Features
Easter Sunday attacks and harassment of Fr Cyril Gamini

By Dr Laksiri Fernando
On November 15 and 16, two consecutive days, Rev. Fr. Cyril Gamini was asked to come to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and has been questioned for almost eight to nine hours each day, from 9.00 am to 5.00 or 6.00pm. On the second day, in the afternoon, he was asked to come on the next day, and it was on his request, or protest, that the statement taking was completed on the same day.
Otherwise he would have been asked to come another day. As he clearly expressed to the media after returning from the CID, he has strongly felt that he had been harassed by the CID by dragging the so-called investigation, questioning, and statement taking for no valid reason. A victim has been converted into a ‘perpetrator’ by Sri Lanka’s intelligence system.
Who are the victims?
The whole world knows what happened in Sri Lanka on Easter, April 21, 2019. Apart from three luxury hotels in Colombo (Cinnamon Grand, Kingsbury and Shangri-La), attacks were carried out by suicide bombers on three churches (St. Anthony’s, Colombo; St. Sebastian’s, Negombo; and Zion Church, Batticaloa).
Later that day, two more bombs exploded, one at a house in Dematagoda and another at the Tropical Inn in Dehiwala. A total of 269 people, excluding the eight suicide bombers, were killed in the events, including about 45 foreign nationals, while at least 500 were seriously injured.
All eight suicide bombers were identified as Sri Lankan citizens associated with the National Thowheeth Jama’ath (NTJ) organization founded by the suicide bomber at Shangri-La Hotel, Colombo, Mohamed Cassim Mohamed Zahran alias Zahran Hashim. This is what was revealed by the investigators and the intelligence services.
The victims included not only those who were killed or injured, but also the families, the Catholic Church, the priests and the devotees. This is the reality. Anyone who cannot understand this reality is either ignorant or apparently complicit in the attacks, in my opinion.
Mysteries
There is still so much mystery and unknowns associated with the incidents. There are questions about the attack, and the organization behind it.
(1) Why did they attack the Churches and hotels? There is no apparent connection between the two. (2) There had been no evident conflict between the Muslims and Catholics in Sri Lanka. Both are minorities facing similar marginalization. (3) Zahran Hashim, the alleged leader, attacked a hotel and not a Church. Is it possible that two groups operated within the operation? This is a question, not a conclusion. (4) Zahran was primarily an extremist ideologue, and a preacher. Other sources were responsible for the technological know-how and planning. (5) Had Zahran been the actual leader of the Easter carnage? Given the later revealed bigger network of operations, it is difficult to believe that the leader would commit suicide at the first attack.
Then there are questions about the CID, the Terrorism Investigation Division (TID), the State Intelligence Service (SIS), the Military Intelligence Corps, the Police, the Ministry of Defence, the National Security Council and the then Prime Minister, and the President.
(1) According to what is revealed, Zahran and his organization, NTJ, have been in operation at least since 2014. What have security organizations been doing since then? Why such apathy and indifference towards this terrorist organization? (2) It is very clear that the rise of Jihadism in Sri Lanka was a consequence of anti-Muslim riots in June 2014 and other activities, instigated by some extremist Buddhist organizations such as Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) and Ravana Balaya. These organizations should have been banned, identified as potential terrorist outfits. No such action was taken.
Most importantly, as very clearly revealed in the inquiries of the Parliamentary Select Committee and the Presidential Commission, the whole of the Security Apparatus had failed to act on the ‘early warnings’ received from India and other countries. In such a situation, it is quite obnoxious for the CID to harass Fr Cyril Gamini on the instigation of the Head of the State Security Service (SIS), Major General Suresh Sallay.
Complaint against Fr Gamini
As far as I can gather, Fr Cyril Gamini at present is the Pastor at St. Anne’s Catholic Church at Kurana, Negombo, and also the Director of the National Catholic Centre for Social Communications (NCCSC). He has also often acted as the spokesperson for Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, the archbishop of Colombo of the Catholic Church.
In these capacities, Fr Gamini has every right to express his views on these disastrous events, those who are possibly directly or indirectly involved in the attacks, and call for justice on behalf of the victims and the Church. Of course, as anyone else, he should refrain from baseless accusations, or expressing misleading information, knowingly.
I came to know Fr Gamini first in 1996 in my capacity as the Director of the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI), and more closely during my tenure as the Director of the Peace Building Project, Ministry of Constitutional Affairs (2002-2005). He is well-respected and modest and a person committed to social justice, peace and human rights. I have had no contact with him thereafter and this opinion is completely independent.
