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Ex-lawmaker and one-time Rajapaksa loyalist: Galle Face youth must form an anti-bankruptcy political front
Having displayed discipline, consistency and commitment, over the past nine days and nights, the historically unprecedented, surprisingly undaunted and notably non- violent ‘People’s Struggle’ at Colombo’s ‘Galle Face Green’ by the hitherto ‘unknown youths’ of bankrupt Sri Lanka, rallying in their teeming thousands has reverberated worldwide with a clear public outcry calling upon the Rajapaksa government to quit, without sitting over the destiny of 22 million Sri Lankans any longer, former UPFA MP M.M. Zuhair said in a statement issued yesterday (17). But the forsaken trustees of the country have firmly decided to stay put, ignoring the growing cry to quit the much loved island nation that they are accused of bankrupting, the ex-MP said.
The following is the text of the statement issued by Zuhair, one-time Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Tehran under Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidency: “The time has come for the youths to get ready to field an anti-bankruptcy political front at the earliest forthcoming elections and in particular the next General Elections targeting 150 out of the 225 seats in Parliament, which the suffering people will not grudge, given the history of alleged corruption and mismanagement notoriously known on both sides of the parliamentary floor.
In 1954, at the age of 31, Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore, a third generation immigrant from China and a law graduate from Cambridge, England, formed in down town Singapore the ‘People’s Action Party’, gloriously won the next general election and in 1959 became struggling ‘self-governing’ Singapore’s Prime Minister at the age of 35! In 1959, Singapore’s per capita GDP was US $ 400 but by 1990, when Lee Kuan Yew stepped down it grew to US $ 12,200 and by 1999 it grew to US $ 22,000! The Singapore story is the leadership given by a committed Singaporean youth in transforming a land of 640 sq km with no natural resources from third world to first!
The time has come for Sri Lanka, with immense natural resources unlike Singapore, to look for its own Lee Kuan Yew primarily at Galle face Green or at any of the sites of the peoples’ struggle in the country or elsewhere.
The greatest regret for the unknown youths would soon unfold when they realize this week that the parliamentary Opposition missed the best opportunity of moving a Vote of No Confidence on the government during the parliamentary week 5th to 8th April, which followed the Mirihana mid-night demonstrations of 31st March when what appeared to be a collapsing government virtually invited the Opposition to show 113 votes on the floor and to immediately take over the government! It was then much easier for the Opposition to cobble together the 113 votes including from the 42 frightened Pohottuwa Members who moved out of the government camp possibly fearing demonstrations outside their homes!
Meanwhile the Court order barring former Central Bank Governor Nivard Cabraal from leaving the country alerted danger signals. Soon thereafter the Chief Government Whip announced firmly in Parliament that the President will not resign, with ‘resistance’ becoming the better option to ‘abdication’! This was followed by the Prime Minister’s Speech to the Nation that conveyed the message that the government will go on with a newly reconstituted Cabinet. Poorly organized pro-government demonstrations also followed thereafter while Shantha Bandara from the Podujana Peramuna (SLFP) from the Kurunegala district rejoined the government, dealing a blow to the slow moving Opposition.
The new Cabinet is to be sworn in shortly. This, too, would make it more difficult for the Opposition to secure this week the required 113 votes for the Vote of No-Confidence on the government with the 41 MPs feeling more secure now than they did in the aftermath of the post 31st March Mirihana situation.
In the unlikely event of the Opposition pushing through the Vote of No-Confidence in Parliament this week, which is the first constitutional step for ousting an elected government and if they do form the government under a new Prime Minister, the next challenge will be to obtain the signatures of two thirds of the whole number of Members of Parliament, namely 150 signatures to oust the President from office under Article 38(1) (e) read with 38 (2) (b) (i) of the Constitution. Unless the President resigns amidst continuing political uncertainty and his teams’ inability to find urgent solutions to the peoples’ economic woes, the President cannot be constitutionally ousted by Parliament alone but that would require in addition the Supreme Court’s inquiry and report concurring on any of the allegations of violation of Article 38(2) by the President.
The Opposition’s failure to push through the No-Confidence vote during the April 5th to 8th parliamentary sessions , when the “iron was hot” was believed to be due to the Opposition’s lack of confidence in its own ability to solve the crushing economic threats to the country. That would leave the Galle Face youths having to confront higher stress levels over a longer unsustainable period of time.
With schools and offices reopening after the Sinhala and Tamil new year and if the government does not confront the peaceful demonstrators, Galle Face demonstrations can fizzle out within a month’s time. It is in the national interest that the demonstrators do enter into a non-violent political action front and form a new platform sooner than later to sustain the good will they have earned nationally and globally reminding their followers that immediate solutions to the economic bankruptcy will not be forthcoming both from the government as well as from the Opposition.
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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan
… warn of dire consequences
A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.
The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.
“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.
“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.
“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.
“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”
“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.
“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:
1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”
The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.
These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.
2. Corporate captivity and bailouts
It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.
3. Risk of front running
“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.
4. Unavoidable loopholes
“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”
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