Connect with us

Features

Civic Consciousness: The Missing Pillar in Sri Lanka’s Quest for Good Governance

Published

on

Shramadana (Image courtesy Sarvodaya)

In every democratic society, the relationship between the state and the citizen is the cornerstone upon which stability, prosperity, and justice are built. At the heart of this relationship lies civic consciousness, the collective awareness among citizens of their rights, duties, and responsibilities toward the state and society. Civic consciousness is not merely an abstract philosophical idea; it is a living social force that shapes behavior, regulates public life, and ultimately determines whether a nation thrives or falters.

Civic consciousness can be understood as a gradual process through which individuals develop ideas about citizenship and the direction of societal development. It fosters a sense of belonging to the destiny of the nation and cultivates higher standards of social behavior. In essence, it encourages citizens to place the collective interests of society above narrow personal or group interests. This orientation toward universal values, human dignity, responsibility, and social harmony forms the moral foundation of a functioning civil society.

A strong political relationship between the state and the citizen is essential for the existence of a mature civil society. The strength of this relationship depends largely on the level of civic consciousness embedded within individuals. When citizens understand their role in safeguarding public values, civic consciousness naturally manifests itself through civic activism participation in community affairs, respect for the rule of law, and a willingness to protect shared social interests. In this sense, civic consciousness not only encourages participation but also ensures the legitimacy of socio-political institutions.

Civic consciousness is therefore more than a philosophical construct; it is expressed in everyday social life. Through norms, ideals, aspirations, and collective values, citizens define their relationship with the state and with one another. Civic interests reflecting the needs of society, groups, and individuals form a systemic framework that guides social conduct. Within this framework, citizens come to understand the meaning of civic duties, responsibility, and the ethical obligations that accompany freedom. Such awareness strengthens social cohesion and leads society toward higher levels of perfection and liberty.

Importantly, civic consciousness is not static. It remains open to new ideas, evolving with cultural change and generational shifts. Each generation inherits democratic values from the past while refining and expanding them. This organic evolution ensures that civic consciousness remains relevant and adaptable to changing social realities. However, it cannot be artificially imposed; it develops gradually through social experience, education, governance practices, and the example set by leaders.

Sri Lanka today stands at a critical moment in its democratic journey. The new political leadership has placed considerable emphasis on the concept of good governance, raising expectations among citizens both locally and internationally. The promise of transparency, environmental responsibility, and improved living standards has generated optimism across the nation. Yet one vital element appears to have been overlooked in this reform process: the discipline and civic awareness of society itself.

Political leadership alone cannot transform a nation if the social environment that supports governance remains undisciplined or indifferent to civic norms. The institutions of law enforcement, administration, and public service are staffed by individuals drawn from society. If civic consciousness within the broader population remains weak, these institutions inevitably reflect the same weaknesses. Therefore, strengthening civic discipline within society must become a priority equal to political reform.

A visible example lies on Sri Lanka’s roads. Many three-wheel drivers, bus operators, and motorcyclists behave as if public roads belong exclusively to them. Excessive honking creates unnecessary sound pollution and fosters a climate of irritation and stress among commuters. Traffic rules are frequently ignored, and law enforcement presence is often insufficient to correct these behaviors. While many citizens respect the rule of law and follow traffic discipline, a significant minority disrupts order, undermining the collective interest.

Even the deployment of traffic police requires reconsideration. In many urban areas officers are assigned to manually direct traffic during peak hours, even when signal lights are operational. This often leads to confusion and inefficiency, sometimes worsening congestion rather than alleviating it. A more effective approach would be to allow automated traffic systems to function while deploying trained officers primarily to detect and penalize violations. Such enforcement would reinforce civic discipline and deter reckless behavior.

Another area revealing the challenges of weak civic consciousness is the ongoing struggle against narcotics. The government’s campaign against drugs has rightly earned the appreciation of law-abiding citizens. Yet enforcement gaps remain. For instance, new testing methods introduced to detect drug use among drivers can be circumvented when offenders substitute urine samples from non-users. In some cases, the very regulators responsible for enforcing the law become complicit in such deception. When guardians of public order abandon civic responsibility, the entire system becomes vulnerable.

Public health regulation also illustrates the consequences of insufficient civic awareness.