Fr Gamini must have been involved in many discussions with many people, mainly people associated with the Church, in Sri Lanka and abroad on questions regarding the Easter attacks, the unfortunate fate of the victims, and apparent absence of justice even after three years. The zoom discussion in question had taken place on October 23, 2022.
Unfortunately, it is the Director of the State Intelligence Service, Major General Suresh Sallay, who has made the complaint against Fr Cyril Gamini to the CID. According to various newspaper reports, there appear two main complaints. (1) Because of the alleged statement by Fr Gamini, it was claimed that the lives of the Major General and his family have been threatened. Accordingly, in this case, the ‘victim’ is a Major General and the ‘perpetrator’ is an innocent Christian Priest. This is hilarious and childish. Perhaps Suresh Sallay is trying to equate Fr Gamini to Zahran Hashim, who was also a preacher.
(2) It was also complained that because of the apparent mentioning of the Major General’s name at the zoom discussion, considerable damage has been done to his ‘prestige and integrity.’ This is quite unbelievable. The Director of the State Intelligence Service is a public servant. All public servants should be accountable to the people. It is also not clear in what context Suresh Sallay’s name was mentioned by Fr. Gamini at the discussion. However, this is not the first time his name was mentioned in connection with the Easter attacks. Several Members of Parliament and others have mentioned his name under various contexts.
CID victimization
After the complaint, the CID had taken the matter very seriously, for some reason or the other, and had hunted for Fr. Cyril Gamini running about here and there for some days and weeks. In the meantime, some other priests, on behalf of him, went before the CID and requested some time for Fr Gamini to appear before the CID. This was not properly heeded. The CID went before the Colombo Magistrate to get an order, through the Attorney General’s Department, for Fr Gamini to appear immediately. It appeared therefore that the whole State apparatus was involved in the victimization.
The concern of Fr Gamini and many others was that, if he is arrested by the CID and taken to the Fourth Floor what would happen to him, or how would the CID treat him? The Fourth Floor is infamous for mistreatment, and forcing some, in certain instances, to jump out the windows.
It is in this context that Fr Gamini went before the Supreme Court requesting the Court to safeguard his fundamental rights to ‘express his views’ and raise ‘concerns about his parishioners’ who were killed and severely injured during the Easter Attacks. One of the immediate pleas of the case was to prevent him from being arrested.
A full hearing is to be held pertaining to his full range of fundamental rights under the Constitution, and other related matters. However at the first hearing, the three member court took up the matter of the threatened arrest. What had the CID said? Through the Attorney General’s Department, they had said that they have no intention of arresting Fr. Gamini at that moment. This statement itself proves that Suresh Sallay’s complaint about a threat to his life is baseless.
In March 2021, Suresh Sallay made a complaint to the CID against a Member of Parliament, Nalin Bandara. The accusation was similar to that levelled against Fr Gamini. Apparently, the CID is still investigating the case. The situation is so confusing and controversial and Suresh Sallay, as the Head of the SIS is apparently exerting undue influence, regarding these cases, on the CID. This is not right.
Incidents like the Easter attacks are so complex and multifaceted. It is primarily the victims who know the pain and agony. It is the right of the victims and their spokespersons to express their views, raise questions and suspicions, of course without resorting to defamation. It is the duty of the State, or the CID in this case, to investigate them without harassing the whistleblowers or the victims. The harassment of Rev Fr Cyril Gamini by the CID should be strongly condemned.
Features
Politics of Enforced Disappearances in Sri Lanka

In 2016, I participated in research focused on gathering information about reconciliation mechanisms in post-war Sri Lanka. During one of the interviews, a Tamil mother, from the Eastern part of the country, broke into tears as she shared her story. Her son had disappeared, and, according to some of the neighbours, he was apparently abducted by a paramilitary group. Her story goes as follows: After hearing the news, she began searching for her son and went to the police station to file a case. However, police refused to file the case and directed her to a military camp. In the military camp, she was directed to an officer, who took her to a room with scattered flesh and blood stains. Then the officer, pointing to the room has told the lady that, ‘This is your son’.
In another instance, in the same year, while we were working in Kurunegala, an elderly mother, wearing a white saree, approached us and shared her story. She held a stained envelope, and when she carefully took out a piece of paper, related to her son, she broke into tears. She handled the paper with such tenderness, as though it were a part of her son himself. Her son was abducted by a para military group in 1989 and never returned.
