Midweek Review
BR’s NK weapons claim, displaying of LTTE image at Ind. Day galvanize media et al
By Shamindra Ferdinando
A section of the international media pounced on Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa’s declaration that Sri Lanka procured weapons from North Korea during the Eelam War IV (2006-2009). Sri Lanka’s ‘Independence Day’ parade, too, drew public attention after The Tamil Guardian, UK reported how a military float, carrying the war wounded, was decorated with a photograph of LTTE cadres. The Tamil Guardian revelation caused quite a controversy. The inclusion of that particular picture is nothing but a slip-up.
The war-winning Army shouldn’t be overly concerned over some sections of the media, both here and abroad, and other interested parties seeking to exploit a simple mistake.
Let us not give an opportunity to those who cannot stomach Sri Lanka’s triumph over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to gloat over a blunder.
The image in question is among a set of photographs released by the LTTE in early Sept. 2008 to the media. The pictures captured by an LTTE photographer on Sept 2, 2008 were of fighting at Vannearikku’lam, west of Kilinochchi. The Army suffered heavy losses in the Vannearikku’lam battle but the LTTE couldn’t prevent the fall of the village and the subsequent collapse of their much larger Nachchikudah defences.
The Tamil Guardian
, in Feb 05, 2022 revealed the mistake made by the Army in a report headlined ‘Saluting the LTTE? Sri Lankan military features LTTE commandos in Independence Day parade.’
Whoever had been tasked to choose the required photographs has been quite clearly careless as the combatant, carrying a Rocket Propelled Grenade (RPG) launcher, wore a short sleeved shirt.
What really astonished the writer is in spite of the military float being there for several days, in the run-up to the Independence Day parade, no one recognised the pic of two LTTE’ers – the lead person wearing slippers carrying a RPG launcher, probably of Chinese origin, and the other person armed with a sniper weapon.
The Tamil Guardian
headline described the two men as LTTE commandos though the TamilNet report, headlined ‘Tigers locate 29 SLA bodies, 75 SLA killed, 100 wounded in Vanni’, posted online on Sept. 2, 2008, did not make any reference to LTTE commandos. There had been three other TamilNet reports, headlined ‘Fighting intensifies at Vannearikku’lam (Sept. 2, 2008), ‘LTTE confronts, recovers seven bodies (Sept. 2, 2008) and ‘Tigers seize a large number of SLA in Vanni clashes’ (Sept. 3, 2008). Those reports, too, didn’t make any reference to LTTE commandos. The reportage of the action along Nachchikudah-Vannearikku’lam-Akkarayan kulam line indicated that the LTTE believed the Army could have been overwhelmed.
In spite of fierce resistance, the LTTE couldn’t hold Vannearikku’lam. The collapse of LTTE defences at Vannearikku’lam and then Nachchikudah escalated overall deterioration of their conventional fighting capability on the Vanni west region. Now that The Tamil Guardian staff had earned the appreciation of the like-minded persons for highlighting the LTTE’s success at some of the confrontations at Vannearikku’lam, it would be pertinent to discuss the operations undertaken by the 58.2 Brigade to capture the village on Oct 20th, 2008. The 58.1 Brigade brought Nachchikudah under its control on Oct. 29, 2008. The two Brigades were assigned to the 58 Division.
Present Army Commander General Shavendra Silva, commanded the 58 Division (initially known as Task Force 1). The celebrated Division, having launched operations in Sept. 2007 under the command of the then Brigadier Chagi Gallage, played a significant role in the overall campaign, both west and east of the Jaffna-Kandy A9 road until the war was brought to a successful end. The Division engaged in some of the fiercest fighting for Vannearikku’lam and Nachchikudah. (Gallage was replaced by Shavendra Silva soon after the capturing of Silavathurai. The change took place after Gallage suffered a heart attack)
Battle for Vannearikku’lam
The LTTE had strong defences that included an earth bund that extended from Nachchikudah on the north-west coast to Akkarayan kulam via Vannearikku’lam. The LTTE defences comprised dense minefields and booby traps. Constructed in a zig zag line, the earth bund posed a huge challenge as those attacking the enemy positions were constant target of the artillery and mortars. The 58.2 troops fought several hundred defenders for several weeks. In spite of the 58.2 assigned the task, the 58.1 and 58.2 Brigades, too, were brought in to neutralise enemy positions. Still, the three Brigades couldn’t evict the defenders, who fought back, fiercely. In fact, they made several unsuccessful attempts to overrun the LTTE line.