Many restaurants and street food stalls operate under unhygienic conditions while charging excessive prices. Central government public health inspectors strive to enforce hygiene standards, yet corruption within certain local regulatory structures undermines these efforts. Street vendors frequently operate without proper sanitation; food may be handled with unclean materials or preserved with harmful chemicals to prolong shelf life. These practices not only endanger public health but also impose a long-term financial burden on the national healthcare system, which ultimately relies on taxpayers.

The misuse of chemical preservatives in food ranging from dry fish to fruits and vegetables represents another silent threat. Vendors often resort to unregulated chemical methods to avoid financial losses from unsold goods. While the economic pressure on small traders is understandable, the absence of approved preservation systems encourages hazardous practices. A responsible regulatory framework, combined with civic awareness among vendors and consumers alike, is essential to address this challenge.

Perhaps the most concerning trend is the emergence of a segment within society that misinterprets political change as a license for lawlessness. Some individuals attempt to exploit the current political environment by intimidating law-abiding citizens or falsely claiming association with ruling political forces. Such behavior fosters fear, undermines social harmony, and erodes public confidence in governance. If left unchecked, this atmosphere may drive capable and educated citizens to seek opportunities abroad, accelerating the already troubling phenomenon of brain drain.

A significant factor weakening civic consciousness in Sri Lanka is the misuse of religious influence in public life. The clergy have traditionally been respected as moral leaders promoting peace, compassion, and unity. However, when some members of the clergy engage in political bias, confrontation, or hostility toward groups, they undermine the ethical foundations that sustain social harmony and civic responsibility.

This concern is intensified by sections of the media, particularly social media, that amplify such behavior through sensational coverage. By repeatedly highlighting disruptive actions of a few individuals, the media risks normalizing disorder rather than encouraging accountability.

These developments mirror a broader erosion of civic discipline in society, visible in everyday issues such as traffic indiscipline, poor public cleanliness, and corruption in local administration. Addressing this decline requires impartial law enforcement, stronger institutional integrity, and an education system that cultivates responsible citizenship and reinforces civic values.

Civic consciousness demands that the interests of the entire nation take precedence over the ambitions of individuals or groups. When this principle is ignored, social order deteriorates and governance reforms lose their impact. For Sri Lanka to achieve the aspirations associated with good governance, political leaders, administrators, and citizens must collectively reaffirm the values of discipline, responsibility, and respect for law.

A robust vetting system within public institutions is essential to identify individuals who abuse authority or engage in corruption. Those proven guilty of serious misconduct must face firm and decisive consequences. Such accountability is not an act of punishment alone; it is a necessary step toward preserving public trust and reinforcing civic values.

At the same time, civic education must become a national priority. Schools, universities, media institutions, and community organizations should actively promote awareness of civic duties. Citizens must understand that democracy does not merely grant rights; it also imposes responsibilities to obey the law, respect fellow citizens, protect public resources, and contribute to social harmony.

Embedding Civic Consciousness in Education: Lessons for Sri Lanka

If Sri Lanka is to cultivate a disciplined and responsible society, civic consciousness must begin not in adulthood but in the classroom. The most sustainable way to strengthen civic values is through a deliberate inclusion of civic consciousness within the national education curriculum. A comprehensive review of school syllabi should therefore prioritize civic education as a foundational subject, one that shapes the moral character, discipline, and social responsibility of future generations.

Education is the most powerful instrument for shaping social behavior. When young citizens are systematically taught the meaning of responsibility toward society, respect for law, environmental awareness, and mutual respect for fellow citizens, these values gradually become part of the national culture. Civic consciousness then ceases to be an abstract concept and becomes a lived reality in everyday conduct on roads, in public spaces, in institutions, and within governance itself.

Several nations demonstrate how education can transform civic behavior and social discipline. The experiences of Japan, Singapore, and China illustrate how structured civic education, combined with consistent enforcement of rules, can produce highly disciplined societies.

In Japan, civic responsibility is deeply embedded in the education system from an early age. Students participate in activities that teach responsibility toward the community, including maintaining cleanliness in classrooms and public spaces. These practices instill the belief that public property belongs to everyone and therefore must be respected and protected. The result is a society where discipline and mutual respect are not enforced solely through law but sustained through shared social values.

Singapore offers another powerful example. Through civic education and strict enforcement of public order, the country has cultivated a culture where citizens naturally respect rules related to cleanliness, transport, and public behavior. The emphasis on social responsibility in schools ensures that discipline becomes a personal value rather than merely an imposed obligation.

