Features
IoT-based smart locker system designed by Lankan engineering student

by The Island Features Desk
Thiman T. Dulsara Kumarage’s final year dissertation for his BSc. (Hons.) Software Engineering degree at ICBT Colombo, awarded by Cardiff Metropolitan University, tackles three modern-day problems with the development of an IoT (Internet of Things) based smart locker system. The Island met Kumarage, who is also an undergraduate at Plymouth University (NSBM), parallelly following a BSc. (Hons.) Computer Security, to talk at length about his latest project.”
Q: What are the problems you are trying to solve?
A: Of the three major problems, one concerned the Last Mile Delivery [Last mile delivery is defined as the movement of goods from a transportation hub to the final delivery destination. The final delivery destination is typically a personal residence; another contactless parcel exchange, and finally, the short-term rental key exchange problem.
Regarding the last mile delivery, according to multiple studies, most door-to-door delivery companies incur over 50 percent of their total delivery costs during the final door-to-door delivery efforts. Having to go door-to-door with multiple parcels while doing redeliveries for missed attempts, these companies need to maintain a large number of delivery personnel and vehicles.
Furthermore, fuel costs, maintenance of vehicles, insurance for vehicles and staff against accidents and domestic issues such as dog bites at delivery points heavily increase the costs they must incur, which they do by passing it down to the customer as well. From a customer perspective, door-to-door deliveries can sometimes be highly inconvenient, especially for people who work away from home. Many often find themselves having to take time off work to be home to collect parcels on delivery dates, or make other arrangements such as troubling friends, family or neighbours to collect on their behalf as they know the alternative is risking porch piracy [porch piracy refers to a situation in which an individual steals a package from a porch or other area near the main entrance of a residence before the recipient can retrieve it] or missed delivery, in which case they must go to a distant office to collect their parcel.
Contactless parcel exchange is yet another modern-day problem. Due to the very busy schedules we all run, when a requirement to exchange parcels with friends or family arises, we often struggle to find a common timeslot when both parties are free to engage in the exchange, causing one of the parties to go out of their way to make time to adjust to the other’s schedule.
Finally, concerning the short-term rental key exchange problem; in modern times we often book apartments and other accommodation options online, such as on Airbnb and Agoda. However, the actual key exchange between the landlord and the rentee still requires physical contact. Given that the amount of money that can be made renting property short-term is much higher than long-term rentals, this is a major incentive for landlords. However, given that landlords often must rush or wait to exchange keys with the rentees, the cleaning crews or maintenance crews, making this an active income stream which requires a lot of time commitment; many landlords opt for the passive income path of long-term rentals, even at lower rates. Although some landlords trust security or cleaning personnel to do the key exchange for them, there had been many cases where such staff had illegally rented apartments without the landlord’s consent, even for illegal activities.
These were the three primary issues I was trying to address in my project.
Q: How does your solution resolve the problem?
A: The project proposes an IoT-based smart automated locker system. It proposes a system in which such lockers would be located in public places similar to ATMs. A person could come to the locker, place an item and provide the details of the intended recipient. Once the item is stored and locked, the recipient is automatically informed, via text and email, of the package waiting them, along with the details for the locker, and the password (key) with which to retrieve it. It is in essence like a locker that you can lock an item in, and virtually send the key to the recipient with which to unlock it.
When it comes to the last mile delivery issue, delivery personnel can deliver missed deliveries to the nearest automated locker, drastically increasing their delivery efficiency by not having to attempt redeliveries. From a customer’s perspective, they could choose to get their items delivered to these lockers rather than their homes, so they don’t need to cancel their plans to stay home to collect parcels or risk porch piracy. Once delivered to the locker, the recipient can simply collect their parcels from the locker on their way home from work. When more and more customers opt to get items delivered to the lockers, the number of door-to-door deliveries drop, which can lead to a drastic reduction in delivery costs, which benefits both the companies and customers.
The same logic applies for contactless parcel delivery. When it comes to the key exchange problem, this offers many benefits, ranging from making short-term rental services a passive operation, encouraging more landlords to engage in this form of rentals, to reducing rental cost dispute issues, as the locker can maintain a log of exactly when the keys were collected and returned, as short-term rental fees are often paid for set periods of hours.
Q: Is this a novel solution?
A: Although it’s not available in Sri Lanka, similar systems are very popular aboard as a way of addressing last-mile delivery issues. However, this concept hasn’t been specifically used for key exchange by any major service provider.
Q: Is there any difference between this project and the current systems available abroad?
A: The primary shortcoming of the lockers used in foreign countries is that it has led to many disputes with delivery companies over stolen deliveries. Delivery personnel often falsely claim that they have delivered items by simply opening and closing empty lockers without placing any item inside, stealing the items. The recipient gets the alert of the delivery as intended. However, when they open the locker, they find it empty. Given that the dispute process with delivery companies is often lengthy, customers typically don’t waste time on disputes, but contact the seller direct and request refunds for the stolen goods.
This had also led to other unintended risks, such as dishonest customers who collect parcels from lockers before falsely requesting refunds from sellers claiming they were stolen. Due to this being such a major issue in foreign countries, many sellers refuse to offer delivery options to these automated lockers. A concept filled with potential has hit a roadblock due to this lack of confidence.
In the proposed solution, I have proposed to place load/weight sensors in all compartments. When a delivery is made, the locker logs the time of delivery, and once the locker door is closed, it also measures its weight. This information is then included in the message sent to the customer and delivery company. This in essence, provides irrefutable evidence to all parties if a dispute is to ever occur. This also addresses the vital need for confidence in the system.
Q: What research have you undertaken to justify the proposal?
A: As a part of the research conducted to gather international data through secondary sources for the project, I have undertaken data collection and analysis of multiple peer-reviewed research papers and journals. Furthermore, I have interviewed a number of delivery personnel in both Sri Lanka and abroad where such locker systems exist, as well as landlords with short-term rentals to get an in-depth understanding of the variables and influences concerned. In addition, I have personally experienced such delivery disputes during my time abroad.
Q: What are the deliverables of
the project?
A: At the conclusion of the project, I’ve been able to produce a proof-of-concept smart-locker, powered by a Raspberry Pi 4 and an Atmel microcontroller, controlled by a custom-made software for the locker, and an android mobile application for the end user. The deliverables were strictly designed for closed-testing and proof-of-concept purposes, to assess the feasibility of the technology.
Q: Have you undertaken any other similar projects?
A: I have both directly undertaken or have been involved in multiple IoT based projects, as the primary overall systems designer, including highlight projects such as a ‘human-elephant cohabitation’ (HackaDev) project which proposed a new take on human-elephant conflicts, and a Web and Mobile controlled smart home solution project which allows users to use low-cost non-smart appliances such as normal lights or fans along with smart-home features.
Thiman Kumarage wishes to thank lecturer, Induneth De Silva, and his supervisor, Vindya Karunarathne, for their kind guidance throughout the project. He is grateful to the management and staff of Alucare (Pvt.) Ltd. and SilverReed Advertising Services (Pvt.) Ltd. for their kind assistance in helping him build the physical structure of the locker system according to his specifications. He thanks his parents for all the mental and financial support to make all his projects a reality.
Features
How Hamas built a force to attack Israel on 7 October