Finally, the 9th battalion of the Gemunu Watch (9GW) made the breakthrough. After fierce confrontations, the 9 GW captured about 300 meters, west of Vannearikku’lam. During a period of five days, the LTTE made 18 abortive attempts, backed by heavy artillery and mortar fire, to overrun the positions held by 9 GW. Then, the troops of the 10 battalion of the Gajaba Regiment (10 GR) fought their way into the area west of the 300 meters seized by 9 GW and stabilised the newly captured area. The 10 GR achieved success five days after the breakthrough made by the 9 GW.
Demoralised defenders pulled back as troops of 11 SLLI (11 battalion of Sri Lanka Light Infantry), 6 GW and 12 GW overran the earth bund east of the Vannearikku’lam. For the first time during the Vanni offensive, the LTTE carried out gas attacks on 12 GW troops though it could not prevent the fall of Vannearikku’lam. Troops of 6 GW, 9 GW and 12 GW finally brought Vannearikku’lam under government control.
Why on earth did the Army peruse the social media for pictures from the conflict zone? Had the Army checked their own albums and video footage, they could have found plenty of action pictures from different theatres and major operations conducted over the years. Pictures of ‘Operation Liberation,’ ‘Riviresa’ Jayasikurui, ‘Balavegaya’et al could have been included. Instead, pictures were selected from the internet, obviously. There is no doubt in previous years, too, pictures were selected that way. Perhaps, one or two pictures of LTTE cadres had been displayed in previous years, too.
It would be pertinent, at least, to briefly discuss the battle for Nachchikudah that brought offensive action, directed at the earth bund, extending from the northwest coastal town to Akkarayan kulam via Vannearikku’lam, to a successful conclusion. Actually, the collapse of the LTTE defence line by the last week of Oct 2008 opened the remaining Vanni west region to the advancing Army. The 58.1 Brigade had been engaged in action for over two months against LTTE positions at Nachchikudah before entering the village on Oct 29, 2008. The 11 SLLI (11battalion, SLLI) played a crucial role in the operation. The 11 SLLI successfully attacked the earth bund from the direction of Mulankavil, in spite of heavy artillery, mortar, 12.7 mm and General Purpose Machine Gun (GPMG).
LTTE loses Vanni west
The Vanni campaign reached a crucial point on June 30, 2008 (four months before the total collapsing of the Nachchikudah-Akkarayan kulam defence line via Vannearikku’lam) when the 58 Division linked up with the 57 Division southwest of Periyamadu. That created the largest ever battlefront on the western flank in the entire Eelam war. Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka tasked Maj. Gen. Jagath Dias’s 57 Division to liberate Kilinochchi whereas the 58 Division was to sweep the Vanni west. Having linked up, the 57 Division pursued its objective. The 58 Division advanced towards the northwestern coast. After a series of fierce confrontations, troops captured the strategically located Sea Tiger base at Vidathalthivu on July 16.
The fall of Vidathalthivu and Nachchikudah in mid-July and late Oct, 2008, respectively set the stage for the 58 Division to rapidly advance towards the Jaffna lagoon. The 57 and 58 Divisions launched in early March 2007 and early Sept 2007, respectively began making territorial gains in April 2008.
Task Force I (58 Division)
* Adampan on May 9
* Mullikkandal, Minnaniranchan and Marattikannaddi situated north of Adampan on June 24.
* Mannar ‘Rice Bowl’, an area extending over 120 square kilometres on June 29 thereby bringing Alankulama, Andankulama, Alakaddiveli, Parappakandal, Parappukadatan, Papamoddai, Odupallam, Neduvarampu, Kannaputtukulama and Vannakulama.
* On June 30 TF I links up with 57 Division southwest of Periyamadu creating the largest ever battlefront on the western flank in the entire Eelam war.
* Vidathalthivu on the northwestern coast on July 16
* Illuppaikkadavai on July 20.
* Vellankulam on August 2.
* Mulankavil and Pallavarayankaddu on August 12.
* Maniyankulama on October 16.
* Vannerikkulam on October 20.
* Nochchimodai on October 28
* Jeyapuram on October 29.
