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St. Anthony Stole Fire from Hell: A Festival at a Sardinian Village

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Sardinian village

by Jayantha Perera

Shyamala (my wife) and I arrived at Cagliari Airport in Sardinia with several friends from Rome to participate in a writers’ workshop in Galteli, a remote Sardinian village. It was mid-January, and It was a sunny and warm afternoon. The sky was blue, and sun rays penetrated the airport’s thick, tall glass panes, warming us. The distant craggy mountains displayed their naked limestone spikes, occasionally releasing a glint. The dusty horizon looked distant, blurring the contours between the dry, flat land and disappearing grey mountains. Large concrete structures dominated the immediate landscape of the airport. They were engulfed in a mess of tentacles of the ring road. Still, a disciplined traffic movement emerged from the chaos. The landscape of Sardinia, with its rugged mountains, flat lands, and distant horizons, was a sight to behold.

Someone announced we should go to the green bus about 200 meters from the Arrivals building. An Italian who spoke English volunteered to fetch the driver. We applauded when the bus driver returned. He was a podgy man with very little hair on his head. His clothes were too tight and crumpled. He looked like a man who already had a few pints of beer. He packed our bags into the bus belly in five minutes and asked us to get in.

The bus left the airport at 3.45 pm. It was a glorious afternoon with the golden sun just setting after warming all of us. The dry, flat, distant landscape suddenly took a new look, bathed in warm golden sun rays. The journey was smooth, and there were hardly any other vehicles on the winding road. The immediate flat land with distant hills and mountain ranges on the horizon started to display their land use patterns. By the road was a grazing land with hundreds of sheep and cows, and at another place was a large village with well-maintained gardens and orchards. There was open land dotted with ancient Roman ruins, dry riverbeds, and medieval churches with beautiful domes in a few places. The rapidly setting winter sun added charm to the landscape through the lengthening shadows of houses, trees, and churches, especially their spires. The journey looked never-ending with the rapid sunset.

The bus arrived at Galtelli village after sunset. A young woman in a skirt and tee shirt got onto the bus, read 10 names, and waited until 10 people showed their raised hands. She already looked harassed. She advised the ten men to get down and collect their luggage from the bus belly. It was already dark, so it was challenging to identify the luggage. The second bus stop was on the main road. As if they had learned from the first group, another 10 exited the bus soon after the roll call, collected their baggage, and vanished into the darkness with an assistant. The third and final group arrived at an empty bus stop at Sa. Cantina. When we got down from the bus, darkness and cold engulfed us. Andrea, the manager of Antico Borgo Hotel, was at the bus stop. Some confusion arose from the name list, as some writers who had planned to stay together during the workshop were separated by that time. After a 10-minute discussion, local organisers’ plans prevailed. The dejected ones picked up their baggage and followed Andrea.

Andrea was in a hurry. After walking uphill for about five minutes, several writers complained they could no longer carry their bags. Andrea ignored them and continued uphill. The climb was steep on cobbled streets. It was tough to pull suitcases and walk uphill. Shyamala and I found it challenging to keep pace with Andrea, especially after one of my bags lost two wheels on the rough, cobbled streets. I told Andrea several guests needed help to carry their bags to the hotel. He said, “First things first”, and moved on.

The final climb was from a church piazza (public square) to the Antico Borgo Hotel at #7 of Via Sassari. There was a great gasp of relief when we saw the large gate of the Antico Borgo Hotel. The hotel, a charming establishment with a rich history, was a welcome sight after the long journey. Andrea opened the visitors’ gate, led us into the courtyard, and disappeared. Some collapsed into the wicker chairs in the hotel’s foyer and demanded a stiff drink to recover. We were freezing in the foyer, waiting for Andrea. He returned after 30 minutes, ready to assist us with our check-in.

Shyamala and I got a room on the ground floor. The room was a part of the original building, dating back to the 16th century. The roof had wild tree trunks as rafters, and the uneven ceiling was covered with lime and clay. The room was dark, damp, and smelly. It had no windows. There were six steel-framed beds, although we had requested a room with one double bed. One bed, however, had fresh bed sheets, pillows, folded blankets, two large towels, and several hand towels.

D H Lawrence’s description of winter in Sardinia in his ‘Sea and Sardinia’ aptly described our plight at the guest house. “The room – in fact, the whole Sardinia – was stone cold, stone, stone cold. Outside, the earth is freezing. Inside, there was no thought of any sort of warmth: dungeon stone floors, dungeon stone walls, and a dead corpse-like atmosphere, too heavy and icy to move.”

