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JRJ to Nehru: “India’s freedom is Lanka’s freedom too”

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‘We in Lanka feel that our fight for freedom is being fought largely in India’

We continue the correspondence between Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Mr. J.R. Jayewardene in the pre-independence period excerpted from Jayewardene’s book, Men and Memories.

Wardha August 24, 1940.
J.R. Jayewardene Esqr.
Braemar
66, Ward Place
Colombo

Dear Mr Jayewardene,

Thank you for your letter of the 15th August which I have shown to our President, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. We shall be glad to meet the deputation from the Ceylon National Congress whenever it comes here. I agree with you entirely that our discussions should not be restricted to any particular issues but should cover future relations with India and Ceylon.

If you have been following developments in India, you will no doubt notice that the situation here is undergoing a complete change and the crisis that I hinted at in my last letter has arrived. This makes it very difficult for us to say definitely when and where we can meet you. It may be that long before November we shall not be in a position to meet you, or rather, that we shall be incapacitated from doing so. But apart from this uncertainty about the future, we shall look forward to meeting you early in November. Gandhiji will be pleased to meet your deputation.

The developing world situation makes in incumbent on all of us to look ahead and to think of the future. Whatever this future may be, it is certain that it will be very different from the past and the present.

About the exact position of the Communist Party in the Indian Congress not much can be said. The Communist Party is not a legal party in India. For many years the Government of India has banned it. Nevertheless, many individual Communists exist and proclaim their faith in communism. They describe themselves openly as Communists. There area fair number of others who, though not official Communists, are near Communists. Between the Communist and Socialist Party here there has been almost continuous conflict. For sometime the Communists were members of the Congress Socialist Party but later many of them left it. Since the War began many of the well-known Communists have been arrested under the Defence of India Act and interned.

So far as the Congress is concerned, it has no rule banning any organization or individual except one preventing members of communal organizations with objectives opposed to that of the Congress. All other persons can join the Congress if they accept its objectives and methods. Of course they are supposed to remain within the general discipline of the Congress. If Communists wish to join the Congress, they are perfectly at liberty to do so and, indeed, many have joined it in the past. Some of these have been important office bearers in different Provinces or districts. There has often been some trouble in local committees with Communist members and strictly speaking they have not always kept with Congress discipline. But no disciplinary action has been taken against them except in very rare instances. This may party be due to the fact that they are often good and earnest workers and partly because the British Government here is persecuting them so much.

It is not easy to write briefly about the recent differences of opinion between Gandhiji and the Working Committee. These differences are largely based on the theory and application of non-violence. They have been exaggerated somewhat in the press and it is quite likely that they will not affect materially any action that the Congress might take. There is no question of Gandhiji doing anything hostile to the Congress or of forming a different organization. All that he intended doing at one time was to invite those who fully believed in non-violence, even for a future state, to get into touch with him so that he might take some action through them. Such action would of course not have been against the Congress in any way. It is quite possible, and indeed probable, that by the time you come here all these problems will be of the past.

Yours sincerely,

(Signed) Jawaharlal Nehru
17th Sept.
The President,
The Indian National Congress,
Swaraj Bhawan,
Allahabad

Dear Friend,

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has written to us, that you as President of the Indian National Congress and other leading members of the Congress welcome the idea of meeting a deputation from the Ceylon National Congress to discuss all present and future relations between India and Ceylon.

Our deputation will consist of myself as President of the Ceylon Congress, D.S. Senanayake, Minister of Agriculture and Lands and a few others. We hope to be in India during the first week of November and shall make arrangements to be free to meet you during the second week of November, probably 9th and 10th November. As we are anxious to meet Gandhiji also, I take it the meeting will be arranged at Wardha.

With best wishes, Yours truly,
(Signed) G.C.S. Corea,
President, Ceylon National Congress
17th October 1940.
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

“Anand Bhawan”
Allahabad

India

Dear Mr Nehru,

I delayed writing to you as we were expecting a reply from President Azad to our letter dated the 17 September 1940, a copy of which I am enclosing.

I do not know whether he has received the letter. We are making all arrangements to meet the Indian Congress on the days mentioned in that letter.

Please let me know when you intend to hold the meeting. I have just read in the papers that Gandhiji has started the Civil Disobedience Campaign instructing Mr Vinoba to make an anti-War speech. I will not detain you longer but please accept my very sincere wishes for the success of India’s struggle. It is our struggle to that you are waging.

Yours sincerely,
(Signed) J.R. Jayewardene
7th May, 1941
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru,
Swaraj Bhawan,
Allahabad.
India.

Dear Mr Nehru,

I have not written to you since you were interned, because, I was not sure whether you would receive my letters. I wonder whether you will receive even this? I am however writing in the hope that the censor may pass it. I suppose any reference to politics would mean that the letter may not be passed. Therefore I have refrained from writing about things which are now playing such a large part in the lives of the people of India and Ceylon.