* Nachchikuda on October 29
* Kiranchi on November 10
* Devil’s Point and Vallaipadu on November 13
* Pooneryn regained on November 15
* Paranthan regained on January 1 and 2, 2009 (almost simultaneously Elephant Pass and Kilinochchi north, too, were brought under control)
57 Division
* Madhu church complex on April 24
* Palampiddi on May 16
* Mundumurippu on May 23
* Periyamadhu on June 15
* Naddankandal on July 11
* Kalvilan on August 13
* Thunukkai and Uilankulam on August 22
* Mallavi on September 2
* 29 October troops dominate Akkarayankulam tank bund
* Overrun Akkarayankulam built-up in Kilinochchi on November 5
* Kokavil on December 1
* Terumurikandy junction regained on Dec 10
* Iranamadu junction liberated on January 01, 2009
* Kilinochchi on January 2
North Korean weapons
Some sections of the international media exploited Basil Rajapaksa’s declaration of Sri Lanka acquiring North Korean weapons. Foreign Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris was compelled to deny media reports based on an interview given by the Finance Minister to Shyam Nuwan Ganewatte of Divaina. Perhaps, the SLPP founder and political strategist felt such a claim would have helped to justify the existence of unauthorised foreign exchange setups. There hadn’t been any issue with Ganewatte’s reporting, certainly an expert in financial matters. Those who had been waiting for an opportunity to discredit Sri Lanka, particularly ahead of the 49th sessions of Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), seized the opportunity.
Sri Lanka never bought weapons from North Korea during any phase of the war against Tamil terrorist groups (1983-2009) though several Fast Attack Craft (FACs) were brought from South Korea. There was no requirement to do so as major military powers, including China, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Israel, provided a range of arms, ammunition and equipment required by the Sri Lankan military. Other suppliers included Czechoslovakia and India. At the onset of the war, India strongly opposed weapons supply to Sri Lanka. However, India quietly gave up its opposition after its disastrous military mission in Sri Lanka (1987-1990) and the assassination of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at Sriperumbudur in May 1991.
The LTTE used funds raised in the West to procure weapons from various sources after India stopped supplying weapons. The LTTE even targeted the US. The US revealed attempts made by the LTTE to procure a range of weapons, including shoulder fired anti-aircraft missiles, night vision devices and machine guns. Among those who had been arrested for the abortive bid to procure US weapons were several foreigners, including a retired Indonesian Marine Corps General. However, the LTTE succeeded in procuring Chinese weapons over a period of time. The weapons, the LTTE had acquired from China, were routed through North Korea over a period of time quiet successfully. The procurement of Chinese weapons, moved via North Korea, came to light after the Navy acting on information provided by the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), intercepted LTTE floating arsenals on the high seas.
Western powers conveniently turned a blind eye to uninterrupted sea supply route though they knew that funds raised in their countries were used to procure weapons. The LTTE arsenal included a range of artillery and mortars of Chinese origin. They also had ZPU type dedicated anti-aircraft guns as well as heat seeking missiles. But, it would be necessary to stresses that China hadn’t been the only source and absolutely no official involvement. China acted swiftly and decisively after Sri Lanka brought the clandestine weapons route to their notice. China detained a shipload of weapons bound for the LTTE. The LTTE had used North Korea to transfer weapons on the basis of false end-user certificates. Acting on specific information provided by the DMI and satellite images provided by the US, subsequently, the Navy hunted down LTTE floating arsenals. The LTTE suffered a debilitating setback due to the disruption of the sea supply route. Interested parties have sought to exploit Minister Rajapaksa’s unsubstantiated claim to cause further trouble for Sri Lanka.
Midweek Review
Culture shift; research for people’s benefit
by Professor Athula Sumathipala
Two elections went without much fuss unlike in the past, particularly without any post-election violence. The new cabinet of ministers have sworn in, especially with a Minister for Science and Technology and the parliament has started its business. However, cannot be ‘business as usual’.
During the inauguration of the first session of the tenth parliament, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reiterated the role of science, technology and research in nation building. He stated that “we believe that the area where our economy can undergo a significant transformation is science and technology. If we examine the developed countries around the world, each has invested a substantial portion of its annual budget in new research”.
He also went on to say that “our goal is to make a significant leap in the field of scientific research. This is why we have established a dedicated Ministry of Science and Technology and appointed former Professor Chrishantha Abeysena from the Ragama Medical Faculty, who has vast experience in the field”. We have also appointed individuals like Prof Gomika Udugamasuriya, who has conducted major research in the United States and brought international recognition to Sri Lanka, as the Advisor to the President on Science and Technology. We expect this transformation in science and technology to bring about a major impact”.
The two-thirds mandate received by the President was ensured by the floating voters paving the way for a new political culture. The strong powerful message via a two-thirds mandate is not only for the politicians. It sends a strong signal to the government officials, and it does not stop there. It’s an equally strong, message for intellectuals, academic, and scientists.
It is also important to realise that the positions given to people in top research institutions are not privileges to be abused based on personal agenda, and the issue of zero tolerance for corruption and abuse of power is equally applicable to them too. Similarly, the message to the researchers is not just ‘publish or perish’. It’s not going to be business as usual and therefore the new slogan is, culture shift – research for peoples benefit; research for service and product development.
