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Editorial

Were the right questions asked?

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The Institute of Chartered Accountants deserves the highest praise for persuading three of Sri Lanka’s former Presidents, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe, to appear on a single platform at its 45th annual conference last week. Mahinda Rajapaksa, who was also billed to appear was a no show, whether on second thoughts or on account of his increasing frailty that is often visible on television home screens. Whether Gotabaya Rajapaksa was invited and what his response was, we do not know. His public appearances since he quit the presidency have been few and far between. Nevertheless, three out of five living ex-presidents on a common platform was not at all a bad show for which the organizers deserve the warmest congratulations.

Naturally corruption was a focus at this meeting. Like the broad masses of the country, those who led Sri Lanka are all too aware of endemic corruption which certainly influenced the recent election of Anura Kumara Dissanayake as the President of the Republic. Corruption, no doubt, has been present not only during the post-independence period but in pre-independent Ceylon as well. To cite one example, it has been alleged that what became then the Kelani Valley Railway Line was built for a mine in South Africa. When it was not purchased as arranged by the intended buyer, a British Governor is alleged to have purchased it for the Ceylon Government Railway.

Although it is cliche today, and widely parroted that all of Ceylon/Sri Lanka’s leaders have, in one way or another been corrupt or at least guilty of cronyism, few in good conscience can accuse the Senanayakes, Bandaranaikes or Sir. John Kotelawela of that. Mr. Bandaranaike paid with his life for resisting the demands of Mapitigama Buddharakkita who played no minor role in ensuring the 1956 electoral landslide that swept SWRD to power. There is a tendency to frame corruption as a post-independence phenomenon that followed the brown sahibs taking over as rulers of the country. But that is not strictly correct although, admittedly, corruption as we know today has grown exponentially in recent decades. It is widely perceived that the opening of the economy in 1978 – not 1977 when J.R. Jayewardene won his five sixths landslide as is often wrongly said – gave an impetus to this development. But that is not also correct at least in the lower levels of the public service where pita vaasi or fringe benefits have long been a fact of life.

The police constable, the village headman, court clerks etc. have enjoyed such perquisites and we would wager that no importer or exporter can claim they have not oiled palms at customs. Auditors have no difficulty passing such payments as acceptable “pre-shipment expenditure.” Editorial writers over the years have expounded about sprats who are netted while the sharks get away. The recent long remanding of former Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella – incidentally a school bearing his name got a new name the other day – was a rare occurrence. But Prasanna Ranatunga, convicted of extortion, served a full term as a cabinet minister in the last government pending an appeal still not concluded. Voters at the recent presidential election had a problem marking a cross against names of candidates who have consorted and co-existed with corrupt elements in their governments. Media giving publicity to those such as the unlamented Mervyn Silva is also culpable.

President Wickremesinghe, at least within public knowledge, had no obligations to the Rajapaksas when he was prime minister of the Yahapalana government of 2015. This, of course, was not the case when he assumed the prime ministry post-Aragalaya and was elected to serve the balance Gotabaya term by the SLPP majority in parliament. At last week’s forum former President Chandrika Kumaratunga accused Yahapalana PM RW of doing nothing about hoarded loot of USD one billion of the young son of an unnamed political leader banked in Dubai. “I saw the bank statement with my own eyes,” CBK said. “But we could not charge him in court as we needed the original documents.”

RW responded saying his then government sent teams to Dubai but could not find any evidence. “I was told that the member’s relative had kept money abroad. The bank was named as the National Bank of Dubai. We sent in teams which had officials from the police, AG’s department and the Bribery Commission. We were not able to get anything at all. It was not there. Minister Tilak Marapona spoke to the foreign minister of the UAE. There was no trace of the money. The bank said they cannot disclose anything unless we have a court order.” Interesting. But we remember a minister at that time shooting his mouth off about a bank account number is possession of that government giving an early warning.

In any case, Dubai banks like Swiss banks do not easily part with information on account holders. That would undermine their secret accounts business that has grow in mind boggling proportions. The question now in Sri Lanka is whether there was/is a will to pursue these matters to their conclusion even if there was a way. RW’s claim that we lack the skills for this kind of investigation is credible. But we have a record of locking up at least one capable investigator. Shani Abeysekera is now back in the police. Hopefully some moribund cases will at least now get moving.

Sadly, we have no ‘Hard Talk’ kind of investigators to fire the right questions at ex-presidents on the podium at public events. Even if we did, whether moderators would have permitted such questions is doubtful. CBK has a Waters Edge conviction where both she and her friend Ronnie Pieris were fined. Sirisena has paid a Rs. 100 million penalty on the Easter bombing after first pleading he had no money and depended on a mango plantation – over and above ex-presidential perks and pension – for his livelihood. A lot of searching questions could have been asked.