These two stories have remained deeply etched in my mind for several years, leaving a lasting impact. Now, with the release of the Batalanda Commission Report, which sheds light on the atrocities committed during a dark chapter of Sri Lanka’s history, coupled with the release of the movie ‘Rani’, there is renewed attention on enforced disappearances. These disappearances, which were once shrouded in silence and denial, are now gaining significant traction among the public. Thus, it is timely to discuss the stories of enforced disappearances and the political dynamics surrounding them.
The Effect
Enforced disappearance is often employed as a strategy of terror, deliberately designed to instil fear and insecurity within a society. The tactic goes beyond the direct impact on the immediate family members of the disappeared individuals. The psychological and emotional toll on these families is profound, as they are left with uncertainty, grief, and often a sense of helplessness. However, the effects of enforced disappearance extend far beyond these immediate circles. It creates a pervasive atmosphere of fear that affects entire communities, undermining trust and cohesion. The mere threat of disappearance looms over the population, causing widespread anxiety and eroding the sense of safety that is essential for the social fabric to thrive. The fear it engenders forces people into silence, discourages activism, and ultimately weakens the collective spirit of resistance against injustice.
Absence of the body
For years, the families and loved ones of the disappeared hold on to a fragile hope, clinging to the belief that their loved ones may still be alive. The absence of a physical body leaves room for uncertainty and unresolved grief, creating a painful paradox where the possibility of closure remains out of reach. Without the tangible proof of death—such as a body to bury or mourn over—the search continues, driven by the hope that one day they will find answers. This absence extends beyond just the physical body; it symbolizes the void left in the lives of the families, as they are left in a perpetual state of waiting, unable to fully mourn or heal. The constant uncertainty fuels a never-ending cycle of searching, questioning, and longing.
Making a spectacle of unidentified bodies
In 1989, as a small child, I found myself surrounded by an atmosphere that was both suffocating and frightening, filled with sights and sounds that I couldn’t fully comprehend at the time, but that would forever leave a mark on my memory. I can still vividly recall the smell of burning rubber that hung thick in the air, mixing with the acrid scent of smoke that lingered long after the flames had died down. The piles of tyres, set ablaze, were a regular feature of the streets where I lived. Yet, it wasn’t just the sight of the burning tyres that etched itself into my consciousness. As the flames raged on, the shadows of bodies emerged—neither completely visible nor entirely hidden.
Though my parents tried their best to shield me from the horror outside our home, I would sneak a peek whenever I thought no one was watching, desperate to understand the meaning behind what was unfolding before me. It was as though I knew something important was happening—something I couldn’t yet comprehend but could feel in the very air I breathed. I understood that the flames, the smoke, and the bodies all signified something far greater than I could put into words.
The burning piles of tyres—and, of course, bodies—which people spoke of in hushed tones, served as a chilling spectacle, conveying the threatening message the government sent to the public, especially targeting the young rebels and anyone who dared to challenge the state
Unable to seek justice
The absence of the body makes justice seem like a distant, unreachable concept. In cases of disappearance, where no physical evidence of the victim’s fate exists, the path to justice is often blocked. Without the body, there is no concrete proof of the crime, no tangible evidence that can be presented in court, and no clear sign that a crime was even committed. This leaves families and loved ones of the disappeared in a state of uncertainty, with no clear answers about what happened to their dear ones. As a result, families are forced to live in a limbo, where their grief is ignored and their calls for justice are silenced.
Undemocratic actions under a Democratic Government
Governments are meant to serve and protect the people who elect them, not to subject them to violence, fear, or oppression. Irrespective of the situation, no government, under any circumstances, has the right to make its citizens disappear. A government is a democratically elected body that holds its power and authority through the consent of the governed, with the explicit responsibility to safeguard the rights, freedoms, and lives of its citizens. When a government starts to take actions that involve the arbitrary killing or disappearance of its own people, it betrays the very principles it was founded upon.
The act of making people disappear and killing represents a fundamental breach of human rights and the rule of law. These are not actions that belong to a legitimate government that is accountable to its people. Instead, they signal a state that has become corrupt and tyrannical, where those in power are no longer bound by any ethical or legal standards. When the government becomes the perpetrator of violence against its own citizens, it destroys the trust between the state and the people, undermining the core foundation of democracy.
In such a scenario, the authority of law collapses. Courts become powerless, and law enforcement agencies are either complicit in the wrongdoing or rendered ineffective. This breakdown in legal authority does not just mean a failure to protect the rights of individuals; it signals the descent of society into anarchy. When the government wields power in such a violent and oppressive way, it erodes the social contract. When this relationship is violated through actions like disappearances, those in power essentially declare that they are above the law, which leads to a breakdown of social order. It no longer becomes a state that works for its people but rather a regime that rules through fear, repression, and violence.
by Dr. Anushka Kahandagamage
Features
Hazard warning lights at Lotus Tower

Much has been written about the use of Hazard Warning Lights at Lotus Tower (LT)
Now it looks as if the authorities have got the day and night in a ‘twist’.