Research & Development, Innovation and Technology Transfer
The post-industrial knowledge economy of today clearly displays the close correlation among economic growth, innovation and indigenous research capacity. University-based research has been the most effective driver of such economically-relevant innovation. As a result, leveraging the public investment in universities and other institutions to stimulate innovative research and development (R&D) is now a critical need for a country to remain competitive in the global arena.
Most high-ranking universities in the world are not just teaching universities but they have transformed into to research universities. However, Sri Lanka needs a paradigm shift to make research and innovation core components of and not just in postgraduate education, but also in undergraduate to produce individuals with both a creative vision for innovation as well as sufficient intellectual breadth and depth to realise that vision. There is a clear association between a country’s health, research and development investment.
What is a strategy?
To me, a strategy is about capturing opportunities arising in a dynamic world, as scientific opportunities cannot always be foreseen. The flexibility to respond to novel ideas with solid potential is therefore crucial for success. For example, the Covid-19 pandemic created an unprecedented window of opportunity for research worldwide. Sri Lanka requires innovative R&D contributions to re-stabilise the economy, to ensure national security and for sustainable development in strategically important areas.
Therefore, a ‘culture shift’ is a must if research is for peoples benefit.
Culture shift – what does it entail?
Any culture shift demands change in thinking, feelings and behaviours; the triad. According to the cognitive theory thoughts are central to any feelings or behaviour. The way people think determine how they feel and behave. Therefore, ‘attitudes’ which is a significant component of thinking need to change for any modification in thinking or behaviour to happen.
What is success?
At the end of the day what we all want, either as individuals or as a society is ‘success’. It’s also crucial to understand that success is not a destination but it’s a journey But how do you define success?
The definition of ‘success’ is determined by one’s attitude towards ‘success’. Does it mean personal success or material gains for one’s own benefits or does it mean the public good arising from one’s efforts? Therefore, the resulting vision, strategy, focus all heavily depend on the attitude towards success, which is the driving force.
But that success should essentially be beyond “self”. Hence if one gets his attitude wrong, the resulting vision, strategy, focus all can be directed towards a ‘success’ which may even be a destructive one. The classic example is the LTTE separatist war, the war that brought destruction to every one irrespective of the language one spoke. Similarly, where knowledge is power and that too can cater to a destructive end.
Success in research
For a researcher, an institution where he is affiliated may have a proud history, may be a place of research excellence with a reputation for cutting edge research, an institution supporting future research leaders. But what does it mean to an ordinary citizen? What would such an institution offer for them? The ‘so what’ question, for the ordinary citizen.
It’s high time to reflect on this – research for whose benefit?
An academic or research institution can be a place that can offer a degree, a job, better life, promotion, good marriage, patent, opportunity to see the world through academic travel, publications, a thesis to hang dust in a library. However, let’s question over selves – what is there beyond us and for public good.
Serious reflection on what is beyond us is an urgent need; that is what the culture shift – research for people’s benefits demands. A paradigm shift in the way we look at the benefits and impact of research one does. In simplest term, impact is making a difference to people’s lives.
Why beyond us? Because we are products of free public education, we use public funds for research, and even public knowledge; the knowledge is also on most occasions is something others have left behind and we are enriching them through research.
Therefore, we have a moral and ethical obligation to think beyond us. It’s not only the politicians who should be transparent and accountable. We academics too are answerable to the public. This is the salient feature not recognised enough by the academia.
This is the culture shift I am talking about. Therefore, in the journey towards a ‘culture shift’, the ethos and the attitudes are crucial. Bad attitude is like a flat tire, you cannot go anywhere without changing it. Hence attitude change is central to everything.
Please also do remember change is generally resisted and challenging the ‘norm’ may be faced with significant animosity, especially from ego centric, self-centred, especially insecure personalities and power brokers.
In order to achieve an attitude change, it has to come within. Such an internal change will ignite the change externally. It’s a synergistic process. That is where agents of change are needed, it’s a prerequisite for a culture shift.
Hence to make this ‘culture shift; research for peoples benefit’, the agents of change should be scientists and researchers themselves. We need far sighted future research leaders, to be role models and genuine and committed research leaders. Such leadership attributes will count much more than academic brilliance. Hence a serious reflection of the attitudes of scientists of our time is demanded by the prevailing circumstances; especially in the current context.
In doing so we need to realise that, an action without a vision is drudgery and vision without action is only dreaming. Never dream, because those can easily be forgotten, instead we should have targets. Hence such a vision coupled with action can change the word.