You may have read in the papers about the Indo-Ceylonese differences. They exist. Yet, the wish of an increasing number here is that a free Ceylon should some day, and that very soon, march together with a free India.

Our Congress Party in Ceylon had much success in the Colombo Municipal elections last December, and we were able to have our Congress Mayor.

The 21st Session of our Congress Party was held in December and It was modeled on the lines of the Indian Congress with Swadeshi exhibitions, open air mass meetings & etc. Our visit to Ramgarh enabled us to introduce many of the features we saw there.

I have sent today to Swaraj Bhawan a small memento of out visit, a few hand-woven Ceylon mats.

Wishing you are in the best health,
Yours truly,
(Signed) J.R. Jayewardene
By Air Mail
May 29, 1941 (This letter is handwritten)
From Jawaharlal Nehru
District Jail Dehra Dun
To J.R. Jayewardene Esqr.
Braemar,
66 Ward Place, Colombo

Dear Mr Jayewardene,

Your letter of the 7th May has reached me and I was happy to hear from you again. As you realize it is not possible for me at present to carry on an intelligent correspondence about things that matter and are in our minds. Events are marching fast all over the world and it surprises me that many people are still thinking in the old way and cannot get out of the ruts. But the future, whatever it is going to be, is not going to wait or to confirm itself to their slow-moving minds.

In person especially, when one is cut off from the present, the mind fixes itself more on the future. In the thoughts that fill my mind, Ceylon often recurs and the difficulties of the present day do not worry me much.

My good wishes to you and to the people of Lanka.

Sincerely yours,
(Signed) Jawaharlal Nehru
5th December, 1941

Dear Pandit Nehru,

It is with great relief that we in Ceylon read in the papers of your release and the release of the other political prisoners from gaol.

Does this mean that, at long last, the British Government intends to consider the question of India’s freedom? We too hope that if any discussion takes place between the British Government and the Indian Congress, you will advocate Lanka’s claims to freedom too. Do you think it will be useful to send a representative of ours to India at this time?

The Ceylon National Congress is meeting at its 22nd sessions from 27th-30th December. We hope to hold one of the biggest national assemblies ever held in Ceylon. We have invited representatives from India and Burma, but unfortunately the Indian National Congress has not be able to accept our invitation.

I wonder whether you could come, or sent a message? If you could come even for a short stay, I can make arrangements for a quiet holiday in the Hills. I trust you received the books I sent to you in gaol.

With best wishes, Yours truly,
(Signed) J.R. Jayewardene
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru,
Swaraj Bhawan
Allahabad
India
J.R. Jayewardene Braemar
66, Ward Place
Colombo
28th July, 1942
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru Anand Bhawan
Allahabad
India

Dear Pandit Nehru,

My letter to you dated the 5th December 1941, and the books I sent with that letter have evidently been stopped by the censor, for I have received no reply or acknowledgment. Though I wanted very much to write to you again, I thought it better that I should not, as any reference to political affairs would have met with the censor’s disapproval.

I have therefore refrained from any such reference and only wish to ask you whether it would be possible for me to meet you if I happen to be in Bombay between the 4th and 8th August.

I am sending separately a small booklet of Essays on Buddhism which I published recently.

With best wishes,
Yours truly,
(Signed) J.R. Jayewardene

J.R. Jayewardene 66, Ward Place
Colombo
29.6.45 Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
Swaraj Bhawan
Allahabad
India

My dear Pandit Nehru,

I wonder whether you remember our last meeting? It was on the day before the AICC Meeting, in August 1942. A few of us, members of the Ceylon National. Congress had come to Bombay, and you very kindly spared a few minutes of your time, discussing with us, problems affecting our two countries, at Mr Huthee Singh’s residence.

With your help we were able to attend the first day’s meeting. The next day the leaders were arrested, and on our way to the meeting place, we found the Police dispersing the crowds, with violence. We visited your residence that same day, bade good-bye to Mrs Huthee Singh, and left for Ceylon that very evening. On our way back, our train was stoned at one or two places, near Bombay, but without injury to anyone. My Satyamurthi, who was traveling with us, was arrested near Madras. We reached Colombo a few days later.

Three years have gone by since then; years which have seen many changes and stirring events, but few have been so eagerly received here as the release of the Indian leaders. I hope you received our message of goodwill. I think the main reason for this is, that we in Lanka feel that our fight for freedom is being fought largely in India, and India’s freedom is Lanka’s freedom too.

The urge for freedom has grown immensely here, during these three years. Soon after our return, the Ceylon National Congress in December 1942 rejected Dominion Status and adopted Freedom as its objective. Soon after this, I was nominated as the Congress candidate, for the vacancy created, by Sir D.B. Jayatilleke’s appointment as Representative in India, and fighting the election on the issue of “independence” vs “Reforms”, against an elder politician, E.W. Perera, I was able to win by over 10,000 votes. The State Council and all political parties too, now ask for freedom, and India’s help will be a great asset to us. It is to acquaint you with the latest developments in Ceylon that I thought of writing these few lines.