Five armed Palestinian groups joined Hamas in the deadly 7 October attack on Israel after training together in military-style exercises from 2020 onwards, BBC News analysis shows.
The groups carried out joint drills in Gaza which closely resembled the tactics used during the deadly assault – including at a site less than 1km (0.6 miles) from the barrier with Israel – and posted them on social media.
They practised hostage-taking, raiding compounds and breaching Israel’s defences during these exercises, the last of which was held just 25 days before the attack.
BBC Arabic and BBC Verify have collated evidence which shows how Hamas brought together Gaza’s factions to hone their combat methods – and ultimately execute a raid into Israel which has plunged the region into war.
‘A sign of unity’
On 29 December 2020, Hamas’s overall leader Ismail Haniyeh declared the first of four drills codenamed Strong Pillar a “strong message and a sign of unity” between Gaza’s various armed factions.
As the most powerful of Gaza’s armed groups, Hamas was the dominant force in a coalition which brought together 10 other Palestinian factions in a war games-style exercise overseen by a “joint operation room”.
Prior to 2018, Hamas had formally coordinated with Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), Gaza’s second largest armed faction and – like Hamas – a proscribed terrorist organisation in the UK and other countries.
Hamas had also fought alongside other groups in previous conflicts, but the 2020 drill was billed in propaganda as evidence a wider array of groups were being unified.
Hamas’s leader said the first drill reflected the “permanent readiness” of the armed factions.
The 2020 exercise was the first of four joint drills held over three years, each of which was documented in polished videos posted on public social media channels.
The BBC has visually identified 10 groups, including PIJ, by their distinctive headbands and emblems training alongside Hamas during the Strong Pillar drills in footage posted on the messaging app Telegram.
Following the 7 October attack, five of the groups went on to post videos claiming to show them taking part in the assault. Three others issued written statements on Telegram claiming to have participated.
The role of these groups has come into sharp focus as pressure builds on Hamas to find dozens of women and children believed to have been taken as captives from Israel into Gaza by other factions on 7 October. Three groups – PIJ, the Mujahideen Brigades and Al-Nasser Salah al-Deen Brigades – claim to have seized Israeli hostages on that day.
Efforts to extend the temporary truce in Gaza were said to be hinging on Hamas locating those hostages. The structure was set up in 2018 to coordinate Gaza’s armed factions under a central command.