We should remember any such change especially, a culture shift in research for peoples benefits need good teams and ethos to ignite transferable and sustainable changes. In such teams we need visionaries, theoreticians, but also pragmatists and activists. All these attributes will be rare in one person, and that is why we need teams. However, in a team; a true leader is different from a manager or a boss. Leaders manage the future and managers manage the day to day ‘mess’.
However, a ‘boss is even different to a manager. A true leader is a coach, a mentor, relies on goodwill, generates enthusiasm among the team members, say we, develop people, give credits to others and share benefits while accept the blame and defeat. They bind team members together. However, a ‘Boss’, demand and rely on authority only, says I, use people, take credit for success but blame others for failures, and thinks only about ‘my way’, and are ego centric and self-centred people.
The art of science is very much different from science. Most of the scientists are generally very good at their science. But what they lack is the art of science. That is the art of delivering scientific benefits by communicating about them to policy planners for public good and converting them into products and services. Ironically the conceptual frame work is non-existent in majority.
That is why there is plenty of research describing the problem (descriptive research) but no intervention research to rectify the problem. There is so much of descriptive research on CKDU (chronic kidney disease of unknown origin) but people continue to suffer from kidney failure and finally die short of their life. There is a load of research on human and elephant conflict but people continue to die being attacked by elephants. People still have to talk about monkeys challenging human life.
That is why a culture shift – research for people’s benefit is needed. But what should be the process.
The new government has a Ministry science and technology. However, is it only the duty of the Minister, the Ministry officials and the scientist and the far-sighted research leaders? No, the public also has an equal duty and responsibility. Why?
The public has an equal responsibility as they should not be expected to be passive recipients of the benefits. But a critique may say ‘do the general public have any insight into the word research’. Such an attitude is also a serious misperception that needs to change if one is expected to have a tangible culture shift. But is it a utopia?
Patient and public involvement and engagement (PPIE) or community engagement in medical research is firmly established in the West. It is now extending as a fundamental element of health research in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). It place public contributors at the centre of research and its outcomes, and helps ensure that its scope, processes, and evaluation are more relevant, appropriate and beneficial to the end users of research. There is overwhelming research evidence that the public frequently prioritise themes topics for research that are different to those of academics and health professionals. Research evidence also demonstrates that the quality and appropriateness of research is enhanced and the likelihood of successful recruitment to studies increased, and implementation of the findings is improved when the public are involved and engaged in research.
It is a process of active partnership between researchers, professionals, and members of the public in prioritising, designing and delivering research. It is defined as “research being carried out ‘with’ or ‘by’ members of the public rather than ‘to’, ‘about’ or ‘for’ them”.
The above is an absolutely essential component if one is serious in making this culture shift- research for peoples benefit.
Beyond any doubt what so ever we have brilliant researchers’ world leading in terms of conventional indicators of ‘success’ entirely from and academic point of view. However even that is also fragmented and patchy. There has to be an overarching research culture but even that will not deliver as it will be ‘business as usual’.
Finally it also demands not working in silos but in a truly respectful and mutually beneficial partnership. In such an ethos plagiarism (taking someone else’s work or ideas and passing them off as one’s own.) should be thoroughly condemned as it is a moral violation of research ethics. Patents will never be the sole protection against plagiarism. The silent good majority should be educated and empowered. Such a collective effort with public engagement and involvement will pave the way for the culture shift- research for peoples benefit which is a slogan of a minority right now. But it can be made ‘infectious’.
So once again let me reiterate – we need a culture shift – research for people benefit
Let’s work collectively not just to make Sri Lanka the granary of Asia, but also the intelligence warehouse/hub of Asia.
Midweek Review
Unfolding AKD security strategy
By Shamindra Ferdinando
On the eve of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Shavendra Silva’s retirement, Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (retd.) Sampath Thuyacontha declared the National People’s Power (NPP) government’s intention to review the armed force structures to ensure, what he called, optimal utilization of resources.
AVM Thuyacontha also proposed to enhance the armed forces operational efficiency by implementing targeted recruitment and focusing on quality over quantity in personnel selection.
Reforms in our opinion, too, are a must, especially knowing that many made a business out of the war against the separatist terrorists for it to drag on unnecessarily for so long, with the country suffering immeasurably in terms of lost lives and limbs, broken families, etc., etc. But such reforms should not have any kind of political connotations other than to fight wastage and corruption.
Defence Secretary Thuyacontha made the announcement at a Navy passing out parade at the ‘Naval and Maritime Academy’ (NMA) in Trincomalee on the evening of Dec. 28.