I am sending you the following Sessional Papers which give an account of what has happened here; S.P. 13 of 1943; S.P. 17 of 1943; S.P. 12 of 1944; S.P. 14 of 1944, the draft of an Ordinance to provide a new constitution for Lanka, and the Agenda of the 25th Congress Sessions.

On the 26th May 1943, the British Government declared that it would grant full responsible government to Ceylon, in all matters of internal civil administration. This declaration is printed in S.P. 17 of 1943, together with the Ministers interpretation of it. The Ministers drafted a Constitution and sent it to the Secretary of State in February 1944. They were then informed that a Commission would be sent out to Ceylon. The Ministers objected to the sending out of this Commission, withdrew their Draft and decided not to cooperate with the Commission, vide S.P. 12 of 1944. The Ministers’ Draft Constitution is in S.P. 14 of 1944.

The Commission, an “all White one”, held its sittings from December 1944 to April 1945, and was boycotted by all progressive political bodies, following the lead of the Ceylon National Congress.

While the Commission, which consisted of Lord Soulbury, Sir F.J. Rees and Mr F.J. Burrows, was hearing evidence, we introduced in the State Council, an Ordinance to provide a new Constitution for Lanka. This Ordinance contained the Ministers’ Draft Constitution, shorn of certain limitations, and provided a Constitution of the recognized Dominion type for a Free Lanka. The third reading of this Ordinance was passed in March 1945, with only two elected members, both members of the Tamil Congress, a new body created to give evidence before the Commission voting against it. The Ordinance has now been reserved for His Majesty’s assent.

I understand that the Soulbury Report is now ready, and the Leader of the State Council, Mr D.S. Senanayake, has been invited to England to discuss future constitutional problems with the British Government. I do not think that either the State Council, or the country will accept anything less than has already been promised to India and Burma, that is the status of a free and equal partner, in the Commonwealth of Nations.

The latest Resolution of the Indian Congress Working Committee, demanding freedom for the Colonies, has heartened us, for even the moral support of a powerful neighbour gives strength to our cause.

You may remember in August 1942, I suggested that Ceylon too, should be included in the resolution to be placed before the AICC, as one of the countries for whose freedom the Indian Congress would strive. Specific reference of this nature to Ceylon is of great psychological value to us, in our work.

It is not possible to suggest, just now, any means whereby India can help us. We anxiously await the outcome of the Simla Talks. I have only attempted to provide you, with a summary of recent political events in Ceylon, so that, if you have the time and the desire, you may yourself consider what help you can render us. I am afraid, I have already taken too much of your time, but I cannot close, without extending to you and to any of your friends, you wish to bring, a cordial invitation to be my guests in Ceylon, if you can find the time for a short holiday. The best time would be January, a cool month, when moreover, we will be holding our 26th Congress Session.

With my best wishes to you,
Yours very sincerely,
(Signed) J.R. Jayewardene



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Features

Revisiting the role of education in shaping shared futures

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Faculty of Education, University of Colombo

BY RANDIMA ATTYGALLE

‘The primary task of a society is to find a real teacher – one who performs his duty with perfection and dedication and is a perfect moral teacher for the society’Rabindranath Tagore

The Faculty of Education at the University of Colombo which is the pioneering Faculty of Education in Sri Lanka marks 50 years on January 1, 2025.
In an interview with the Sunday Island, Emeritus Professor Marie Perera, one-time Dean of the Faculty of Education and the former Director, National Education Research and Evaluation Centre (NEREC),

elucidates on its evolution and contribution to the teaching landscape of the country.

Following are the excerpts:

Q: In what sense does the Faculty of Education at the University of Colombo mark a milestone in the state university setting of Sri Lanka?

A: When the Faculty was established in 1975, it was the only Faculty of Education in the university system in Sri Lanka. In 2003, the Open University of Sri Lanka (OUSL), established its Faculty of Education. However, aligned with the mission of the OUSL, it was to conduct courses in the Distance Mode. University of Peradeniya and University of Jaffna recommenced their Departments of Education in 1978 and 1990. They remain as departments of education in their respective faculties of Arts. Therefore, the Faculty of Education at University of Colombo marks a milestone in the state university setting when it celebrates 50 years of service as the only Faculty of Education in the ‘conventional university system’ in Sri Lanka.

Q: Who are the stalwarts behind the journey of its evolution?

A: Many of our pioneer educators paved the way for the Faculty of Education to be the center of excellence that it is today. Sadly, many of them are no more with us. However, I am very happy to remember Dr. Elsie Kotelawala who was the pioneering Head of the then Department of Education. With only five permanent staff members to assist her, the feat she achieved was exceptional. Dr. Kotelawala is still a source of inspiration and a ‘living library’ to us.