There was a wooden closet at the back of the room. The bookshelf by the toilet was covered with dust, and the few books and pamphlets on its bottom were wet and soggy. The coffee machine was on a rickety table by our bed. There was a small fridge, and a 12″ TV was on it.

The bathroom was wet and freezing cold despite running hot water. The shower stall needed to be wider for a person to stand.

Within minutes, Shyamala found breathing difficult, as the room was stale, wet, and musty. She caught Andrea in the courtyard and asked for an extra heater to warm the room and a dehumidifier to clear the air. We were glad to spend a few minutes under the two blankets to recover before dinner at a restaurant about 600 meters from Borgo. Hot soup and a steak revived our mood. When we returned, the room had two dehumidifiers and two extra heaters, and we felt cosy and warm.

We got up early the following day; the room was warm, and the air was much cleaner than the previous evening. The coffee machine worked perfectly. We dressed, crossed the courtyard, and climbed a few steps to the open restaurant with a large heater that kept the area warm. The breakfast spread was impressive – many types of cured fish and meat with olives and cheeses. The heater broke down within minutes, and we had breakfast as we shivered in the cold. Andrea arranged a few electric heaters to keep at least our feet warm and provided an unlimited number of hot cappuccinos to keep us warm.

After breakfast, we walked around the cobblestone streets, absorbing the breathtaking view. The sun shone, and roads were dry after the previous night’s rain. Galtelli village was on a low hill ledge of the mighty Tuttuvista Mountain that rose steeply behind it. The village spread downwards along winding, silent, and narrow cobblestone streets to the national S 129 highway. The limestone mountain, its environs, well-kept whitewashed houses, and beautiful medieval churches with their belfries wiped out our complaints. We learned that Grazia Deledda, the Nobel Prize winner for literature in the 1930s and who wrote ‘Reeds in the Wind,’ had lived in Galtelli for several short spells in the 1920s and 1930s.

Lunch was served around 1 pm in the hotel’s courtyard. It consisted of salads, cold cuts, canned fish, wild rice, bread, olives, and pickles. The sun and warmth in the courtyard encouraged discussions and debates among guests. Small groups spread over the courtyard, steps, and balconies as they enjoyed the food, the sun, wine, and coffee. There were no other tasks other than a siesta in the afternoon.

Andrea studied hotel management in the US and developed a peculiar English accent. He was also the manager of two other small hotels. He arranged transport and guided tours for guests. A popular trip was to climb Tuttavista to see Statua Bronzea del Christo (a bronze statue of Christ) and Sa Pedra Istampada (St Peter’s viewing point). He sometimes acted as a middleman when guests had merchandise to sell.

Once, when Andrea was alone in his office, I asked him for the best time to visit Sardinia. That question baffled him; he said, “Sardinia is special in any season.” He did not like my suggestion that Sardinian culture is a sub-Italian culture. He said, “Sardinia is a part of Italy, but not Italy.” Then he told me, “When God created paradise, he actually created Sardinia.”

In mid-January, the village celebrates the Fiesta di Sant’Antonio Abate (the Feast of Saint Anthony, the Abbot). St. Anthony is also known as Saint Anthony the Great, Saint Anthony of Padua, the Egyptian Saint, and the patron saint of butchers, domestic animals, basket makers, and gravediggers. He also protects people against skin diseases, especially shingles, known as Fuoco di Sant’Antonio (Fire of St. Anthony).

St. Anthony, the hermit, renounced worldly possessions, followed the word of Jesus, performed miracles, and helped ordinary folks. He was the first hermit to live a genuinely monastic lifestyle. The devil repeatedly tempted him to break his vows, but he persevered through sincere prayers and meditation. St. Anthony is often portrayed in images with the devil at his feet. A legend claims he went to hell to steal the devil’s fire. While he distracted the devil, his pet piglet ran in and brought a piece of burning coal from the fireplace.

The Galtelli people eagerly await the feast of Sant’Antonio stealing fire from hell. The centre of the celebration is a majestic bonfire to warm up the cold evening. This ancient ritual brings the entire village community together.

St Anthony’s Cathedral in Galtelli celebrated the festival with gusto. Young men and women decorated the church, its approach path, and the main road. A few days before the festival, villagers combed nearby mountains and valleys to gather wet grass and tree branches. Some brought small loads of wood and ferns from the nearby riverbed; others drove their pickups to transport lumber from the slopes of the Tuttavista mountain.

Those who brought grass, timber, and tree branches piled them into a pyramid in the middle of the village playground and left the heap to settle and dry. A few days before the festival, women baked cocconeddos and pistiddu, thick biscuits with dough filled with cooked wine. The festival committee planned a convivial dinner for church leaders and music groups. Mr Antonio, the Galtelli’s brewer and wine seller, promised to deliver countless gallons of wine to serve devotees.