Present on the occasion were the then Navy Commander Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera and Commandant of the NMA Commodore R Joseph, a former Sri Lankan Defence Advisor at the Sri Lankan High Commission in New Delhi.
Against the backdrop of NPP leader Anura Kumara Disanayake (AKD) achieving the impossible at the presidential and parliamentary elections in September and November, last year, respectively, the new turn of events is certainly not surprising.
AVM Thuyacontha, who had been blacklisted by the SLAF, in March 2023, at the behest of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government for throwing his weight behind the NPP, is now at the helm of the country’s war-winning security forces. The then government found fault with the SLAF veteran for appearing on the NPP political platforms at a time the then government was fighting back the growing political threat posed by AKD. Along with the AVM, the government blacklisted two more SLAF personnel. They were barred from even entering any military facility.
The decorated helicopter gunship pilot successfully moved the Supreme Court against the SLAF decision and in early Sept. 2023, the SC bench, comprising Justices Yasantha Kodagoda and Arjuna Obeysekera, ordered that Thuyacontha be granted all retirement benefits he was deprived of a couple of months before. The government and the SLAF top brass ended up with egg on their faces.
Another senior retired officer, targeted by the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government, is Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekara, as he, too, earned the wrath of the government for publicly declaring his support for the NPP.
The government, as well as the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), politically feared the grouping of retired military and police officers openly supporting NPP. Action directed at Thuyacontha and Jayasekara was meant to discourage not only the retired but serving armed forces and their families. While Thuyacontha, in Sept. 2024 received appointment as the Defence Secretary, Jayasekara, one-time post-war Security Forces Commander, East, emerged as Deputy Defence Minister. AKD brought Jayasekara into Parliament through the NPP National List to ensure continuous supervision.
Whatever the differences between them, Wickremesinghe and Premadasa realized the unprecedented political threat posed by the retired armed forces fraternity and the serving military being supportive of NPP against the backdrop of Aragalaya activists overthrowing President Gotabaya Rajapaksa through unconstitutional means and nearly overrunning the Parliament thereafter.
By the time Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successor moved against Thuyacontha, in March 2023, the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) had already lost its politically commanding position over the retired armed forces and police. Following the eradication of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in May 2009, the Rajapaksas consolidated their position vis-a-vis armed forces. In fact, the process began during the 2007-2008 period as the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s Army turned things around in the Eastern and Northern theatres.
But let me stress that wouldn’t have been a reality without supportive and strategic roles played by then Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda’s Navy and then Air Vice Marshal Roshan Goonetilleke’s spearheading those two services. Even though Fonseka wanted to collect all the trophies for himself, it was the frontline military commanders that did the bulk of the work, undoubtedly very ably led by Fonseka, from Colombo, after he miraculously survived an attempt on his life by a female LTTE suicide bomber inside the Army Headquarters complex in April 2006.
AVM Thuyacontha, in his capacity as the Commanding Officer of No 09 attack helicopter squadron, earned a name for himself at the risk of his life. What really prompted Thuyacontha to throw his weight behind the NPP after his retirement?
AKD’s agenda
When the writer recently sought an explanation from an authoritative source regarding planned changes, without hesitation he underscored President Disanayake’s decision not to grant extensions to incumbent service commanders Lt. Gen. Vikum Liyanage (Army), Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera (Navy) and Air Marshal Udeni Rajapaksa (Air Force).
Although, the government hasn’t disclosed or given any indication yet regarding the proposed review of armed forces structures or what it intended to achieve, President Disanayake has effected changes. Lt. Gen. Liyanage and VA Perera were on their second extension and weren’t considered for further extensions. They were replaced by Lt. Gen. Lasantha Rodrigo, Deputy Chief of Staff and Chief of Staff VA Kanchana Banagoda.
Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Dinesh Nanayakkara hadn’t been considered for the top post. Nanayakkara, one-time Military Liaison Officer (MLO) at the time Gen. Kamal Gunaratne had served as the Defence Secretary, obviously failed to earn the confidence of the new political leadership.
Air Marshal Rajapaksa will retire on January 29, this year, and the obvious replacement is Chief of Staff AVM Sampath Wickramaratne, a celebrated fighter pilot.
In line with the overall changes in the defence sector, the NPP government may abolish the Office of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) thereby paving the way for the Defence Ministry to enhance its overall role. Perhaps, those who had been crushed by AKD at the presidential and parliamentary elections may have believed he would opt for a civilian Defence Secretary. They may never have thought AKD was going to accommodate a retired Maj. Gen. on its National List and make him Deputy Defence Minister.