Former Head of the Department, Prof. C. Kariyawasam who was the longest serving Head of the Department of Humanities Education, former Deans and professors Dr. Raja Gunewardena and Dr. W.G. Kularatne in the Faculty are still resources to us. I acknowledge the services of the founder Dean of the Faculty, the late Emeritus Professor Ranjith Ruberu and all the past Deans, all the academics and non-academics of the Faculty during the last 50 years. I must acknowledge with gratitude the contribution of the late Emeritus Professor Swarna Wijethunga who was the founder Director of NEREC and was also a former Dean. If not for her untiring efforts, we would not be able to boast of a National Education Research Center in the Faculty today.

Q: What are the study programs the Faculty offers today?

A: Among the two main programs is the Four-Year Bachelor of Education Honours Degree for undergraduates. This is a combined Arts/Education Degree. From the academic year 23/24, the Faculty is offering an innovative B.Ed. in Primary Education to a direct intake of undergraduates selected by the UGC based on the A/L cut off marks. This program was initiated at the request of the Ministry of Education.

The second main program is the Post Graduate Diploma in Education (PGDE) to provide professional development for untrained graduate teachers in the system. In addition to the general PGDE there are specialization courses such as PGDE /TESL (Teaching English as a Second Language) Post Graduate Diploma in Drama and Theater and a Post Graduate Diploma in Counseling.

In addition, to encourage teachers to Education Research, there are Master of Education, Master of Philosophy and PhD programs. A Master of Education course is also offered to those learning Chinese.

Research Symposium 2024 of the Faculty of Education

Q: How has the Faculty of Education justified its vision of being a ‘center of excellence in scholarship, teaching and research in education, committed to serve humanity’ in its journey todate?

A: Currently there are 419 students following the B.Ed. program. In addition, 1,200 students are following the M.Ed. program and 74 MPhil/ PhD programs. There is a great demand for both Postgraduate Diploma as well as Master’s Programs offered by the Faculty and candidates for these courses are chosen through a selection test. Hence, the demand exceeds the available places. The courses offered by the Faculty, secured an A-Grade at the Institutional Review, conducted in June-July 2023 by the Quality Assurance Council of the University Grants Commission of Sri Lanka.

The only Education Research Center in Sri Lanka which is The National Education Research and Evaluation Centre (NEREC,) is also in the Faculty of Education. NEREC had been selected since its inception, to conduct research pertaining to students’ learning outcomes which are funded by the World Bank. Faculty staff and students are involved in conducting these studies.

Q: To what extent has the Faculty bench marked itself with global trends in education so far and what are the areas where it still needs to improve to meet current global trends?

A: Faculty of Education was a part of a project – Contessa, led by the University of Graz, Austria, aimed to further the development of teaching skills in carefully selected partnerships with institutions of higher education. It was held from November 2018 -2022. This was an Erasmus+ project funded by the European Commission.

In 2012, the Faculty of Education won a Quality Innovation Grant funded by the World Bank to improve doctoral studies. Seven students were selected and all of them completed innovation research and presented the findings overseas and also published papers in peer reviewed journals.

For five years, from 2011, there was staff and student exchange programs with Umea University in Sweden.

At the Annual International Research symposium, many foreign scholars present their papers. In terms of cross-disciplinary studies and research as well as international collaborations, the Faculty still needs to do a lot of work to leverage itself with global trends in education.

Q: Although the Department of Education is responsible for producing teachers with credentials, we do not see a significant collaboration between the department and schools. What measures do you propose to give this relationship more muscle?

A: In many of the universities in developed countries, university teachers are given a period of time to teach in schools to strike a balance between theory and practice which may help to enhance quality and professionalism. However, the experience of the Sri Lankan faculties and departments of education is different. The interaction between universities and schools is increasingly becoming minimal. The main reason for this lack of collaboration is, while the universities fall under the purview of the Ministry of Higher Education, the schools come under the Ministry of Education.

Even though teachers are sent by the Ministry of Education on full-time study leave to complete their Postgraduate Diploma in Education, it is becoming increasingly difficult to find placements in schools for their compulsory teaching practicum. This was not the situation in the past. This could be because there are other teacher training institutes such as National Colleges of Education and the Teacher Training Colleges which come under the direct purview of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Education has to priorities these institutes when providing placements for practicum.

In the past, there were practicing schools linked to teacher training institutes. For example, the practicing school for the Teachers’ College Maharagama was the present Maharagama Central College. In some countries, there is a pre-assigned school attached to the faculty or school of education in a university. For example, Vorarlberg University of Education, Austria has a school within the university premises. The school and the university work in collaboration and share their resources; the classrooms are used as lecture rooms in the afternoon and the lecturers and teacher trainees walk in and out of the school for teaching and research purposes. It is worthwhile to explore the possibility of re implementing the practicing school concept.

