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MY FIRST OVERSEAS BUSINESS VISIT

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First overseas busines visit- Japen 1960

Excerpted from the autobiography of Merril. J. Fernando

Before I set out for Jap1an, in 1960, on my first overseas business trip, I was advised by Terrence Allan of AF Jones to be extremely careful in the manner that I dealt with our agents in Japan, H. J. Kramer Limited, a Japanese company headed by Otto Gerhardt, a German national. Apparently, Gerhardt had been very apprehensive when he heard that I was due to visit him, as, previously, he had had only British Directors of the company on business visits.

He had been very concerned for his business and the interviews we had arranged. He did not know me personally and may have been very doubtful of my competence, whilst the fact that I was an unknown and unproven Asian would have also contributed significantly to his misgivings.

My first official meeting in Japan was with our biggest importer, Mitsui Norin. Two of its Directors, Messrs. Evakura and Saito, invited me to a tasting session – much to the surprise of Gerhardt. He was very nervous about the possible outcome, as if I did anything to displease or disappoint the Japanese clients, there was the possibility of losing a very good customer.

I started tasting the teas which had been set out and, at one point, came to a very zippy tea, much like a very good Darjeeling. When my hosts asked me about the identity of the tea, quite naturally I said that it was a Darjeeling but they disagreed and said that it was a Japanese tea. I responded that it could not be since in Japan they produced only Green Tea, Sencha, as I was unaware then that Japan produced quality Black Tea.

After the tasting session Otto told our Japanese hosts that he was taking me to Atami because I wanted to see Mount Fuji and, jokingly, invited them to join. To his very pleasant surprise, they welcomed the idea and accompanied us. Atami is a picturesque seaside resort, south west of Tokyo, set within the Fuji-Hakone-Izu National Park and also the home to Mount Fuji. On our way to Fuji we broke journey and checked into a traditional Japanese hotel in Atami itself. I was shown to a rather bare room which had a clothes cupboard but no bed. When I inquired I was told that a bed would be provided.

Japanese hospitality

Soon afterwards a traditionally-dressed Japanese lady came into my room, undressed me completely, and took me into a Japanese-style bathing stall. I sat on a large cane box whilst she poured soothing warm water over me. Thereafter, I was led back in to the bedroom which, by then, had been equipped, not with a conventional bed but a Japanese-style sleeping mattress and comfortable sheets.

The dinner which followed was again of delicately-prepared Japanese dishes and local wine. Right through the meal we were attended to by Geisha type hostesses, who sat demurely by each guest’s side and, unobtrusively, but with perfect timing, anticipated our minutest needs. After two very pleasant and adventurous days, we returned to Tokyo to resume our business discussions.

To Otto’s surprise and apprehension, Evakura and Saito invited me to their office for another tea tasting session. When I arrived I was confronted with a batch of teas, which included the same Japanese equivalent of Darjeeling tea. After tasting the samples, when I identified those teas as Japanese, my hosts contradicted me and said that it was Darjeeling, despite my repeated insistence to the contrary. Notwithstanding this disagreement, the visit ended very well. I am still convinced that I was right and they were simply testing my competence as a taster. Had they been disappointed, I am certain that they would have made it known in some way.

Consequent to my visit, our business with Japan increased fourfold — much to the annoyance of Lipton, then the major supplier to Japan. In fact, Claude Godwin, Lipton’s then Managing Director, asked me not to visit Japan ever again. Indeed, my first business visit overseas on behalf of A. F. Jones resulted in very satisfactory outcomes for the company. Following the visit to Japan, at different times, I made several visits on behalf of A. F. Jones to Libya and Iraq, two of our most productive markets in that period.

My success at A. F. Jones and Co. Limited, which was appreciated by my employer, was due to both good fortune and extremely hard work. I was personally deeply satisfied by the favourable results I was able to secure, despite the fact that many aspects of the relevant operations were quite new to me.