While these groups are drawn from a broad ideological spectrum ranging from hard-line Islamist to relatively secular, all shared a willingness to use violence against Israel.
Hamas statements repeatedly stressed the theme of unity between Gaza’s disparate armed groups. The group suggested they were equal partners in the joint drills, whilst it continued to play a leading role in the plans to attack Israel. Footage from the first drill shows masked commanders in a bunker appearing to conduct the exercise, and begins with a volley of rocket fire.
It cuts to heavily armed fighters overrunning a mocked-up tank marked with an Israeli flag, detaining a crew member and dragging him away as a prisoner, as well as raiding buildings.
We know from videos and harrowing witness statements that both tactics were used to capture soldiers and target civilians on 7 October, when around 1,200 people were killed and an estimated 240 hostages were taken.
Telling the world
The second Strong Pillar drill was held almost exactly one year later.
Ayman Nofal, a commander in the Izzedine al-Qassam Brigades – the official name for Hamas’s armed wing – said the aim of the exercise on 26 December 2021 was to “affirm the unity of the resistance factions”.
He said the drills would “tell the enemy that the walls and engineering measures on the borders of Gaza will not protect them”.
Another Hamas statement said the “joint military manoeuvres” were designed to “simulate the liberation of settlements near Gaza” – which is how the group refers to Israeli communities.
The exercise was repeated on 28 December 2022, and propaganda images of fighters practising clearing buildings and overrunning tanks in what appears to be a replica of a military base were published to mark the event.

The exercises were reported on in Israel, so it’s inconceivable they were not being closely monitored by the country’s extensive intelligence agencies.
The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have previously carried out air strikes to disrupt Hamas’s training activities. In April 2023, they bombed the site used for the first Strong Pillar drill.
Weeks before the attacks, female surveillance soldiers near the Gaza border reportedly warned of unusually high drone activity and that Hamas was training to take over observation posts with replicas of their positions.
But, according to reports in the Israeli media, they say they were ignored. Brigadier General Amir Avivi, a former IDF deputy commander in Gaza, told the BBC: “There was a lot of intelligence that they were doing this training – after all, the videos are public, and this was happening just hundreds of metres from the fence (with Israel).”
But he said while the military knew about the drills, they “didn’t see what they were training for”.
The IDF said they “eliminated” Nofal on 17 October 2023, the first senior Hamas military leader to be killed during the conflict.