During the day time LT is in darkness. What should be ‘on’ during the day are the High Intensity Strobe Lights. It is observed that the authorities switch them ‘on’ in the night instead!
According to the ICAO recommendations what should be ‘on’ in the night are the low intensity strobe lights. High intensity in the night as is now, can momentarily blind the pilots.
At this time of the year the island experiences afternoon thunder showers which make the LT and the natural horizon invisible. (See picture) in a phenomenon known as ‘white out’ caused by fog (low cloud), mist and rain. However, the LT is kept dark and not lit up and that could be dangerous to air traffic.
In short what is needed are white strobe lights 24/7 (day and night). High Intensity by day and Low Intensity at night. They are known as ‘attention getters’.
The red lights must be ‘on’ at sunset and ‘off’ by sunrise (as correctly carried out currently).
I am aware that the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) has written to the LT authorities at the request of the Association of Airline Pilots, Sri Lanka, about three months ago but strangely the OPA has not even received an acknowledgement!
GUWAN SEEYA
Features
Ninth Iftar celebration organised by Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association, Wellawatte

Islam is a peaceful religion that guides people to fulfil the five pillars of Islam, namely, Kalima, Prayer, Sakkath, Fasting and Hajj and through them to attain the grace of God.
The fact that the Holy Quran, the sacred book of Muslims, was revealed on one of the odd nights of the month of Ramadan, makes people realize the special importance of the month of Ramadan.
Fasting, the Holy Quran states, “0 you who believe, fasting is prescribed for you as it was prescribed for those before you, that you may become pure.” (2.183)
Muslims observe the first fast in the early hours of the evening when the first crescent of the month of Ramadan is sighted. The special feature of Ramadan fasting is to wake up early in the morning, eat before the sunrise (Sahur) and then fast for 14 hours until the evening prayer (Mahrib), remember the Creator and worship Him five times a day, break the fast at the time of Iftar (Mahrib), eat food with dates and spend the 30 days of Ramadan.
Ramadan fasting increases fear and faith in Allah, and it is not equal for the wealthy to live luxuriously without realizing the poverty of the poor and the poor to die of poverty. Therefore, fasting has been emphasized as the fourth Pillar in Islam to make the rich aware of the nature of poverty and to make the rich aware of the nature of hunger and to give charity.
Ramadan fasting is a shield for Muslims. The main objectives of fasting are the virtues, characteristics, morality and spiritual attraction of a person.
When approaching fasting from a medical perspective, it is said that ‘a disease-free life is an inexhaustible wealth’, so the good deed of fasting provides great benefits to the body.
Generally, it is a universal law to give rest to all the machines that have power. That is, it allows the machines to continue to function well. Similarly, it is necessary to give rest to our bodies. The fasting of the month of Ramadan explains this very simply.
“Historically, fasting has been proven to be very safe for most people,” says Babar Basir, a cardiologist at Henry Ford Health in Detroit, USA. “Ramadan fasting is a form of intermittent fasting that can help you lose fat without losing muscle, improve insulin levels, burn fat, and increase human growth hormone,” he says.
All wealthy. Muslims are required to give 2’/2 percent of their annual income to the poor in charity. This is why Muslims give more charity in the form of money, food, and clothing during Ramadan.
Anas (Kali) reported that the Prophet (Sal) said, “The best charity is to feed a hungry person.” This shows how great an act it is to feed a hungry person.
Fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, one of the most sacred duties of Muslims, is Providing facilities for fasting and breaking it is also a pious act that brings benefits. In that way, the Sri Lanka Police, as a way of receiving the blessings of Allah, have organized the Police Iftar ceremony to break the fast for the fasting people.
The Police Iftar ceremony, which is organized annually by the Sri Lanka Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association for Muslim police officers serving in the Sri Lanka Police, will be held for the 9th time this year on the 24th at the invitation of the Acting Inspector General of Police Mr. Priyantha Weerasooriya and will be held at the Marine Grand Reception Hall in Wellawatte under the participation of the Hon. Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Mr. K.M. Ananda Wijepala. Muslim members of Parliament, Foreign Ambassadors of Islamic countries, High-ranking Police officers and Muslim Police officers, as well as members of the public, are also expected to attend the Iftar ceremony.
a.f. fUARD
Chief Inspector of Police
International Affairs
Criminal Investigation Department
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