The church service began at 3.30 p.m. A local group sang in ancient Sard (the local dialect), adding an aura to the service. They were all men. One was a very old man and could hardly stand. A young man replaced him occasionally, and the old man was happy to be a part of the choir. All young girls and boys in the village attended the service, and their murmurings were loud enough to mask what the priest said. People were happy because the day was sunny and bright.

A sharing moment between the sacred and the profane arose after the church service. We all walked in silence to the playground, where the pyramid awaited. On the way, women distributed coconeddos and pistiddu to devotees. The priest who celebrated the service arrived first at the playground. He blessed the pyramid and waited until the entire community and visitors gathered around it. Two young men walked around the monument three times with torches, keeping their left shoulder towards the pyramid while the priest chanted prayers. Then, the priest sprinkled holy water on the pyramid. The two men set fire to the bonfire’s core, and in a few seconds, the mighty blaze was sending hot flames in all directions. Visitors inhaled the pleasant smell of burning myrtle branches and eucalyptus leaves. The lengthening shadow of Mount Tuttavista slowly engulfed all of us. The sunset threw a glorious hue over the burning bonfire.

Young men distributed new wine in plastic cups. Refills came very fast, and refusing new wine was considered a sin. The wine god, Bacchus, stood beside the bonfire and brought boozy blessings to all. Cauldrons filled with boiling pig lard with broad beans were brought in. People fell in line to get food as a few middle-aged women controlled the crowd. Some devotees pensively watched and counted the images drawn by the bonfire in the heavy smoke. They tried to tally them with premonitions, prophecies and wishes for the New Year.

Shyamala and I had enough fresh wine for the day and wanted to return to our guesthouse. It was difficult to leave the ground as everyone wanted to talk to us. Shyamala talked to some of them in Italian, and they were thrilled to discuss our thoughts on the festival. Shyamala, meanwhile, told me the priest had flirty eye contact with her; I thought he was tipsy. The priest spoke a little English and smoked cigars non-stop. His potbelly hinted that he drank a lot of wine. The priest was a short and fat fellow with no hair on his head and wore a tight pair of blue jeans and a short-sleeved checked shirt. He sported his cell phone in his back jeans pocket and regularly checked it for messages.

Two days later, someone suggested that Antonio bring 40 bottles of new wine to the guesthouse to sell to the guests. Antonio arrived at the guesthouse later that night with his German girlfriend in his double cab van. Nobody showed any interest in Antonio’s wine. Antonio did not know what had gone wrong with his wine the previous day – the wine tasted like vinegar. Still, one consolation was that St. Vincent Saragossa was the patron saint of wine brewers and vinegar producers. If St. Vincent felt belittled by St. Anthony after the bonfire, Antonio could brew another batch of fresh wines in the name of St. Vincent. After all, in Galtelli, there is ample time and space for new traditions to emerge and new friendships to forge.

We left Galtelli after staying eight days at Andrea’s guesthouse. After helping him load bags, Shyamala and I joined him in going to Sa. Cantina to catch the airport bus. He drove like a maniac at breakneck speed. He negotiated elbow corners at high speed on narrow and slippery cobbled streets. He smiled and reassured us that he knew Galtelli roads well and that his guardian angel would protect him. I wanted to ask him who would protect us. When we reached Sa. Cantina, he quickly unloaded suitcases, ignored the heavy rain, and drove back to bring more guests after waving at us and sending a flying kiss.



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From Windrush to Brexit: Redrawing Britain’s Migration Map

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A file photo of an anti-immigration protest in Dover

For much of its modern history, Britain was an imperial power connected to every corner of the globe, yet it was not a major destination for large-scale international migration. Different waves of newcomers arrived over the centuries, but the overall foreign-born population remained relatively small by contemporary standards. The 1901 Census recorded 82,844 people from Eastern Europe living in Britain, while the Chinese population numbered just 387. Even at the beginning of the 20th century, migrants from Asia and other parts of the world constituted only a tiny fraction of the country’s population. Britain was a nation shaped by migration, but not yet one transformed by it. That would begin to change dramatically in the aftermath of the Second World War.

One of the most significant changes in Britain’s migration patterns after World War II came from the former colonies of the British Empire. Faced with acute labour shortages and the demands of post-war reconstruction, the government introduced the British Nationality Act of 1948, granting citizens of the Commonwealth the right to live and work in the United Kingdom. Although immigration controls were tightened through legislation, such as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962, migration from former colonies continued. Many of those who arrived belonged to the educated middle classes of their home countries. Having passed through education systems established by Britain during the colonial period, they were already familiar with the English language, British institutions and aspects of British culture. For them, Britain represented a land of opportunity, professional advancement and social mobility.