Hiding in plain sight
Hamas went to great lengths to make sure the drills were realistic.
In 2022, fighters practised storming a mock Israeli military base built just 2.6km (1.6 miles) from the Erez crossing, a route between Gaza and Israel controlled by the IDF.
BBC Verify has pinpointed the site in the far north of Gaza, just 800m (0.5 miles) from the barrier, by matching geographic features seen in the training footage to aerial images of the area. As of November 2023, the site was still visible on Bing Maps.
The training camp was within 1.6km (1 mile) of an Israeli observation tower and an elevated observation box, elements in a security barrier Israel has spent hundreds of millions of dollars constructing.

The mock base is on land dug several metres below ground level, so it may not have been immediately visible to any nearby Israeli patrols – but the smoke rising from the explosions surely would have been, and the IDF is known to use aerial surveillance.
Hamas used this site to practise storming buildings, taking hostages at gunpoint and destroying security barriers.
BBC Verify has used publicly available information – including satellite imagery – to locate 14 training sites at nine different locations across Gaza.
They even trained twice at a site less than 1.6 km (1 mile) from the United Nations’ aid agency distribution centre, and which was visible in the background of an official video published by the agency in December 2022.

Land, sea and air
On 10 September 2023, the so-called joint committee room published images on its dedicated Telegram channel of men in military uniforms carrying out surveillance of military installations along the Gaza barrier.
Two days later, the fourth Strong Pillar military exercise was staged, and by 7 October, all the tactics that would be deployed in the unprecedented attack had been rehearsed.
Fighters were filmed riding in the same type of white Toyota pickup trucks which were seen roaming through southern Israel the following month.
The propaganda video shows gunmen raiding mock buildings and firing at dummy targets inside, as well as training to storm a beach using a boat and underwater divers. Israel has said it repelled attempted Hamas boat landings on its shores on 7 October.

However, Hamas did not publicise its training with motorcycles and paragliders as part of the Strong Pillar propaganda.
A training video posted by Hamas three days after 7 October shows fences and barriers being demolished to allow motorcycles to pass through, a tactic they used to reach communities in southern Israel. We have not identified similar earlier videos.
Footage of fighters using paragliding equipment was also not published until the 7 October attack was under way.
In a training video shared on the day of the attack, gunmen are seen landing in a mock kibbutz at an airstrip we have located to a site north of Rafah in southern Gaza.
BBC Verify established it was recorded some time before 25 August 2022, and was stored in a computer file titled Eagle Squadron, the name Hamas uses for its aerial division – suggesting the paragliders plan was in the works for over a year.

The element of surprise
Before 7 October, Hamas was thought to have about 30,000 fighters in the Gaza Strip, according to reports quoting IDF commanders. It was also thought that Hamas could draw on several thousands of fighters from smaller groups.
Hamas is by far the most powerful of the Palestinian armed groups, even without the support of other factions – suggesting its interest in galvanising the factions was driven by an attempt to secure broad support within Gaza at least as much as bolstering its own numbers.
The IDF has previously estimated 1,500 fighters joined the 7 October raids. The Times of Israel reported earlier this month the IDF now believes the number was closer to 3,000.
Whatever the true number, it means only a relatively small fraction of the total number of armed operatives in Gaza took part. It is not possible to verify precise numbers for how many fighters from smaller groups took part in the attack or the Strong Pillar drills.
While Hamas was building cross-faction support in the build-up to the attack, Hisham Jaber, a former Brigadier General in the Lebanese army who is now a security analyst at the Middle East Centre for Studies and Research, said he believed only Hamas was aware of the ultimate plan, and it was “probable they]asked other factions to join on the day”.
Andreas Krieg, a senior lecturer in security studies at Kings College London, told the BBC: “While there was centralised planning, execution was de-centralised, with each squad operationalising the plan as they saw fit.”
He said he had spoken to people inside Hamas who were surprised by the weakness of Israel’s defences, and assessed militants likely bypassed Israel’s surveillance technology by communicating offline.
Hugh Lovatt, a Middle East analyst at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said Israel would have been aware of the joint training drills but “reached the wrong conclusion”, assessing they amounted to the “standard” activity of paramilitary groups in the Palestinian territories, rather than being “indicative of a looming large-scale attack”.
Asked about the issues raised in this article, the Israel Defense Forces said it was “currently focused on eliminating the threat from the terrorist organisation Hamas” and questions about any potential failures “will be looked into in a later stage”.
It could be several years until Israel formally reckons with whether it missed opportunities to prevent the 7 October massacre. The ramifications for its military, intelligence services and government could be seismic.
(BBC)
Features
Rebuild trust with people to revive economy