Q: What are your thoughts about graduates being directly placed in schools for teaching with no prior training?

A: I would answer that question with a cliché, ‘to teach John Latin, you need to know Latin as well as John,’ and I would add how to teach John Latin. When graduates are directly placed in schools without prior training they may know ‘Latin’ which is the subject knowledge, but they will not be able to understand the students nor how to teach them. This is the reason that in developed countries, without a ‘license’ to teach, – which is the professional training, no teacher is allowed to teach in a school.

In Sri Lanka, every government that comes to power, especially before an election gives teaching appointments to unemployed graduates without a systematic professional development program. According to the School census 2023, as many as 37.32% of graduate teachers in government schools are untrained. However, as large number of graduates were recruited to the teaching cadre just prior to the Presidential Election, this number will be more by the next school census. This is a grave situation that needs urgent attention.

Q: In the good old days, there were fully-fledged teachers who were above their subject expertise- equipped with communication skills, social skills etc. which is sadly eroding today. What is the responsibility of relevant state agencies such as universities, training colleges etc. to fill this vacuum and empower teachers who could be good counselors, administrators etc.

A: Education has been the medium through which the noblest ideas of mankind have been transmitted through civilizations. Aristotle has put this succinctly when he remarked that human excellence was his aim in all his efforts in education. Erosion of values is a worldwide phenomenon and the academia in Sri Lanka too is affected by it.

In the Faculty, in all its curricular platforms, development of soft skills is embedded and students are evaluated during teaching practicum by two internal examiners. However, how much of these skills have been internalized can be seen only when they go back to the workplace. Their behaviour in the work place will be influenced by their commitment and love for humanity and the role models available in that sub-culture.

Q: A national policy for education still remains an unrealized dream for Sri Lanka. What are your thoughts?

A: The absence of a strong, consistent and clear-cut national policy on education which is consistently implemented irrespective of the change of political regimes, has been a critical issue that needs careful attention. Since the 1940s, there had been policy proposals but they have never become a long-term national policy. The absence of such a national regulatory framework has caused serious repercussions. Whenever a new government comes in to power, ongoing education reforms are abandoned without a critical review if they are not in line with the new government’s political manifesto. This results in a waste of resources as well.

Q: The skills-based formative years of learning is virtually non-existent in our setting. As an educator what are your thoughts on this matter?

A: We need to change the exam-oriented teaching and make students producers of knowledge rather than consumers of knowledge. Education and learning systems are at a critical juncture. The climate crisis, the pervasive rise of Artificial Intelligence, growing inequality and societal divisions compel us to rethink the role of education in shaping shared futures.

We face an existential choice between continuing an unsustainable path or radically changing course. There is an urgency to shape alternatives and re-imagine possible futures. Education is crucial to this change of course. It has great potential to help shape more just, inclusive and sustainable futures by re-balancing our relationships with each other, the living planet and technology. Yet, to do so, education itself must be transformed.

Q: What are the most urgent reforms you would like to lobby to address Sri Lanka’s outmoded education system, especially in terms of producing future-ready professionals who can meet the current job demands?

A: Teaching methodologies must be radically changed for the newly emerging times of flux as most education systems now in existence were established for other times and purposes with the ‘one size fit for all’ model intended to produce learners who store inert knowledge in a passive manner.

It is also important to produce globally competent, professional socialized teachers in an interdependent globalized world. Professional socialization is the process of learning the values, attitudes, skills and knowledge that are part of a profession. In this context, the present need is for teachers who will be knowledge-producers rather than mere knowledge-consumers.

Teachers must be equipped with the minimum competencies such as the 7Cs of Conceptualization, Communication, Commitment, Collaboration, Compassion, Critical thinking, and Creativity as well as digital dexterity.

According to the great guru Rabindranath Tagore, “the primary task of a society is to find a real teacher – one who performs his duty with perfection and dedication and is a perfect moral teacher for the society.” This is rather a tall order but the Faculty of Education has to strive towards this goal.

Q: Finally, as the Faculty Education marks its 50 years, what are its future plans to take it to the next level and become a stronger hub of academic excellence?

A: Throughout the history of the Faculty, the greatest challenge had been the inadequate physical and human resources. The problem of space was alleviated to a certain extent when the Faculty was granted a four-storied multi-functional building in 2011.

However, the challenge of human resources still continues with 53 approved cadre out of which 23 are vacant. The collaboration between the Ministry of Education and the Faculty is also a major challenge. Laboratories are where new knowledge is created in science and technology fields. Similarly, classrooms are the laboratories for education faculties.

In order to take the Faculty of Education to the next level and make it a stronger hub of excellence, my suggestion is to make it a University of Education. This concept is totally different to the proposal of the previous Government to form a University of Education amalgamating the National Colleges of Education under the Ministry of Education. I am proposing a University of Education in the lines of Vorarlberg University of Education, Austria which will pave way for academic excellence, innovative cross disciplinary research, and contribute to Policy and Practice for the betterment of society.