A different set of motivations drove migration from continental Europe, particularly from Eastern European countries. For these migrants, the United Kingdom offered significantly higher wages, stronger labour markets and living standards that often exceeded those available in their countries of origin. This trend accelerated further after Britain joined the European Economic Community in 1973, initiating a period in which citizens of member states gradually acquired rights to move, work, study and establish businesses across national borders. The expansion of the European Union in the early 21st century, particularly the accession of several Eastern European states in 2004, would later transform these flows on an unprecedented scale.

Immigration has rarely been determined solely by economic forces; it has also reflected the priorities of governments in power. During the period between 1997 and 2010, when the Labour Party was in power, immigration policies became comparatively more open in several key areas. Combined with economic growth and labour demand, these policies contributed to a substantial increase in migration, with net migration reaching levels that had few historical precedents in modern Britain. The debate over whether this growth was an economic necessity, a policy success or a political miscalculation continues to influence British politics to this day.

The next major turning point came with the Brexit referendum of 2016 and Britain’s eventual departure from the European Union. For decades, European citizens had enjoyed relatively unrestricted access to the British labour market through the principle of free movement. As the post-Brexit immigration system took shape, that privilege largely disappeared. The result was not the end of migration, but a significant shift in its composition. Labour shortages remained across sectors, ranging from healthcare and social care to information technology, logistics and higher education. As European migration declined, employers increasingly turned to other parts of the world to meet these demands.

This created new opportunities for migrants from countries such as India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and several other Asian nations. In many respects, these arrivals filled a vacuum left by the reduction in European labour mobility. The overall pattern suggests that Britain’s economy continued to require migrant labour even as its immigration framework underwent fundamental change. Migration flows did not disappear; rather, they were redirected.

Yet this shift has done little to calm public anxieties surrounding immigration. If anything, concerns over migration have remained a central feature of British political debate. Governments of different political persuasions, including those that once defended relatively liberal immigration policies, have increasingly adopted tougher rhetoric and stricter measures aimed at reducing migration levels. Across the political spectrum, there is growing pressure to demonstrate greater control over borders, tighten visa pathways and, in some cases, encourage or require migrants to leave once their economic or educational purpose has ended.

This pressure has translated into a series of policy changes. In 2025, the government announced new restrictions designed to reduce migration and increase employer reliance on the domestic workforce. Among the most significant measures were plans to shorten the list of occupations for which employers could sponsor workers from overseas and to introduce tougher compliance requirements for sponsoring organisations. Social care, a sector that had become heavily dependent on international recruitment, was particularly affected, with employers facing tighter limitations on recruiting care workers from abroad. These changes reflected a broader political commitment to lowering migration numbers, even as many sectors continued to report persistent staffing shortages.

The higher education sector has also found itself at the centre of this debate. International students have become one of the most important contributors to Britain’s universities and local economies. They pay tuition fees that help sustain institutions, support jobs in university towns and cities, and contribute billions of pounds annually through spending on housing, transport and everyday living expenses. For many students, however, studying in Britain is not merely an educational experience but a substantial personal and financial investment made with the expectation that it will open pathways to professional opportunities.

Against this backdrop, proposals to reduce the standard length of the graduate visa have generated considerable concern. The graduate route has allowed international students to remain in the United Kingdom after completing their studies in order to gain work experience and establish careers. Supporters of restrictions argue that student visas should not become a long-term migration pathway. Critics counter that reducing post-study opportunities risks making Britain less attractive in an increasingly competitive global market for talent. Countries such as Canada, Australia and Germany continue to compete aggressively for skilled international graduates, and students weighing their options may choose destinations that offer clearer prospects after graduation.

These debates often frame migration as a problem to be solved through numerical reductions. Yet, what should be noted here is that many of the pressures commonly attributed to immigration are connected to wider economic and political challenges. The decade following Britain’s departure from the European Union has been marked by an unusual degree of political instability. Since the Brexit referendum, the country has seen seven prime ministers, with governments frequently changing direction on economic strategy, public spending and immigration policy. Such instability has contributed to uncertainty about Britain’s long-term trajectory and has complicated efforts to build a consistent approach to migration.

Public concerns about immigration are real and cannot simply be dismissed. Anti-immigration demonstrations and calls for stricter border controls continue to attract significant support in some parts of the country. At the same time, these concerns often become a focal point through which broader anxieties about housing, public services, economic stagnation and national identity are expressed. Immigration is therefore not merely a migration issue; it is also a lens through which deeper social and political tensions are debated.