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Editorial

Another game of chicken

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Thursday 4th June, 2026

The government has locked horns with private bus operators, who are demanding a fare hike amidst soaring fuel prices. The former has rejected the fare hike demand out of hand, claiming that it is unfair. President of the Lanka Private Bus Owners’ Association Gemunu Wijeratne has threatened to launch a bus strike unless a fare increase is granted forthwith. He has claimed that there is legal provision for the annual bus fare revision due in July to be advanced. The government and the irate private bus owners are now playing a game of chicken.

School vehicle operators have warned that they will have to increase fees. Trishaw owners have also demanded a fare hike. Container truck operators have already increased freight charges by 5% to offset surging operating expenses, primarily driven by higher diesel prices, inflated costs of tyres and spare parts.

A brutal one-two combination—fuel price hikes and rupee depreciation—has sent all vehicle owners, save a few, to the canvas, so to speak. The prices of spare parts, lubricants and tyres have also skyrocketed. It is only natural that transport operators are demanding fare revisions. The government should stop making political statements and address the issues facing the transport sector. The public cannot take any more shocks, and another fare hike is something everyone needs like a hole in the head. It may not be feasible to grant the bus operators’ request for a fuel subsidy, but the government may be able to help them lower costs in some other way.

It will not be possible to overcome Sri Lanka’s balance of payments woes, strengthen the rupee and shore up foreign currency reserves without a proper strategy to reduce the national fuel bill, which accounts for more than 20% of the total value of imports. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has pointed out that the country’s monthly fuel import expenditure has surged nearly six-fold. Driven by escalating tensions in West Asia, the fuel import bill rose from USD 98 million in February to USD 522 million in May, according to him. There is no gainsaying that drastic measures need to be adopted to reduce fuel consumption urgently. However, increasing fuel prices is not the only way to achieve this goal.

A country does not need a government to curtail the demand for fuel through price hikes. The JVP-NPP administration should be able to strategise to reduce fuel consumption through other means if it is to be considered worth its salt. Minister Anura Karunathilake and Ceylon Petroleum Corporation Chairman D. J. A. S Rajakaruna have gone on record as saying that action will be taken to have the QR-based fuel rationing system strictly regulated. Why didn’t the government care to do so earlier? If the fuel quota system is to be effective, the practice of motorists sharing the QR codes must be brought to an end. If the national fuel consumption has reached an unmanageable level, as President Dissanayake has said, will the government explain why fuel quotas were increased.

President Dissanayake and his government should learn from India’s efforts to reduce fuel consumption and adopt a top-down national austerity approach to conserve foreign exchange amidst external economic pressures. India’s strategy emphasises reducing official fuel use, adopting digital alternatives to travel, and promoting public transportation to manage energy consumption. After all, the JVP-led NPP came to power, promising austerity measures, which it must now adopt to curtail state expenditure while reducing the burgeoning import bill.

The JVP-NPP government is slow in responding to emergencies. Its disaster response following the landfall of Cyclone Ditwah was woefully tardy. It ignored warnings and waited until the country’s fuel reserves were almost depleted to introduce the QR-based rationing. It cannot wish away the threat of a private bus strike. It must get the bus owners around the table and have a serious discussion on how to resolve the transport sector woes instead of bellowing rhetoric.

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Editorial

Lies and politics

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Wednesday 3rd June, 2026

Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa is reported to have lamented that in Sri Lanka, politicians who are adept at lying succeed at the expense of those who work really hard. He never misses an opportunity to project himself as a hardworking politician, and therefore his political rivals may claim that his lament smacks of self-promotion. Nevertheless, his argument is not untenable. During the last several decades, we have heard zillions of lies uttered by numerous political leaders, who have overtaken Machiavelli, Goebbels and even Matilda, who told “such dreadful lies” as made “one grasp and stretch ones’ eyes”. Opposition parties are lucky that people lose interest in their campaign lies after elections.

Lying is the name of the game in Sri Lankan politics. False promises made by politicians out of power should also be considered lies, for they are intended to deceive the public. What are usually described as the incumbent government’s lies are the false promises contained in the NPP manifesto or made by JVP/NPP politicians before the 2024 elections.

It has now become clear that the JVP/NPP leaders lied to the public when they said they were opposed to the manner in which debt was restructured and, if voted into office, they would renegotiate the bailout agreement signed between the IMF and the previous government. But after forming a government they opted to keep the agreement intact, and wisely so. The SJB has been saying something similar about the IMF programme, and it would have been exposed for lying if it had been able to form a government.

