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End of operations in Tissamaharama and postscript on the futility of war

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Concluding installment

by Capt. FRAB Musafer,
4th Rgt. SLA (Retd.)

Tissamaharama was relatively peaceful with hardly any offensive insurgent activity. The police had regained their confidence and went about their normal duties. With operational commands being reorganized the gunners were deployed to Kurunegala. I was there for a few weeks before I had to leave to India for a Young Ofiicers’ gunnery course in India together with Lt Ballagalla. Incidentally we were the most senior officers on that course, the rest having just passed out of the Indian Military Academy.

Before I left Hambantota I dropped in to say goodbye to the GA, Mr Sonny Goonewardne, who thanked me for my services . He mentioned that a Sub Inspector Musafer was being posted to Hungama. He happened to be my cousin. Sadly on the day after my return from India, New Years day1972, I had to proceed to Middeniya to where he was transferred, to bring back his body which had been prepared for burial by the Muslim townsfolk.

Sharir, as he was known to us, had on the previous day had dinner with one of the older Rajapaksas and had appeared to be perfectly normal. His death has been shrouded in mystery as he was supposed to have committed suicide in the early hours of the morning having washed his face and turning a semi automatic weapon to his head. It was totally uncharacteristic of him as he was not the bravest of the brave. As to why he took his own life remains unanswered.

The aftermath

In summarizing the period of the operations in the Hambantota area it turned out to be a challenge under trying circumstances but a satisfying one nevertheless. The period from April 5 to about 10 was hectic being on my own and with no clear orders from above. There was some uncertainty but no panic.

There were no heroics or bravery to talk of. The platoon suffered no casualties (deaths). There were no police stations that were overrun, thanks to the bravery of the policemen. There were insurgents killed in these attacks but they were minimal. We were never fired upon and never had the opportunity to fire at the insurgents. It was a total anti-climax to the hype that prevailed.

This was a total contrast to the actions, risks and situations that my colleagues encountered in other areas. In some instances it was kill or be killed. It was surprising that the supposed hotbed and home of the insurgency had not showed the full face of its militant arm in this area. Was it due to the bungling of the date of the planned attack or the military presence in the area since mid March? If it was for the latter reason, it was mission accomplished.

The Town Council passed a resolution appreciating the Army for our services and the manner in which we conducted ourselves. The people of Hambantota had played their part in rejecting the JVP. An instance that comes to mind was during a gun amnesty, an old villager having walked for miles unable to afford his bus fare turned up at camp to surrender a very old unlicensed shot gun wrapped up in old newspapers. His voice trembling he said that he could not let the insurgents lay their hands on his gun. What a commitment! We were glad we had won the hearts and minds of Hambantota and its surroundings.

This was an insurgency that was very violent in other parts of the country and the death toll estimated was anyone’s guess, 5,000, 10,000? Sightings of dead bodies flowing down the rivers, charred and mutilated bodies in public places and bodies being set alight using tyres was widely circulated but never reported in the local press.

A strong press censorship was in place, under the emergency regulations. It is alleged that a large number of suspected insurgents were indiscriminately killed by the security forces. Locals suspected of collaborating with the security services were also killed by the JVP. There was this element of fear and self preservation that prevailed in areas where insurgent activity was dominant. False allegations and personal rivalries communicated to security personnel about bearded persons, local thugs and innocent youth had led to summary executions. Unfortunately it was evident that in such situations poor leadership and ” the beast in man” had overcome saner thinking and there had been blatant disregard for human life.

This was to be repeated in a more brutal way in the late 80’s as well. The casualties suffered by both sides in the 1971 insurgency was low in comparison to what happened in later years. I was not privy to the brutality that prevailed and was rampant in the late 1980’s having migrated to Australia in 1976 but believe it was estimated in the tens of thousands. It is said that ruthless waves of terror was unleashed by the government as well as the JVP.

The year 1971 was the first time the army encountered an armed insurrection and for a brief period of time the insurgents appeared to be successful but were thwarted by a resolute army, untrained and ill equipped to meet such situations but strong enough to counter- attack with the help of a determined government and cooperation of the international community. There were many incarcerated for long periods until pardoned who later transformed their lives.

The failure on the part of the insurgents was the lack of a proper leadership, a clear coordinated plan, poor communications, inadequate arms and ammunition and the absence of the promised support from those elements within the armed services and perhaps a foreign country and most importantly from the masses.

Post Insurgency

What happened in1971 was nothing compared to the protracted and brutal war of nearly 30 years where so many thousands died, both civilians and servicemen. These events changed the role of the army from a peace time and sometimes tainted as a ceremonial Army to a very dedicated, professional and well trained army exemplified by their actions in rescuing those fleeing the clutches of the LTTE in the final stages of the war .

It was their courage, dedication and commitment that triumphed to bring the war to an end. I would say this transformation was the same in the Navy and Air Force as well. As a former soldier I would like to pay tribute to all those service and police personnel who sacrificed their lives for a better tomorrow for all the people of Sri Lanka and express my regrets that so many innocent civilians also died in a conflict that took us nowhere and divided a nation. The country has gone through hell and changed so much for the worse in so many respects..