The increasingly restrictive tone of migration policy has also raised questions about community cohesion and the treatment of migrants already living in Britain.

While much public attention focuses on new arrivals, long-term residents can also find themselves affected by changing rules and enforcement practices. Earlier proposals such as the Rwanda asylum plan, announced in 2022, sought to relocate certain asylum seekers to Rwanda for the processing of their claims, though the policy was never ultimately implemented. More recently, cases involving migrants being instructed to leave the country despite having established families, employment and community ties have generated public debate. One widely discussed example involved Chamila Dilrukshi, a Sri Lankan mother, who was instructed by the Home Office to leave the United Kingdom with her three children while her husband remained in Britain. Cases such as these illustrate how immigration policy extends beyond statistics and labour markets, affecting family life, community relationships and the sense of belonging experienced by migrants who have built their lives in the country.

This raises a more fundamental question than the familiar debate over whether immigration numbers should rise or fall. If Britain continues to face an ageing population, labour shortages in critical sectors and increasing competition for global talent, can it realistically sustain economic growth while simultaneously reducing its reliance on migrants? Equally important, can successive governments build a migration system that balances economic necessity, public confidence and social cohesion at a time of continuing political uncertainty? The answer may prove decisive not only for Britain’s future migration policy, but for the broader question of what kind of society, economy and national identity the United Kingdom hopes to shape in the decades ahead.

by Viran Maddumage
Assistant Lecturer & PhD(Reading) Department of Human Geography and Migration, Macquarie University, Australia
and Sanduni Rathnayake

Lecturer (Probationary) Faculty of Law, General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University

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Tolerance and Diversity

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Today all the major religions of the world must respond to a double challenge. On one side is the challenge of secularism, a trend which has swept across the globe, battering against the most ancient strongholds of the sacred and turning all man’s movements towards the Beyond into a forlorn gesture, poignant but devoid of sense. On the other side is the meeting of the great religions with each other. As the most far-flung nations and cultures merge into a single global community, the representatives of humankind’s spiritual quest have been brought together in an encounter of unprecedented intimacy, an encounter so close that it leaves no room for retreat. Thus, at one and the same time each major religion faces, in the amphitheater of world opinion, all the other religions of the earth, as well as the vast numbers of people who regard all claims to possess the Great Answer with a skeptical frown or an indifferent yawn.

In this situation, any religion which is to emerge as more than a relic from humanity’s adolescence must be able to deal, in a convincing and meaningful manner, with both sides of the challenge. On the one hand it must contain the swelling tide of secularism, by keeping alive the intuition that no amount of technological mastery over external nature, no degree of proficiency in providing for humanity’s mundane needs, can bring complete repose to the human spirit, can still the thirst for a truth and value that transcends the boundaries of contingency. On the other hand, each religion must find some way of disentangling the conflicting claims that all religions make to understand our place in the grand scheme of things and to hold the key to our salvation. While remaining faithful to its own most fundamental principles, a religion must be able to address the striking differences between its own tenets and those of other creeds, doing so in a manner that is at once honest yet humble, perspicacious yet unimposing.

In this brief essay, I wish to sketch the outline of an appropriate Buddhist response to the second challenge. Since Buddhism has always professed to offer a “middle way” in resolving the intellectual and ethical dilemmas of the spiritual life, we may find that the key to our present problematic also lies in discovering the response that best exemplifies the middle way. As has often been noted, the middle way is not a compromise between the extremes but a way that rises above them, avoiding the pitfalls into which they lead. Therefore, in seeking the proper Buddhist approach to the problem of the diversity of creeds, we might begin by pinpointing the extremes which the middle way must avoid.

The first extreme is a retreat into fundamentalism, the adoption of an aggressive affirmation of one’s own beliefs coupled with a proselytizing zeal towards those who still stand outside the chosen circle of one’s co-religionists. While this response to the challenge of diversity has assumed alarming proportions in the folds of the great monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam, it is not one towards which Buddhism has a ready affinity, for the ethical guidelines of the Dhamma naturally tend to foster an attitude of benign tolerance towards other religions and their followers. Though there is no guarantee against the rise of a militant fundamentalism from within Buddhism’s own ranks, the Buddha’s teachings can offer no sanctification, not even a remote one, for such a malignant development.