Some Opposition parties that have banded together to challenge the government claim that they would have handled the current energy crisis differently and granted relief to the people by reducing taxes on fuel. Accusing its political rivals of lying to garner favour with the public, the government insists that there is no way the fuel prices can be slashed. It finds itself in an IMF straitjacket, and has to fulfill the bailout conditions or lose IMF assistance. It is required to increase state revenue and ensure that energy prices are cost reflective, the JVP/NPP says. So, the only way the Opposition can disprove the government’s claim that it has to increase fuel prices to recover costs is to obtain a detailed cost breakdown and prove that the fuel prices are way above costs. The Opposition politicians shedding copious tears for the public ought to present facts and figures to support their claim that the government is jacking up fuel prices to meet the cost of extra diesel stocks purchased to operate the oil-fired power plants to make up for the Norochcholai generation loss caused by fraudulently procured low-grade coal. Mere rhetoric won’t do. Parliament is the best forum where the Opposition should pressure the government to reveal how fuel prices are determined.

Meanwhile, an SJB spokesman has said something that is construed in some quarters as an unwitting admission that the Opposition’s claim that the JVP-NPP government is not on the right course to strengthen the economy is false. Likening the JVP-NPP government, which is making a frantic effort navigate a host of vexed issues to straighten up the economy, to the proverbial bullocks pulling loaded carts up the steep slope of Haputale, SJB MP Mujibur Rahman has said the SJB is waiting until that task is completed to capture power. It is advisable to get the JVP-led administration to tackle the current economic issues because the JVP/NPP, after losing its hold on power, will never allow a future government to do so, he has said. He may have sought to make his party out to be smarter than the JVP/NPP, but what was intended as a back-handed compliment became an unintended compliment for the government besides exposing the Opposition’s hypocrisy. What one gathers from his statement is that the SJB is waiting to enjoy the fruits of the JVP-NPP government’s labour while criticising the ongoing economic recovery programme. In other words, the SJB knows that the government is doing what is necessary to strengthen the economy. If it is as patriotic as it claims to be, it should subjugate its political agenda to the national interest and help strengthen the economy.

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Editorial

Meegoda tragedy and safety concerns

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Tuesday 2nd June, 2026

A pickup truck ploughed into a crowd near a Vesak dansala at the Meegoda junction on Sunday night, killing six people. More than 12 others were seriously injured. The driver of the vehicle was arrested while fleeing the scene of the accident, and the police said he was under the influence of alcohol. Produced before the Homagama Magistrate, he was remanded until 16 June.

Sunday’s tragedy at Meegoda has triggered an outpouring of public anger at the hit-and-run driver. There have been calls for stringent legal action against him. Some social media activists have gone to the extent of demanding that he be hanged straightway. Their consternation is understandable. If he had been sober, cautious and considerate, he would have been able to prevent the tragedy. It is hoped that all motorists will take lessons from Sunday’s accident and exercise caution when navigating crowded areas, especially during festivals.

Nothing can be cited in extenuation of the offence of driving under the influence of alcohol and killing people. However, there is a broader issue that must not go unaddressed if tragic accidents are to be prevented.

Most dansel are held by the roadside with no special arrangements to ensure the safety of those who visit them, much less facilitate the flow of vehicular traffic. They are characterised by utter chaos. Vehicles are parked haphazardly near them blocking roads, and people flock there from all directions with no heed for passing vehicles. Traffic laws apparently fall silent near dansel.

Dansel are not alone in causing havoc on roads. In this country, no public event is apparently considered complete unless they obstruct roads, worsen traffic congestion and cause maximum possible inconvenience to road users. Political rallies are mostly held at busy intersections, much to the inconvenience and resentment of motorists, who suffer in silence for want of a better alternative. The same is true of religious ceremonies and open-air musical shows. They make busy roads impassable, with the police prioritising everything else over ensuring the movement of vehicular traffic.

Most roads become veritable velodromes, come the Sinhala and Tamil New Year. Bicycle races are held on them, and contestants and their supporters become a law unto themselves. Police, who readily grant permission for such events, do precious little to rein in unruly ‘cheer squads’ on motorcycles, speeding, waving flags menacingly and threatening or even setting upon motorists who fail to get out of their path. They act just like the OMGs (Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs) with impunity. This practice must end. Races must not be held on busy roads.

The Kalutara North police deserve praise for having arrested more than 50 motorcyclists for riding in a reckless manner during the last couple of days. Such riders are a public nuisance, and must be severely dealt with, according to the law. The good work of the Kalutara North police is however the exception that proves the rule. Motorcycles with unauthorised modifications, such as illegal deafening exhausts are ubiquitous on the road, especially during festive seasons. Complaints abound that nocturnal motorcycle drag races frequently disturb Colombo’s suburbs, but the police do not seem to care.

Dansel cannot be held without prior registration and a health evaluation by the Public Health Inspectors to ensure food safety. They are reportedly monitored to check whether they adhere to health guidelines. These measures are welcome, and the health authorities should be thanked for their intervention to guarantee food hygiene. Similarly, it must be made mandatory for the police to ensure that every dansala is located at a safe distance from traffic lanes of busy roads and cordoned off to prevent accidents. Safety must take precedence over free food.

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