AKD’s strategy should be examined with that of President Maithripala Sirisena (2015 January to 2019 November) who dealt a deadly blow to the defence setup by appointing four civilian defence secretaries, B.M.U.D. Basnayake (2015 Jan.-2015 Sept.), Karunasena Hettiarachchi (2015 Sept.-2017 July), Kapila Waidyaratne, PC (2017 July to 2018 Oct), and Hemasiri Fernando (2018 Oct. to 2019 April). The deterioration that had been caused by the Yahapalana political leadership that created an environment for the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) to carry out the Easter Sunday carnage during Hemasiri Fernando’s tenure.
Perhaps the Easter Sunday massacre could have been averted if the post of Defence Secretary was held by a retired military officer. The pathetic way Sirisena had handled Defence proved that he simply lacked even the basic knowledge in handling the vital subject, in spite of his experience as a Cabinet Minister.
After the humiliating security debacle, Sirisena brought in retired Army Commander Gen. Shantha Kottegoda. The country was in such turmoil with Sirisena at loggerheads with his Prime Minister Wickremesinghe at that time, he couldn’t fill the Secretary Defence post immediately after Fernando’s removal. Hemasiri Fernando was removed on April 25. Kottegoda received his appointment on April 29th.
AKD, who is also the leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna (JVP) that waged two unsuccessful terror campaigns in ’71 and 1987-1990, in a bid to grab power, did something no previous President had done. The President who holds the Defence portfolio brought in a retired senior officer to Parliament on the National List, specifically to serve as his Deputy. AKD also holds a Finance portfolio and, over the past couple of months, proved that regardless of his critics repeatedly questioning his experience is equal to the task, despite some serious blemishes in the form of shortages of basics, like quality rice and coconuts.
New appointments
AKD has declared that State Ministers wouldn’t be appointed. This decision is based on the NPP’s assertion that appointment of State Ministers is meant to appease lawmakers and nothing but a waste of public funds.
Since the presidential election AKD has made some key appointments/changes: (1) Within a week after winning the presidential election, Senior DIG Priyantha Weerasooriya was appointed as the Acting IGP. The appointment sealed the fate of Deshabandu Tennakoon who enjoyed the backing of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government, but was unceremoniously suspended by the Supreme Court on July 24, 2024. The SC declared that the order would be effective until the final determination of nine Fundamental Rights applications filed challenging his appointment as IGP. That dealt a severe blow to Wickremesinghe’s presidential election campaign. For the first time in our history, a national election was conducted in the absence of an IGP. Police headquarters handled the security admirably.
Weerasooriya’s appointment will be made permanent once the SC announced its determination in respect of FR applications filed against Tennakoon.
(2) In the first week of Oct., 2024, AKD replaced State Intelligence Service (SIS) head Maj. Gen. Suresh Sally. Intelligence services veteran Sally who had held the top post since 2019 after the presidential election, was replaced by DIG Dhammika Kumara. The SIS had been always run by a senior police officer until Gotabaya Rajapaksa brought in Sally in place of Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena, the man in the centre of controversy over the failure on the part of the Yahapalana leadership to thwart the Easter Sunday carnage.
Successive governments bent backwards to appease influential Jayawardena to such an extent the senior DIG was able to continue in police regardless of proven allegations against him in respect of the Easter Sunday security failure. The National Police Commission (NPC) sent him on compulsory leave only in July 2024, five years after near simultaneous NTJ suicide blasts claimed the lives of 270 Lankans and foreigners and caused injuries to over 400 others.
(3) In December last year, Brigadier Deepatha Ariyasena received appointment as head of Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), the premier intelligence arm of the government. Like the new head of SIS, Dhammika Kumara, Brig. Ariyasena, in spite of not having an intelligence background, is expected to build up the respective ‘formations.’ Ariyasena replaced Brigadier Chandrika Mahathanthila.
(4) Maj. General Ruwan Wanigasooriya was brought in as new Chief of National Intelligence (CNI), a post held by Maj. Gen. Ruwan Kulathunga since June 2019. The Yahapalana administration erred in bringing in a retired senior policeman, much respected investigator DIG Sisira Mendis as CNI. Coupled with the appointment of civilians as Secretary Defence, the appointment of the retired DIG Mendis as directed by the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, too, contributed to the overall intelligence failure that led to the horrific Easter Sunday carnage.
Regardless of various investigations, at different levels, the country still does not know why the Easter Sunday carnage couldn’t have been thwarted. Although many questioned the failure on the part of the intelligence community to act on specific information provided by India, perhaps sufficient attention hadn’t been paid to the pathetic way the government disregarded its own investigations.