For Buddhists the more alluring alternative is the second extreme. This extreme, which purchases tolerance at the price of integrity, might be called the thesis of spiritual universalism: the view that all the great religions, at their core, espouse essentially the same truth, clothed merely in different modes of expression. Such a thesis could not, of course, be maintained in regard to the formal creeds of the major religions, which differ so widely that it would require a strenuous exercise in word-twisting to bring them into accord. The universalist position is arrived at instead by an indirect route. Its advocates argue that we must distinguish between the outward face of a religion — its explicit beliefs and exoteric practices — and its inner nucleus of experiential realisation. On the basis of this distinction, they then insist, we will find that beneath the markedly different outward faces of the great religions, at their heart — in respect of the spiritual experiences from which they emerge and the ultimate goal to which they lead — they are substantially identical. Thus, the major religions differ simply in so far as they are different means, different expedients, to the same liberative experience, which may be indiscriminately designated “enlightenment,” or “redemption,” or “God-realization,” since these different terms merely highlight different aspects of the same goal. As the famous maxim puts it: the roads up the mountain are many, but the moonlight at the top is one. From this point of view, the Buddha Dhamma is only one more variant on the “perennial philosophy” underlying all the mature expressions of man’s spiritual quest. It may stand out by its elegant simplicity, its clarity and directness; but a unique and unrepeated revelation of truth it harbors not.

On first consideration the adoption of such a view may seem to be an indispensable stepping-stone to religious tolerance, and to insist that doctrinal differences are not merely verbal but real and important may appear to border on bigotry. Thus, those who embrace Buddhism in reaction against the doctrinaire narrowness of the monotheistic religions may find in such a view — so soft and accommodating — a welcome respite from the insistence on privileged access to truth typical of those religions. However, an unbiased study of the Buddha’s own discourses would show quite plainly that the universalist thesis does not have the endorsement of the Awakened One himself. To the contrary, the Buddha repeatedly proclaims that the path to the supreme goal of the holy life is made known only in his own teaching, and therefore that the attainment of that goal — final deliverance from suffering — can be achieved only from within his own dispensation. The best known instance of this claim is the Buddha’s assertion, on the eve of his Parinibbana, that only in his dispensation are the four grades of enlightened persons to be found, that the other sects are devoid of true ascetics, those who have reached the planes of liberation.

The Buddha’s restriction of final emancipation to his own dispensation does not spring from a narrow dogmatism or a lack of good will, but rests upon an utterly precise determination of the nature of the final goal and of the means that must be implemented to reach it. This goal is neither an everlasting afterlife in a heaven nor some nebulously conceived state of spiritual illumination, but the Nibbana element with no residue remaining, release from the cycle of repeated birth and death. This goal is effected by the utter destruction of the mind’s defilements — greed, aversion and delusion — all the way down to their subtlest levels of latency. The eradication of the defilements can be achieved only by insight into the true nature of phenomena, which means that the attainment of Nibbana depends upon the direct experiential insight into all conditioned phenomena, internal and external, as stamped with the “three characteristics of existence”: impermanence, suffering, and non-selfness. What the Buddha maintains, as the ground for his assertion that his teaching offers the sole means to final release from suffering, is that the knowledge of the true nature of phenomena, in its exactitude and completeness, is accessible only in his teaching. This is so because, theoretically, the principles that define this knowledge are unique to his teaching and contradictory in vital respects to the basic tenets of other creeds; and because, practically, this teaching alone reveals, in its perfection and purity, the means of generating this liberative knowledge as a matter of immediate personal experience. This means is the Noble Eightfold Path which, as an integrated system of spiritual training, cannot be found outside the dispensation of a Fully Enlightened One.

Surprisingly, this exclusivistic stance of Buddhism in regard to the prospects for final emancipation has never engendered a policy of intolerance on the part of Buddhists towards the adherents of other religions. To the contrary, throughout its long history, Buddhism has displayed a thoroughgoing tolerance and genial good will towards the many religions with which it has come into contact. It has maintained this tolerance simultaneously with its deep conviction that the doctrine of the Buddha offers the unique and unsurpassable way to release from the ills inherent in conditioned existence. For Buddhism, religious tolerance is not achieved by reducing all religions to a common denominator, nor by explaining away formidable differences in thought and practice as accidents of historical development. From the Buddhist point of view, to make tolerance contingent upon whitewashing discrepancies would not be to exercise genuine tolerance at all; for such an approach can “tolerate” differences only by diluting them so completely that they no longer make a difference. True tolerance in religion involves the capacity to admit differences as real and fundamental, even as profound and unbridgeable, yet at the same time to respect the rights of those who follow a religion different from one’s own (or no religion at all) to continue to do so without resentment, disadvantage or hindrance.