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Features

The Silence of the Speaker and other matters

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Asoka Ranwala

By Anura Gunasekera

It is more than two weeks since the matter of the Speaker, Asoka Ranwala’s doctorate, or lack of it, was raised in public. If he does have one, it is sufficient time for him to have produced the necessary evidence and laid to rest the ongoing speculation. When my daughter acquired a doctorate from a university in England, she was ceremoniously presented with an ornately inscribed scroll, on thick, parchment paper , along with a foolish hat.

To me, a non-academic, it seemed a paltry outcome for the several years of intense study which preceded the award but that, apparently, is how these systems work. Perhaps Waseda University of Japan, the institution alleged to have conferred the doctoral degree on Ranwala, does not emulate old-fashioned British institutions, but there still needs to be tangible, physical evidence of such an award, with which Ranwala came away from that institution.

Ignore the flippancy of the above paragraphs. The issue of the Speaker’s doctorate is a very serious matter. I understand that Ranwala has been using the prefix, “Dr”, for many years before his investiture as the Speaker of the 10th parliament of Sri Lanka. During the run-up to the recent presidential election, he has been introduced on stage as “Dr Ranwala”. Therefore, he deliberately made the world believe that he was a, “Dr.”

Recently there was some talk of Ranwala’s daughter offering an explanation but that is a ridiculous, unacceptable response. An explanation must come from Ranwala, personally, and not from a member of his family. It is a very simple matter, actually; either he has a doctorate or he has been deceiving the world for many years. In the case of the former he needs to furnish immediate proof to the public and if the latter is the reality, he must apologize for having been a public fraud and withdraw from governance.

To be the Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka, a person must be compliant with the conditions of Articles 89 and 91, of the Constitution of the Republic of Sri Lanka. Neither of those articles specify that the Speaker should be literate, or that he should even be able to read, write and speak, in any known language. In fact, there are simply no minimum educational qualifications for those aspiring to represent the people of Sri Lanka in parliament, although there are clearly specified minimum educational qualifications for any person who applies for employment within the Parliament premises, even if it be the position of security guard, premises cleaner, or a minor employee, respectfully distributing glasses of water and cups of tea, to thirsty legislators within the chamber of representatives.

Then why is the issue of the Speaker’s qualifications of such importance?

When public figures, especially those occupying vital positions such as the Speaker of the Parliament, make a false claim about their educational qualifications, it undermines public trust in the political system. The NPP-JVP machine captured power in the last general election, largely on the promise of restoring principled governance to a corrupt country. I voted for candidate AKD at the presidential election in the fervent expectation of transparent governance. Thus, every elector who contributed to elevating the NPP to power, has the right to know whether Ranwala actually possesses the educational qualifications he claims, although those have no relevance to his current position in Parliament, or to the effective delivery of his responsibilities.

This matter is important because it highlights broader issues of accountability and transparency within governance. When public officials are permitted to misrepresent themselves, it points to a lack of scrutiny in the vetting of candidates for positions of power and influence. The fact that such claims go unchecked, also calls in to question the mechanism the party has in place, for ensuring ethical standards and honesty among its members.

Therefore, the quick and equitable resolution of this issue is crucial and central to entire ethos of the NPP regime, as the expectations of honourable conduct it has inspired within the public, is greater by an order of magnitude than that which was expected of any previous regime. It is also an issue which has been seized gleefully by an enfeebled Opposition, to discredit the government, and to move public focus away from the investigations into issues of corruption within earlier regimes, represented by many members now in the Opposition. The Ranwala affair is the first litmus test, of the present regime’s publicly declared ethos of doing only what is right. It needs to prove to the expectant polity that it means business, on every front.

Speaking of the Opposition, the ridiculous, just concluded (or is it?) charade regarding the appointment of individuals to the respective national lists of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the New Democratic Front ( NDF), illustrates the incompetence, the indecisiveness and the lack of leadership ability of the two party chiefs concerned. It is relevant to remind the reader that these two, Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) and Sajith Premadasa (SP), were highly vocal in the run-up to both the presidential and the general election, about the lack of governance experience within the NPP. It immediately begs the question, if one does not have the necessary control and influence within the party, to decide on a simple but important internal party issue like a nomination, how can one aspire to govern the country? In reality it is not just an internal party issue but one that concerns the entire national polity, as it is entitled, as of civic right, to see that all 225 seats in the legislature are filled.

Moving on to two equally pressing issues, the high price of coconuts and the non-availability of popular varieties of rice, both are embedded in histories which long precede the installation of the present government.

Coconuts have become progressively more expensive because of increasing consumption and declining production. According to the Sri Lanka Export Development Board (EDB), the annual production ranges from 2,800 mn nuts to 3,000 mn, whilst the combined domestic and export processing demand is around 4,000 mn nuts, annually.