In 1965 when as an officer cadet, travelling by train to Diyatalawa a fellow passenger who was a surveyor based in Diyatalawa got into conversation with me and said that the Army was a waste of time and money. I replied that the Army was for the Internal security of the country and we had to train and be prepared for situations such as civil disturbances. Later events proved how wrong he was and ill-equipped the Army was.

I never imagined that our armed forces would have expanded so much but it was brought about by necessity at so much cost that eventually helped the country to get rid of one of the most dangerous and ruthless terrorist outfits in the world. Whilst we take pride in this achievement we should not forget the misery and hardships it brought about to our once peaceful and harmonious nation.

There was only one regiment of artillery with 12 artillery pieces of which only four were battleworthy, Today we have 12 regiments with an array of weapons ranging from multiple barrel rocket launchers, field guns and howitzers capable of firing at ranges of well over 15 kilometres.

Likewise every other arm of the Army has expanded. We now have tanks , armoured personnel carriers, commandos, paratroopers, special forces and more, whilst the Navy has offshore patrol vessels that ventured over hundreds of kilometres into international waters to destroy the LTTE supply ships; fast gunboats, fast missile vessels. fast attack craft, naval elite forces and a whole lot more. The Air Force is equipped with a range of fighter jets and strike aircraft, helicopter gunships and transport planes and more. The war also brought out the ingenuity of both sides of the conflict to improvise and build military, air and naval capacity to suit and counter each others strengths and weaknesses.

Never in my wildest dreams did I envisage that the country would be armed to this extent at such an enormous cost. Would we have acquired so much military hardware if we had no war? Perhaps not. It is now a question of maintaining all that we acquired.

In the 60s and 70s whilst on overseas courses we were subjected to the butt end of jokes as to the strength of our 8,000-strong army led by one major general then. But today we have so many major generals and one Lieut General as the commander and a force of around 200,000 plus personnel. It is an enormous cost that the country has to bear for generations to come and can ill afford.

The horrors of war and conflict

It was sad that so many thousands of lives were lost in all three conflicts and many innocent civilians caught in the middle paid the price for no fault of theirs. Their misery and sufferings continue and the scars of war will take a long time to heal. A culture of violence and corruption has eroded the moral fabric of society to the lowest depths. The human and economic cost was enormous and its ill effects thrust upon a nation .

Ask a front line soldier of the untold stories of courage, bravery, valour, cowardice, fear, hardships and the horrors of war endured by both sides of the conflict. The experiences of seeing their comrades dying beside them, killed or maimed. The sight and stench of mutilated, disfigured and rotting corpses of friend and foe in the battlefield, the carnage left by the heavy ground fighting often supported by aerial bombardment, land mines, tank and relentless artillery fire, paint a gruesome picture .

The sounds of ferocious automatic and machine gun fire that still ring in their ears will be hard to forget. These are shared experiences of those who have survived the war and hopefully realize the folly and futility of war and preach the gospel of peace and not revel and glorify war ever again.

“War is a dying business ” was a poster depicting a soldier leaping over a row of coffins draped with the US flag that I saw when the Sri Lanka Defence Services rugby team visited a US Marine living quarters in India when the Vietnam war was still raging. It was clear the sentiment of this poster was Anti-War. It is ironic that it is the soldier that detests war most and longs for peace. May this wish be the same for all Sri Lankans.

The leaders of our country together with the politicians and all the people at home and abroad must ensure that we learn from our mistakes and pursue and endeavour on a path that will deliver greater economic benefits to all the people in the island with the same commitment, zeal and tenacity with which the war was supported and fought by both sides.

Whilst the atrocities committed by both sides are hard to forget it is now a time to forgive and rebuild. Could not the billions of dollars raised and spent on this conflict have been better spent to achieve this end? There is so much poverty and hardship in the island that still needs to be addressed.

There are no winners in war This was exemplified when the Nigerian forces defeated the Biafran forces in a bitter three year civil war where more than a million people died, many from starvation. The victorious General Yakuza Gowan declared that there are ” No Victors and No Vanquished”. There were no medals awarded to commemorate the victory but only a hand of peace extended to bring about Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction which was most gracious and appropriate.

The reconciliation process in Nigeria was a shining light to the rest of the world way back in 1970. Sri Lanka could have followed that example but sadly opted for triumphalism instead. A golden opportunity of statesmanship to reconcile and rebuild the country was lost. The country’s leadership has since lacked the courage to make amends for its folly since the war ended 14 years ago.

“Oh, when will we ever learn”?

Capt F.R.A.B.Musafer 4th Regt SLA (Retd)

Ranks of the officers and other ranks mentioned were as serving ranks as of 1971.Many of the names mentioned have since passed away.



Features

The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics

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Zahran and other bombers

Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.

There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.

The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.

Determined Attempt

The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.

The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.

This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.

Another Tragedy

It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.

Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.

The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.

by Jehan Perera

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China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka

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Image courtesy The Global Times

The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.

Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.

On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.

This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.

Implications for Global Trade

This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.

This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.

Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.

Implications for Sri Lanka

China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.

The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.

Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!

(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Daughter in the spotlight …

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Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!

The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.

Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”

Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.

‘Nidahase’,

says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.

In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.

Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.

The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo

Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.

“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.

“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.

Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.

She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.

And this makes interesting reading:

“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”

Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.

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