Buddhist tolerance springs from the recognition that the dispositions and spiritual needs of human beings are too vastly diverse to be encompassed by any single teaching, and thus that these needs will naturally find expression in a wide variety of religious forms. The non-Buddhist systems will not be able to lead their adherents to the final goal of the Buddha’s Dhamma, but that they never proposed to do in the first place. For Buddhism, acceptance of the idea of the beginningless round of rebirths implies that it would be utterly unrealistic to expect more than a small number of people to be drawn towards a spiritual path aimed at complete liberation. The overwhelming majority, even of those who seek deliverance from earthly woes, will aim at securing a favorable mode of existence within the round, even while misconceiving this to be the ultimate goal of the religious quest.

To the extent that a religion proposes sound ethical principles and can promote to some degree the development of wholesome qualities such as love, generosity, detachment and compassion, it will merit in this respect the approbation of Buddhists. These principles advocated by outside religious systems will also conduce to rebirth in the realms of bliss — the heavens and the divine abodes.

Buddhism by no means claims to have unique access to these realms, but holds that the paths that lead to them have been articulated, with varying degrees of clarity, in many of the great spiritual traditions of humanity. While the Buddhist will disagree with the belief structures of other religions to the extent that they deviate from the Buddha’s Dhamma, he will respect them to the extent that they enjoin virtues and standards of conduct that promote spiritual development and the harmonious integration of human beings with each other and with the world. (Courtesy Buddhist Publication Society.)

by Bhikkhu Bodhi

 

 

 

 

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Seeing things as they truly are

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Buddhism offers a profound moral and philosophical framework aimed at guiding individuals toward enlightenment and alleviating suffering. A key aspect of this journey is understanding reality through the lens of the Three Marks of Existence, a concept deeply rooted in Buddhist scriptures and teachings. This understanding can often become obscured by delusion and ignorance, hindering our ability to perceive the true nature of reality and trapping us in cycles of suffering.

The Three Marks of Existence, also known as the Three Universal Truths, are (1) impermanence (Anicca), (2) suffering or unsatisfactoriness (Dukkha), and (3) non-self or insubstantiality (Anatta). These principles, articulated by the Buddha over 2,500 years ago, reveal universal truths applicable to all beings and serve as a foundation for deeper insights into life. They emphasise that all phenomena are transient, that lasting happiness is elusive, and that the notion of a fixed self is fundamentally illusory.

In the Pali Canon, teachings highlight that all conditioned phenomena (saṅkhārāā) are subject to Anicca and Dukkha, while Anatta extends even further, applying to all dhammas. As stated in the Anatta-lakkhana Sutta, the Buddha underscores the reality that there is no enduring self within the five aggregates, indicating that the belief in “I” or “mine” is a source of Dukkha that must be relinquished. Understanding Anatta encourages practitioners to recognise the emptiness of the self and to understand how clinging to identity leads to suffering.

These three characteristics are incontrovertible facts that apply to both animate and inanimate things. Whether Buddhas arise or not, these truths exist in the world. In Buddhism, to see things as they truly are means to consistently view them through the lens of the Three Marks. Failing to do so, or deceiving oneself about their reality and range of application, is the defining mark of ignorance (avijja). This ignorance of our true nature and the true nature of our surroundings leads to actions based on delusions, accumulating karma that keeps us bound to the cycle of rebirth and death.

Dissolving that ignorance through direct insight into the Three Marks is said to bring an end to samsara and the resulting suffering (dukkha nirodha or nirodha sacca, as described in the third of the Four Noble Truths). To perceive things as they truly are, one must cultivate an understanding of these truths—not merely through intellectual contemplation but also through insights gained from personal experiences. A deeper comprehension of the Three Universal Truths fosters wisdom and leads to liberation from the cycle of rebirth, culminating in Nibbana, the ultimate goal of Buddhism.

Recognising the interplay of these three characteristics in our lives is essential. Ignorance of these truths breeds delusion and results in actions that generate karma, confining us to a persistent cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Gaining direct insight into the Three Marks of Existence enables us to transcend suffering (Dukkha Nirodha), aligning with the third of the Four Noble Truths.

Moreover, a lack of understanding regarding these universal truths can lead to frustration and despair. Conversely, a clear grasp of the Three Marks equips us to navigate life’s complexities, allowing for realistic expectations, resilient acceptance of suffering, and protection against misleading beliefs.

The Satipatthana Sutta highlights mindfulness as a vital tool for engaging with reality as it is. By observing our thoughts, feelings, and sensations without attachment or aversion, we cultivate a clearer perception of impermanence, suffering, and non-self. The realisation that all phenomena are fleeting allows us to develop a compassionate response to ourselves and others, breaking the cycle of craving and clinging that fuels suffering.