by Jehan Perera
The government is facing an uphill task to rebuild the country which continues to be in a state of economic and moral decline which was evident in parliamentary proceedings last week. The initial hopes of a quick transition from the economic and moral decline that accompanied the pre-Aragalaya period ended with the accession of President Ranil Wickremesinghe to the presidency. The President made skillful use of the security forces, in the first instance, and the parliamentary majority thereafter, to restore the old order, government rule and stabilise the economy, albeit at a much lower level of economic wellbeing. But this won for him and the government the support of those sections of the population who could still live their regular lives and the international community who did not want Sri Lanka to fall prey to rival powers.
The Central Bank Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe has expressed confidence that Sri Lanka will receive the second tranche of the IMF loan before the end of the year. He has made this prediction despite the failure of the government to meet the basic IMF conditions, which include reducing the gap between revenues and expenditures. The ability to access IMF funds despite not conforming with its conditions is indicative of favoured status. The budget prepared by the government shows a widening of the chasm that are mitigated by optimistic predictions of increased tax revenues. The government has signally failed to deliver on the IMF’s “governance diagnostic” which highlighted the need for much greater efforts to tackle corruption and to be transparent in the signing of new contracts.
If social media reports and personal anecdotes are to be believed, corruption is thriving at all levels. Agreements with international companies continue to be entered into with little being known of the terms and conditions, and even the debt restructuring agreement with China continues to be a secret.
But there continues to be a belief amongst sections of the Sri Lankan population and international community alike that the present unsatisfactory governance needs to be tolerated until the country makes the transition to self-sustaining economic growth. There is concern that any change of government at the present time would jeopardise the economic stability that the country has achieved despite the unconvincing evidence to the contrary. The general population is expressing its lack of confidence in the future by fleeing abroad and giving votes of no-confidence in every public opinion poll they can.
NOT TRUSTED
Despite the government’s continued hold on undisputed power, and skillful use of its parliamentary majority and security forces to enforce governmental rule, it is not able to show that it has the backing of the majority of the general population. The government’s policies seem to have the support of the business and upper social classes whose position is that there is no better alternative at present, a view that is echoed in diplomatic circles. But this sentiment is not reflected in public opinion polls that equally consistently reveal that the government and its leadership get less than 20 percent of the support and even much less. This accounts for why the government has resolutely defied calls for the holding of local government and provincial council elections, the latter which are long overdue.
The President’s announcement that presidential and parliamentary elections will be held next year may be a recognition that the government has come to the realization that it cannot continue to justify holding on to power without obtaining a fresh people’s mandate. The proposed budget is an indication of the government’s preparation for those elections. There are efforts in it to provide benefits for different sections of the people, though whether these promises will materialize is another question due to paucity of resources. President Wickremesinghe has pledged to provide tens of thousands of farmer families with free hold title to the land they currently cultivate under state leases. The motivation to obtain the vote of people by providing them with economic benefits is one of the key features of the democratic process not only in Sri Lanka but worldwide.
However, the skillful use of state power to provide economic benefits, utilizing the parliamentary majority to come up with news laws and use of the security forces to enforce those laws are not the only ingredient for success in governance. The general population need to trust those who are in power. This trust comes from consistency in word and deed. One of the features of the present government is that deeds do not follow words. The exemplary anti-corruption legislation is being used to catch those at the lower levels of the hierarchy but those at the higher levels continue to escape. The recent Supreme Court decision that apportions blame for the economic crisis that plunged vast numbers of people into poverty has not been acted upon and there is no indication at the present time that it will be acted upon.
UNRESOLVED PROBLEM
There are two other areas where the government needs to rebuild the trust of the people. First is to convince them that the burden of economic recovery will be apportioned justly and equitably. The restructuring of the EPF and ETF pension funds which affected the poorer sections of the people adversely while the sparing of the banking (and corporate) sector may have been motivated by the fear that the collapse of the banking sector was a real possibility. However, the evidence that is now coming out, as demonstrated in Parliament by the Opposition, that huge amounts of loans taken by companies have been absorbed by the banks is unconscionable. The government needs to promise that it will rectify this and other such inequities as soon as possible, including the tax holidays to favoured companies. The recent parliamentary debates have provided the opportunity for the Opposition to make presentations that highlight the need for consistency.
The second area that needs to be addressed is the ethnic conflict in the country. This is a problem that has receded into the background of the national discourse, due to the overwhelming nature of the economic crisis. However, one of the root causes of the country’s economic crisis is that huge amounts of resources were devoted to fighting a war that need not have taken place if there had been policies that promoted inter-ethnic justice and equity. The security forces continue to extract a large part of the budget. Sri Lanka is not a unique country when it comes to having different ethnic and religious communities. Other countries have them too, but most of those countries, especially those that are economically successful, have found ways to resolve their differences through dialogue and mutual accommodation that benefits the entire society. Provincial council elections have not been held for over five years.
There is a need to convince the ethnic and religious minorities that they are a part and parcel of the polity and treated as equal citizens. The provincial council elections cannot be postponed for another two years. There is no logical basis in the President stating they will be held in the year following the presidential and parliamentary elections. The wrong that was done to the Tamils of recent Indian origin at Independence has still not been rectified. They continue to be the poorest and most neglected community in the country. An issue that is scarring the Tamil and Muslim people at the present time is the takeover of grazing lands in the east by people from outside the area. The residents of those areas have no government to protect them. This is not the way to build trust that will unify the people with the government to uplift the economy.
Features
Christmas and the New Year in the Seychelles…