SS retirement
Gen. Shavendra Silva, wartime General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the celebrated 58 Division, in his farewell message made reference to only one other officer who served with him. That was military leader and strategist Chagie Gallage, who retired in late August 2018. Both Gajaba Regiment veterans played crucial roles in the war against the LTTE and as Gen. Silva recalled his senior colleague had been the war-winning Army Chief Sarath Fonseka’s first choice as the Commanding Officer of Task Force 1 established to conduct offensive action on the Mannar theatre.
Due to sudden illness that befell Gallage, Silva was named the TF 1 commander and the rest is history. Like Gallage, Silva, too, retired while facing unsubstantiated war crimes accusations. Gallage remained to date the only officer to boldly raise the contentious issue at the time he delivered his farewell speech at the regimental headquarters.
A week after his retirement on Aug. 31, 2018, Gallage praised the Gajaba Home at Saliyapura, Anuradhapura: “Gajaba was engraved in golden letters in the annals of the history of the Sri Lanka Army, if not in the history of Sri Lanka … and I’m certain it will never be reversed by any.”
“So, I’m happy to be retired being a tiny particle of that proud chapter of our history, though designated as a ‘War Criminal.”
In a few lines, Gallage delivered a devastating attack on all those who had shirked their responsibility for countering lies propagated by interested parties until sections of the Army were categorised as war criminals. Gallage’s was a case in point.
Gallage dealt with a range of issues on the eve of the 35th anniversary of the Gajaba Regiment. There had never been a previous instance of an officer having the courage to question at a farewell banquet, about him being unfairly categorized as a war criminal. It would be pertinent to examine why Gallage declared: “So, I’m happy to be retired being a tiny particle of that proud chapter of history, though designated as a ‘War Criminal.’”
Now that the new government has declared its intention to review the armed force structures to ensure what he called optimal utilization of resources, it should without further delay pay attention to war crimes accusations. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s war-winning government, as well as subsequent governments, pathetically failed to build a proper defence on the basis of Lord Naseby’s revelations in Oct. 2017, made two years after the treacherous Yahapalana leadership betrayed our war-winning valiant armed forces at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).
Led by Sirisena and Wickremesinghe, it became the only government in the world to move resolution against its own armed forces before the world.
Australia denied a visa to Gallage during the Yahapalana government. The government did nothing. The US declared a travel ban on Silva in Feb. 2020. Let me reproduce the declaration made by the then US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, on Feb. 13, 2020: “I am designating Shavendra Silva making him ineligible for entry into the US due to his involvement in extrajudicial killings during Sri Lanka’s Civil War. The US will not waver in its pursuit of accountability for those who commit war crimes and violate human rights.”
Sri Lanka never had a cohesive action plan to defend its armed forces, thereby allowing those who couldn’t stomach Sri Lanka’s triumph over the Tiger terrorist and their supporters’ project to relentlessly pursue war crimes accusations against the country. Lord Naseby’s disclosure, based on information obtained from the UK government, proved that Sri Lanka never pursued a policy meant to kill Tamils and 40,000 civilians didn’t perish as alleged by the UN Panel of Experts in March 2011. Not only that Sri Lanka also disregarded wartime US Defence Advisor Lt. Col. Lawrence Smith’s declaration against the unsubstantiated claims of battlefield executions. In other words, the US official contradicted retired General Sarath Fonseka’s utterly irresponsible and treacherous accusations pertaining to battlefield executions carried out by the 58 Division.
Gen. Silva, on the eve of his retirement, mentioned battlefield exploits of his Division. But, what really interested the writer was his denial of serving the interests of foreign powers bent on ousting Gotabaya Rajapaksa in line with US-India geopolitical strategy as alleged by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa. The economic, political and social crisis created by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government as ruled by the Supreme Court facilitated external interventions. Under no circumstances can we forget that no less a person than then Speaker Mahinda Abeywardena declared in Parliament that external power made an overt intervention and, according to Weerawansa, that was the US.
Midweek Review
When Tycoons Hold the Reins
By Lynn Ockersz
‘The World’s Mightiest Democracy’,
In star-gazing tycoons has kept its faith,
Hoping that the ‘trickle-down-theory’,
Would somehow take full effect,
And that the voting and hoping millions,
Would come by some morsels of food,
Falling off the banquet tables of the rich,
But alas, it has forgotten the wise adage,
That a ‘Camel’ cannot wriggle through,
The ‘Eye of a Needle’ and has lost sight,
Of the prophetic truth of scientific bent,
That a ruler’s economic condition,
Would shape his mind or Consciousness.
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