Opening of the USSR market

The General Election of 1956, which swept out the United National Party (UNP) and brought in the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) coalition forces led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, soon had its impact on international relations between Sri Lanka and the rest of the world. The anti-imperialist orientation of Premier Bandaranaike’s regime encouraged stronger ties with Marxist governments and, in December 1958, during my time at A. F. Jones, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR – Russia) established its first Embassy in Ceylon.

This development was a consequence of formal diplomatic relations between the two countries being established in 1957. Subsequently, the many bilateral agreements signed between the two countries included the export of tea, rubber, coconut oil, and coir products. These agreements were renewed and updated in 1964, 1975, and 1977.

Traditionally, Russians were big tea drinkers, with imports being largely Black Tea from China. The first consignments of Ceylon Tea had reached Russia in the 1890s, with exports from Ceylon going up to about 18 million pounds annually by 1910. However, this was minimalistic in comparison to imports from China, which then were around 120 million pounds. After trade relations were disrupted consequent to the 1917 Bolshevik revolution in Russia, there was a four-decade lull in trading activity with Ceylon.

The first USSR Ambassador to Ceylon, Alexander Nikolaevich Yakovlev, was introduced to me by a mutual friend. Yakovlev was a friendly man and got on well with us. He requested me to help his Trade Counsellor, Felix I. Mikailchenkov, to set up a tea tasting facility in a house on Thurstan Road leased out by them for that purpose. When it was completed in mid-1958, Felix said: “I am entrusting you with the responsibility of purchasing our entire requirements of Ceylon Tea.” I did not realize how big the business would be until their orders arrived.

They turned out to be quite substantial, around three to four million kg per month, mainly of good High Grown BOPS and Pekoes. In view of the volume of tea involved, many of the larger firms operating in Colombo attempted to secure the purchasing, but the relationship I had already established with the Russian representatives stood me, and A. F. Jones, in good stead.

That rapid and unexpected increase in Russian buying had a significant impact on the auction, as our large purchases of High Grown tea became a regular feature. It resulted in A. F. Jones becoming the sole buyer on behalf of Russia and a big player at the auction. The Jones family was very grateful for my contribution to this welcome business development and presented me with a silver plaque, inscribed with the legend ‘MOCKBA — December 8, 1958’. It is still displayed prominently in my office at Peliyagoda.

Until the sudden development of the Russian market, the bulk of the AFJ business centred on the Middle East, with strong attachments in Libya, Iraq, and Iran. Whenever a Russian ship arrived in port to collect their tea, which was often at short notice, there would be a major crisis in our office. We used to start processing just prior to arrival of the vessels, as the tea chests arriving from the estates were not opened but shipped out in bulk, in their original form.

Sightseeing in japen -1960

However, four sides of each chest had to be marked with Russian text, defining the various Russian brands under which the product would be sold in Russia. Senior Managers at the Port, especially C. D. Chinnakoon, were of great assistance to me in such emergency situations. He would buy me time by holding ships in the outer harbour, pending berthing, and somehow providing berths when we were ready with our consignment.

Our Colombo Harbour then had limited alongside berthing facilities. Chinnakoon was a great friend and I always kept in touch with him. Unfortunately, he had an untimely death and I pray that he is in the hands of God.

We serviced the Russian market until the Sri Lankan Government entered in to a direct agreement with the Russian administration, and the tea buying was entrusted to Consolexpo.The Russian rubber business was carried out by C. W. Mackie under the supervision of Karu Jayasuriya, business manager now turned politician.

My Russian connections

Yakovlev, a senior Russian diplomat even at the time he arrived in Ceylon, became well known in the country for his very effective interaction with his Ceylonese counterparts, whilst his tireless promotion of USSR interests within the country, apart from tea, earned him many friends in the business community. On conclusion of his term in Ceylon he returned to the Foreign Ministry in Moscow. He subsequently served a 10-year term (1973-1983) as Russia’s Ambassador to Canada.