Although the group Mirage has been relatively quiet, in the local showbiz scene, they will certainly be missed by music lovers, and their fans, during the festive period.
They leave on Sunday, the 3rd of December, for a month long stay in probably the smallest country in Africa – the Seychelles.
The group, comprising Donald Pieries (drums/vocals), Benjy Ranabahu (bass), Thushara Rajarathna (keyboards/vocals), Thilak Perera (guitar/vocals) and Dhanushka Uyanahewa (vocals), will be at the Hilton Seychelles for two major gigs – Christmas Eve and New Year’s Eve.
They will also be entertaining guests throughout their stay at the Hilton.

Manilal Perera: Now with Mirage
The group’s male vocalist, the famous Manilal Perera, who is now very much a part of Mirage, is unable to make this trip due to prior commitments, in the local scene, as a solo artiste.
Dhanushka Uyanahewa, who is not a regular member of Mirage, replaces Manilal for this particular assignment.
Since this is their very first trip to the Seychelles, they say they are looking forward, with great excitement, to checking out that part of the world.
The Seychelles is known for its picturesque beaches, ecological diversity, dense tropical forests, and the bright blue ocean that surrounds it, all of which combine to make the archipelago world-famous.
Mirage will be back in early January, 2024, and then, a few weeks later, they will be off to Australia for a Valentine’s Day gig in Melbourne.
The band has been to Australia before but it will be the first time that the present lineup would be operating, Down Under, with Manilal Perera as their frontline vocalist.
Their female vocalist Dhanushka Uyanahewa, who will perform with Mirage in the Seychelles, will not be in the lineup to Australia.

Mirage…the Seychelles lineup with female vocalist
Dhanushka Uyanahewa (centre)
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