The year-to-year variability of production is linked to climate variations, further compounded by a steady increase in coconut based products since 2012 (EDB). Coconut trees have an economically productive life-span and need to be replaced periodically. However, new planting has also declined drastically, with 2.28 million seedlings being issued in 2021, as against 9.73 million in 2012 and 6.81 million in 2013 (EDB). The 2021 crop had been very high (CRI) but the embargo on inorganic fertilizer imposed around that time by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, has resulted in declining yields thereafter.

Wild animal depredation also has had a significant impact, suppressing yields and discouraging new planting, resulting in possible decline of production for the future as well. The industry assessment is that the 2024 production will reflect a 40% decline on the 2023 output. Around 33% of the total production is assigned for value added export products with the balance going in to domestic consumption. Thus, with the off-take by industries remaining constant, the volume available to the domestic sector has declined drastically. The grim reality is that unless the national industry is realigned, with viable, sustainable solutions for current problems, coconut prices will continue to rise periodically, well in to the foreseeable future. Solutions should also be able to strike a sensible balance between animal rights and farmer requirements. Animal rights activism, which takes place largely in affluent zones of residential Colombo- acted out by well-to-do urbanites of the city who have never had to defend a paddy harvest from a hungry elephant- has no relevance to the desperate realities of destroyed crops in Dehiattakandiya, Girandurukotte and Ethiliwewa.

The rice shortage, notwithstanding the obvious causes which have been ignored by successive governments in thrall to wealthy rice millers – again not attributable to the present regime – needs both a short-term and a long-term solution. Importing rice from India, as a knee-jerk response to the hunger of an angry nation, is not a sustainable solution but a one-time fix. It cannot happen again as the same scenario is played out the next year as well. The unalterable reality is that we are a rice eating nation and irrespective of the obstacles, that need must be appeased. “Let them eat cake”, whether Marie Antoinette said it or not, is not acceptable.

This regime has a two-thirds majority in Parliament and is headed by a president with supreme power. Should he, as an immediate solution, decide to take the most drastic steps in order to break the rice-millers’ stranglehold on rice stocks, a famished nation will applaud and the Opposition, if they understand what is good for them politically, will not dare raise a whisper in protest.

There are also the many questions which are being asked, regarding the status of pending investigations related to past corruption in high places. The difficulties in resurrecting dormant criminal investigations are understood; files are mislaid, papers vanish, evidence is lost, witnesses die, disappear or are terrorized in to silence, impartial investigators are neutralized and replaced with compliant stooges, cases by the dozen, against the high and mighty, are dismissed whilst authority is subverted. Previous regimes, especially those with the members of the Mahinda Rajapaksa “famiglia” in the right places, reduced these tactics to an exact science.

President AKD himself, in his speech at the recent Anti-Corruption Day, with brutal clarity, exposed the issues involved with reference to actual cases. In the audience were officials who, during previous regimes, may have been complicit in the very acts described in the previous paragraph. This nation, which catapulted the NPP-JVP to power as a last resort, will appreciate a commentary from the president himself, on all of the above issues. From time to time it needs to be assured that the regime is moving in the right direction, and the best person to put its collective mind at rest is the president himself.

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Spiritual Awakening of a Village

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We have charity dispensed by generous local persons, by foreigners who feel love for this country and wish to do something to express it, and of course by organizations and set-up Trusts. What I write about this Sunday, the day following Unduvap Poya, is the subtle transformation of a village in Peradeniya which is my mother’s birthplace where my siblings and I were also born. The village is Boyagama.

My nephew Rohana Weerasekera was the pioneer who brought about this spiritual awakening of the village by donating his share of the property inherited from his mother. Thus it was a single donor and donation I write about.

Rohana was very generous and caring by nature; giving of help and kindness even as a boy. Then, having had a successful career in England and Canada, he wanted to donate everything he possessed during the latter stages of his life. Assisted by his younger sister who is a meditator herself and was impressed by the most Ven Uda Eriyagama Dhammajiva Thera’s promotion of the concept of Sati Bhavana – mindfulness meditation – Rohana offered the land to the Sati Pasala Foundation. On behalf of the Foundation, Most Ven Dhammajiva accepted the gift, at which ceremony I too was present.

The idea to promote the concept of mindfulness – development of sati – particularly in children, was prominent in the Ven Bhikkhu’s mind from many years ago. True to his pragmatic personality, he formulated a project and launched it, encouraging and actively participating in conducting meditation sessions with school children during weekends and out of school hours. Then he got the education department to accept his proposal of making sati meditation a part of the school curriculum. These were significant developments to benefit children, adults, and the country.

In May 2017, the biggest boost to the fulfillment of his meritorious act was the inauguration of the Sati Pasala Foundation with many devoted persons coming together to support him. Ven Dhammajiva Thera was persuaded to be the Foundation’s spiritual leader and main advisor. The Foundation has flourished and grown stronger and promotes sati among children and adults of all races, religions, ages and status.