He was a very powerful party official in Russia, apparently very close to Prime Minister Mikhail Gorbachev. After his return from Canada on completion of his ambassadorial assignment, he served for several years as a member of both the Politburo and the Secretariat of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He is identified as the primary intellectual force behind ‘Glasnost’ and `Perestroika,’ highly influential in guiding Gorbachev’s hand in the latter’s political reform initiatives.

In ‘Gorbachev’ by William Taubman, possibly the most comprehensive original English biography of the architect of Perestroika, the author refers to Yakovlev as Gorbachev’s closest ally in Government. Until his death in 2005, Yakovlev remained politically very active and was also the author of several books, on diverse aspects of Russian contemporary political history.

In 1970, Yakovlev was replaced in Ceylon by Rafiq Nishonov, again a friendly, warm-hearted man. Eventually, both he and Rano, his gracious and friendly wife, became our family friends. One of his daughters, Firouza, was actually born during his term in Sri Lanka and together, they would frequently accompany me for holidays at my upcountry retreat, Melton Estate, in Lindula.

Rafiq, of Uzbek origin, served as Russian Ambassador in Sri Lanka from 1970-1978. During his period our tea export operations, supported by generous Russian patronage, grew considerably. Rafiq was always helpful to the local tea trading community, but ensured that his country’s interests were never compromised. Consequent to his return to USSR, he became heavily involved in party activities in his native Uzbekistan and between 1986 and 1989, served terms as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic and also, as First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Uzbek SSR.

I later learnt from him that he had been actively involved in assisting then Prime Minister Gorbachev, whom he was very close to, in resolving some tricky issues connected to the Russian entanglement in Afghanistan. I also understood that they were covert operations, deliberately withheld from the public domain.

On many visits to Moscow, I had several meetings with both Rafiq and his wife. Several times I was taken to his holiday ‘dacha’ in the country and also to the special hospital reserved for senior parliamentarians when I needed any medical attention. He also introduced me to several important Government officials, including the present Foreign Minister of Russia, Sergei Lavrov, who served in Ceylon during Rafiq’s tenure as Ambassador. In fact, during Rafiq’s term as Ambassador in Ceylon, because of Lavrov’s fluent command of Sinhala, he also served as Rafiq’s interpreter on official occasions.

Rafiq’s Deputy at the USSR Embassy was the big, powerfully-built Sasha Lysenko, a man of considerable influence in local diplomatic circles. Our business association developed in to personal friendship as well, and he and his wife became great friends with me. My close interaction with Russian diplomatic and trade representatives in Sri Lanka, provided me with highly-beneficial access to their counterparts and associates in Moscow. These contacts and relationships built up over the years were of great help to me subsequently in the development of my Dilmah brand.

I made my first business visit to Russia in 1962. Most of the Russian officials serving in various capacities in Sri Lanka, who I met in the course of my business, also became great personal friends. Without exception, I found them to be warm and friendly, naturally gregarious and, as a group, with a great capacity for enjoyment. Most of the Russians I met, both in Sri Lanka and in their home country, were, by and large, Asiatic in their unaffected friendliness and camaraderie, though they did take time to measure you. Once the ice was broken, they took you into their hearts and their homes. The difference between them and the typical Westerners, with their more restrained and often-guarded responses, was easily discernible.



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The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics

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Zahran and other bombers

Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.

There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.

The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.

Determined Attempt

The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.

The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.

This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.

Another Tragedy

It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.

Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.

The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.

by Jehan Perera

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China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka

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Image courtesy The Global Times

The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.

Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.

On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.

This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.

Implications for Global Trade

This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.

This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.

Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.

Implications for Sri Lanka

China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.

The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.

Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!

(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Daughter in the spotlight …

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Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!

The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.

Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”

Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.

‘Nidahase’,

says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.

In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.

Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.

The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo

Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.

“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.

“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.

Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.

She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.

And this makes interesting reading:

“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”

Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.

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