some time for its nationalization. However, during his relatively short period in office, there was no indication that SWRD was prepared to immediately enforce such a move although, on account of the political thinking of the SWRD regime, influenced by its Marxist coalition partners, that apprehension was ever present.

For the time being though, the plantations and allied commercial interests, which were then the largest foreign exchange earners for the country, remained mainly in the hands of the British and a few local entrepreneurs. However, the increase on tax on business profit from 25% to 30% and the enhanced export duties placed additional burdens on an industrial sector already under severe internal pressure on account of intermittent strikes and other interruptions to production. In my view, the most glaring weaknesses of the SWRD administration were its tolerance of industrial indiscipline and the management of the economy.

Notwithstanding his clearly opportunistic conciliation of nationalist sentiment, which propelled him to victory, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was still pragmatic enough to realize that a sudden disruption of the plantation economy and the closely-interconnected ancillary interests, then the primary source of Ceylon’s foreign exchange earnings, would have completely destabilized the country’s economy.

However, at the Planters’ Association AGM of 1957 chaired by Senator Thomas Amarasuriya (the first Ceylonese to be elected Chairman of the PA), to which Prime Minister Bandaranaike was an invitee, the latter had, in his speech, indicated clearly to the plantation representatives that nationalization of plantations was a key component of his Government’s strategy, though that would be the last measure in the Government’s nationalization programme.

Having said that, SWRD had also given the assurance that adequate notice would be given to the interests likely to be affected. The establishment, in 1958, of the State Plantations Corporation, was also an early warning of the thinking of the regime that plantation ownership and management would no longer be a private, colonial preserve.

In the meantime, the restrictions imposed on expatriates working in the country forced many of them to leave. Among them were experienced planters and tea tasters, many of whom relocated to African tea-growing countries, both in the South and the East of that continent, and helped to develop the industry in those locations with expertise acquired in Ceylon. Others took up employment in the plantation industry in South East Asian countries. Those countries which benefited from the tea experience of our country are our strongest competitors today.

Quite apart from all the above factors, the fear of nationalization itself had a negative impact on the development of plantations, especially those owned by British companies. The older generation of plantation managers and others associated closely with the industry will recall that those estates, owned mostly by ‘Sterling Companies’ as they were known, comprised the cream of our plantations.

Land reforms and conseqences

The biggest impact of the new political direction was finally felt when it paved the way for the Land Reform Policy enactment of 1972, implemented during the tenure of SWRD’s widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, as Prime Minister. In its initial stage it vested over half a million acres, about two-thirds of that extent in tea, rubber, and coconut, with the Land Reform Commission (LRC).

Whilst some of the land thus acquired belonged to British plantation companies, the major proportion was locally owned. Although one of the stated objectives of this exercise was the redistribution of land amongst the landless, only a fraction of the acquired land eventually found its way in to the hands of the Sinhala peasantry.

The actual physical transfer of ownership took place in 1975/’76, with acquired plantation land being divided between the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation (SLSPC) and the Janatha Estates Development Board (JEDB). The newly-formed Up-Country Cooperative Estates Development Board (Usawasama) also received land for management and re-distribution. So did various village cooperative societies and councils.

Though the latter two categories had minimal competence in large-scale plantation cultivation and land and crop management, the leading politicians of the day, with bland confidence, made public statements that such acquired land would be intensely cultivated and productivity increased. Another noble proposition was the cultivation of food crops.

There is no quantifiable evidence of the results of such initiatives, if indeed they ever did take place. In reality, the damage to the well-regulated plantation industry, caused by the deeply-flawed implementation of a broad initiative, configured ostensibly for national benefit, was irreparable. In my view, despite the re-privatization of plantations in 1992, it is unlikely that the industry will ever fully recover from the detrimental changes resulting from such politically-motivated restructuring.

A time-tested management structure built on the experience of over a century, with its accumulated wisdom and knowledge, was replaced by a politically-oriented State administration, hastily cobbled together, literally overnight. The equally-hurried and insensitive implementation of the `Sinhala Only’ policy and other related reforms introduced in 1956, marginalizing minority communities, led to sporadic ethnic conflicts, commencing with the 1958 Sinhala-Tamil confrontation, igniting a long-simmering inter-community discontent and culminating in a 26-year civil war.

The latter, for its duration, hamstrung all development activities, public and private. Despite the conclusion of the conflict over a decade ago, the country yet remains divided along ethnic and religious lines and mired in internal disaffection and controversy, affecting every aspect of national progress.

The actual events briefly alluded to above have been written about, discussed, and analyzed exhaustively in the decades since. Their long term adverse consequences are also now visible, as clear evidence of the imprudence of the thinking which set those processes in motion. Therefore, I do not think it necessary for me to debate those issues in any greater depth in this narrative, except to say that the truth of the old adage, ‘the road to ruin is paved with good intentions,’ has been proven time and time again.

During the SWRD period, I developed a close friendship with the late Sarath Wijesinghe, a very successful proprietary planter, businessman, and reputed politician. He was Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Finance in the SWRD Cabinet whilst also being a member of the Senate. He subsequently served as the Minister of Nationalised Services, Minister of Labour, and the President of the Senate.

Despite his wide-ranging successes and wealth, and the high-profile positions he held in both Government and the private sector, he was a simple and approachable man. He was also Strikes Commissioner, appointed by Prime Minister SWRD, during a period of wide-spread union agitation in the country. Later I became involved with him in neutralizing union action launched by a very strong trade union controlling the export trade.

Three export companies were blockaded by striking workers. We were able to bring in workers from outstations, who were assembled at Independence Square by dawn and then transported to the three companies. Though there were violent responses from the striking workers, nobody was injured and the strikes were settled by the morning of the third day.

Overall, the SWRD period of governance was signposted by frequent strikes and civil commotions, which had a crippling impact on industry, especially the tea sector. With its almost total reliance on the export of bulk, ease of transport and shipping were a vital necessity and they were the dimensions affected most by the intermittent disruptions.

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Features

Cricket and the National Interest

Published

23 hours ago

2026/05/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

Features

From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

Published

23 hours ago

2026/05/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh

Features

Dubai scene … opening up

Published

23 hours ago

2026/05/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

Seven Notes: Operating in Dubai

According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!

After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.

The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.

On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.

These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.

With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist

What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.

With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.

Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.

Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.

Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes

According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.

“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.

He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.

“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”

No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.

However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.