The concept is fast spreading in the entirely of Sri Lanka; primarily in schools and extending to universities, hospitals, health care centres, government departments and organizations; the Forces, rehabilitation centres. Competent sati trainers tirelessly travel around the island sharing their expertise with those desirous of ‘mindful living.’

The Place

The particular piece of hilly land donated is in Boyagama, Nagastenna, which slopes down to a paddy field named Rankumbura. The most striking and valued on the land is a very old Bo tree right at the top which once a year turns pink with its new sprung leaves. Beside the Bo tree is a small area with tombstones of various sizes, the largest being grandfather’s. That is our family interment ground. Earlier, cremations were done on the land with huge log pyres being put up. Now only the clay pot of ash of the family member cremated in a crematorium is brought to Nagastenna for interment.

Rohana, while on annual holidays from overseas, fenced the land; built a wall around the Bo tree accommodating offerings in veneration, and grew varicolored frangipani and assorted flowering bushes and red anthuriums. He built a house with fine toilet facilities for the caretaker and his family

In conjunction with his sister who had returned home from the US, he decided to donate Nagastenna to be utilized for holding sati meditation. He built some of the necessary infrastructure; the Foundation once it took over the land built the rest – halls, walking pathways etc and two wattle and daub, one-roomed dwellings, one now used by a resident monk and the other by Ven Dhammajiva Thera when he visits. And thus the meditation centre named Sri Kalyani Sevana Sati Pasala, so named in memory of my niece of that family who died at a young age was set up on a solid foundation.

Meditation

The location, surrounding, ambience, beauty and palpable peace of the place are ideal for a meditation center. A less used motorable road passing alongside is a further convenience. The neighboring residents and temples welcomed the conversion of the land to serve a spiritual purpose. School children from surrounding areas, ranging in age from six to 16, gender mixed and of all three races gather together on Sundays to spend a short day of sati meditation. Preaching by a monk starts the day. Instructions and guidance by volunteer teachers; both sitting and walking meditation; discussions and refreshments including lunch follow. Often elders who bring the children, stay on.

On Thursday it is mediation for seniors: those of Boyagama and adjacent villages. My niece tells me that six months ago when meditation sessions for these persons was started, the attendance was less than 10 and mostly elderly women. The composition of the group is now around 45 on average, and includes younger women and men – young adults to the elderly. Many close their kades for the day and three wheeler drivers forego their earnings so they have time to meditate.

This is remarkable when you consider that they forego their livelihood for four days of the month to devote time to their spiritual development. It certainly is the influence of the remarkable Most Ven Dhammajiva Thera and the pull exerted by the beautiful sloping hillock which surely emanates an ambience of sanctity and serenity. I have felt the vibes when I visit Nagastenna.

My niece Dhammika and her friends, and other volunteers from in and around the village see to food for the meditators – tea, refreshments and lunch. Then came a request from the village women that they be given the opportunity to gain merit by preparing and offering the noon meal. Thus the supply of everything needed for meaningful immersion in beneficial bhavana. Generosity and kindness at their peak.

Greatly appreciated by our family is Most Ven Dhammajiva mentioning in his sermons on more than one occasion that the interment ground has to be preserved and protected. The veneration of the Bo tree has been a practice from many decades ago.

Offered are:

Itemized are the benefits offered by the Sati Meditation Centre which seem to be widely appreciated.

Encouragement and provision of facilities and training to practice and make sati meditation a daily habit of both children and adults;

Inculcation of the positive influence of sati on impressionable minds of children and young adults which need gentle guidance towards what is mentally and physically healthy;

The offer of a safe place and sanctuary for children whose lives may be troubled; thus giving them happiness.

Serious, sustained dedication and observance of the practice of Dhamma, Sila and Dhana (generosity).

Inducement and inculcation of hope and happiness in both children and adults.

Nurturing of a sense of unity among those who participate; which fellow feeling spreads among the villagers.

Sri Kalyani Sathi Pasala at Nagastenna, Boyagama, has extended its outreach to include sati training for school teachers, members of the University of Peradeniya Engineering Faculty (Ven Dhammajiva having been an undergrad) and other organizations and units.

It is both heartening and joyful to say that within a comparatively short time this ‘sati pasala’ has brought prominence and light to a village in Peradeniya and its reputation and influence are fast spreading through the Central Province. The late donor and his sister, assisted by multiple volunteers in and around Boyagama, including the most efficient dedicated resident Venerable, continue the good work. Most Ven Uda Eriyagama Dhammajiva is a frequent visitor. Deep gratitude is extended to all of them and the villagers who brought about this amazing transformation of a little tucked away hamlet to a beautiful, peaceful sanctuary for children and adults to further their spiritual growth in the Kandy District.

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