Rev. Nyanapoke further articulates that the Three Marks are observable in every facet of existence—physical, emotional, mental, and social. He notes that natural cycles, shifts in emotions, evolving thoughts, and changing relationships epitomise the transient nature of life. Even when contemplating minute aspects of life, we encounter an immense variety of living forms, from microbes to humans, demonstrating that these three basic features are common to everything that possesses animate existence. Through this comprehensive understanding, we can better navigate the complexities of life and deepen our connection to the essence of existence.

By reflecting on the first of the Three Marks of Existence, the universal truth of impermanence, we come to understand the stark reality that everything we acquire and hold dear—possessions, achievements, cherished relationships, and loved ones—will ultimately succumb to time and cease to exist. This notion is poignantly captured by the philosopher Heraclitus, who famously remarked, “No man ever steps in the same river twice,” underscoring the idea that both the river and the man are in constant flux, the transient nature of existence.

This idea of impermanence also resonates with the biblical acknowledgement, “Why do you not even know what will happen tomorrow? What is your life? You are but a mist that appears for a little while and then vanishes” (James 4:14). The first truth, impermanence, is intricately connected to all aspects of our existence.

The second characteristic. Dukkha is an important concept in Buddhism, commonly referred to as suffering. It is the first of the Four Noble Truths. Suffering is an inescapable part of life, and it can come in many forms. It refers to the habitual experience of mundane life as fundamentally unsatisfactory and painful. There are many times in our lives when we feel overwhelmed by our suffering and wonder how we can overcome it. Dukkha refers to the inherent unsatisfactoriness and suffering present in life. It encompasses a broad range of experiences, including physical pain, emotional distress, and existential dissatisfaction. In other words, dukkha can vary from minor irritations to profound suffering, and it is not limited to overt suffering. It also highlights the subtle discomfort that arises from life’s impermanence and the transient nature of happiness. Even moments of joy are often tinged with the knowledge that they are fleeting, leading to a perpetual sense of longing or fear of loss. The Buddha applies the characteristic of suffering to all conditioned things in the sense that for living beings, everything conditioned is a potential cause of experienced suffering and is, at any rate, incapable of giving lasting satisfaction.

Buddha says, “The world is established on suffering, is founded on suffering” (Dukkha loko patitthito). His whole doctrine rests on the pivot of suffering. He perceived the universality of suffering and propounded a remedy (Noble Eightfold Path) for the universal sickness of humanity. By that, Buddhism does not denote an attitude of hopelessness and pessimism toward life. Buddha did not expect his adherents to be constantly brooding over the ills of life and so make their lives unhappy.

If you look at the world with dispassionate discernment, it becomes abundantly clear that there is only one problem in the world, which is suffering, dukkha. Today, people all over the world suffer untold suffering and agony, and there is so much misery all around us. People’s lives are plucked at a young age. Many people suffer from incurable diseases and tragic deaths. Humanity is continuously grappling with many natural disasters and destruction. Yet, through ignorance, people go chasing after shadows, dwelling in delusion, unable to confront the adversities that life brings. Suffering appears and passes away, only to reappear in other forms. All forms of suffering are either physical or psychological. All is in a whirl; nothing escapes this inexorable, unceasing change.

Understanding Dukkha is crucial for practitioners, as it invites introspection about the nature of existence and our responses to experiences. Instead of viewing suffering as something to be avoided, Buddhism encourages us to confront it, recognize its roots, and understand its universal presence in human life. This acknowledgement allows us to cultivate compassion for ourselves and others who are also caught in this cycle of suffering. By facing Dukkha with awareness, we can begin to unravel the causes of our suffering and start the journey toward alleviation.

The third truth, Anatta, embraces the concept of non-self or insubstantiality, suggesting that there is no permanent, unchanging self within us. This realisation challenges the deeply ingrained belief in a fixed identity or essence. Instead, Buddhism teaches that what we consider the “self” is actually a collection of ever-changing physical and mental components, known as the five aggregates: form, sensation, perception, mental formations, and consciousness.

Understanding Anatta is liberating in that it encourages us to let go of attachments to our identities, beliefs, and notions of self. When we cling to a fixed identity, we create suffering through desires and fears related to maintaining that identity. By recognising that the self is contingent and fluid, we can reduce suffering and anxiety associated with self-identity and experience greater freedom. Embracing Anatta allows individuals to break free from the confines of ego, leading to a deeper connection with the world and others.

Together, the truths of Dukkha and Anatta highlight the importance of understanding suffering and the illusion of self in the journey toward enlightenment. By facing these truths, practitioners can cultivate wisdom, compassion, and ultimately find liberation from the cycles of rebirth and suffering.

by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara

 

 

 

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