Similarly, China has long emphasized civic duty and collective responsibility within its educational framework. Civic instruction there promotes the idea that national progress depends on the disciplined conduct of every individual citizen. Through consistent messaging and structured education, civic responsibility becomes intertwined with national identity and social stability.

These examples demonstrate a common principle: discipline in society begins with disciplined education. When civic consciousness is taught systematically, citizens begin to internalize the idea that violating rules is not merely a legal offense but a social disgrace. A healthy society is one in which individuals feel shame in breaking rules and guilt in violating civic responsibilities.

Equally important is the role of social accountability. In societies with strong civic consciousness, citizens themselves become guardians of public order. When uncivil or irresponsible behavior occurs whether reckless driving, littering, or violation of public rules others express clear disapproval. Such social reactions create a moral environment in which offenders recognize their actions as unacceptable. This collective moral pressure is often more powerful than legal punishment alone.

Sri Lanka can benefit immensely by integrating these principles into its education system. Civic education should not remain limited to theoretical lessons about democracy or constitutional rights. Instead, it should involve practical civic training respecting traffic laws, protecting the environment, maintaining cleanliness in public places, and understanding the responsibilities that accompany freedom.

Schools should therefore become training grounds for responsible citizenship. Students must learn that their behavior affects the wellbeing of the entire community. When these values are consistently reinforced from childhood, they eventually shape the conduct of society at large.

For Sri Lanka, which aspires to strengthen good governance and social discipline, embedding civic consciousness within the national curriculum could become one of the most transformative reforms of the modern era. A generation raised with a deep sense of civic duty will naturally respect institutions, support lawful governance, and contribute to national development.

In the long run, a nation’s progress is not determined solely by its economic policies or political leadership. It is determined by the character of its citizens. By nurturing civic consciousness through education, Sri Lanka can lay the foundation for a disciplined, responsible, and harmonious society one where citizens not only obey the law but also feel morally compelled to uphold it.

The journey toward a disciplined and enlightened society cannot be achieved overnight. Civic consciousness evolves gradually through collective effort and shared commitment. Yet history demonstrates that nations which cultivate strong civic values ultimately achieve greater stability, prosperity, and unity.

Sri Lanka possesses the cultural heritage, intellectual capacity, and democratic institutions necessary to build such a society. What is required now is a renewed emphasis on civic consciousness as the moral compass of national progress. Only when citizens, administrators, and political leaders alike internalize this principle will the promise of good governance truly transform the society.

Conclusion and Author Attribution

The erosion of civic consciousness in Sri Lanka is not merely a matter of declining discipline in public behavior; it reflects a deeper institutional, social, and moral imbalance that has gradually developed over time. Despite the country’s high literacy rate and long-standing cultural traditions that value respect, tolerance, and communal harmony, several structural factors, including political manipulation of vulnerable social segments, misuse of authority, the politicization of religious influence, and irresponsible media amplification have contributed to the weakening of civic values within society.

Rebuilding civic consciousness therefore requires a multidimensional national effort.

Governance must be strengthened through impartial law enforcement and institutional accountability, while the education system must deliberately cultivate civic responsibility and ethical conduct from an early stage. Equally important is the need for responsible public leadership, political, religious, and social, that promotes unity, discipline, and respect for the rule of law. Only through such collective commitment can a society restore the moral foundations that sustain a stable and progressive civil order.

The conceptual framework and analytical interpretation presented in this paper are originally developed and written by R/Admiral(Retd) J. J. Ranasinghe, whose work examines the causes of declining civic consciousness in the Sri Lankan context and proposes pathways for strengthening civic discipline, institutional integrity, and responsible citizenship. This attribution is provided so that scholars, policymakers, and researchers interested in the subject may trace the intellectual foundation of this analysis and engage with it in further academic or policy discourse.

By Rear Admiral (Rtd.) JAGATH RANASINGHE, ✍️

VSV, USP, psc, MSc (DS) Mgt, MMaritimePol (Aus),
PG Dip in CPS, DIP in CR, FNI (Lond),
Former Govt Fellow GCSP



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

Published

on

Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

Continue Reading

Features

‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

Published

on

A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

Continue Reading

Features

Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

Published

on

“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

Continue Reading

Trending