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TThe Supreme Physician

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The ancient hospital at Mahintale (Mihintale).

The Buddha on Sickness, Health and Nursing

During the Buddha’s lifetime he was given numerous epithets in recognition of his outstanding qualities. Some of these include the Happy One, Teacher of Gods and Humans, Lord of Creatures, King of Truth, Teacher, etc. One of the most interesting of these epithets, found in several places in the Tipitaka, is the Supreme Physician (anuttaro bhisakko). It is usually thought that this refers to the Buddha’s ability to soothe and ultimately heal the afflictions of samsara – birth, death and rebirth, greed, hatred and delusion. Certainly, this is how many people during his lifetime thought of it. For example, the brahman Pingiyani said:

“Just as a skilled physician might quickly cure someone ailing, sick and seriously ill, whenever one hears the different aspects of the good Gotama’s Dhamma, all grief, sorrow, suffering, lamentation and despair disappear.”

The Paramatajotika put it like this: “The Buddha is like a skilled physician in that he is able to heal the sickness of the defilements.” While these and similar comparisons are legitimate, they are only part of the reason the Buddha was equated with and praised as being a skilled and compassionate physician. He also had interesting, insightful and practical things to say about doctoring and nursing, sickness, health, and healing in the conventional sense.

With primitive sanitary arrangements and large numbers of people living in close proximity to each other, particularly in cities, sicknesses of all kinds were a part of everyday life in the Buddha’s India. Some of those mentioned in the Tipitaka include jaundice, fever, ulcers, cough, hay fever, diabetes (madhumehika, literally honey urine), and leprosy. There is a description of the monk Kokaila having boils or pustules (phota) break out all over his body which gradually became bigger until they ruptured, discharging pus and blood, and causing him to die, which is a good description of smallpox.

The Buddha mentioned a man “whose testicles were like pots” which is a common symptom of filariasis, a condition caused by a roundworm transmitted by several species of mosquitos. Another manifestation of this condition is elephantiasis (sipada) which causes the legs to become grotesquely swollen. The ancients were aware of sicknesses that run in families (bandhukaroga), chronic illnesses (anusayuka) and epidemics, or what the Carakasaṃhita referred to as “the destruction of a whole districts” (janapada uddhvamsa).

What might be one of the few mentions in the Tipitaka of such occurrences was when Ananda informed the Buddha that a monk, a nun and ten lay disciples had recently died in Nadaka, one of the outer suburb of Vesali. The Jataka mentions a family afflicted by a disease known as snake-wind sickness (ahivataka) and despairing that there was little hope of survival, the mother urged her son to knock a hole in the wall of the house and crawl out, thereby avoiding the malevolent disease-causing spirit haunting the threshold and giving him at least a chance to survive. A later text says snake-wind sickness was one of two afflictions caused by evil spirits and would sometimes affect whole districts, while the second, mandalaka, would kill the whole family of the person it first struck. Some modern scholars have theorized that this affliction might have been malaria.

That the Buddha had at least five synonyms for sickness (roga, abadha, vyadhi, atanka, gilana) and that he was able to list nearly 50 diseases and infirmities suggests that good health was not common during his time. In fact, he opined that it would be rare, even impossible, for someone to get through life without being affected by at least some sickness.

The Buddha nursing the sick monk.

Contrary to popular misconception, the Buddha did not claim that all physical conditions, including injury and illnesses, were necessarily caused by past kamma. He mentioned at least eight causes of sickness of which only one was kamma; the others being a disorder in the bile (pitta), in the phlegm (semha), in the wind (vata), a disorder due to all three together (sannipata), seasonal changes (utuparinama), carelessness (visamaparihara) and external events (opakkamika, such as accidents and natural disasters. On other occasions he mentioned that an improper diet and overeating can likewise make one ill. Significantly, he did not include evil spirits as a cause of diseases.

The Buddha recognized two types of illness – physical and psychological – saying that while it might be possible to find someone who had never been sick in body, only those who had attained awakening (bodhi) could be said to be truly psychologically healthy. However, here we will focus on the first of these types of illness.

The Buddha defined health (arogya) as “having well-being and good digestion, not over-cold or over-hot, and balanced so as to be capable of activity.” He encouraged his disciples to cherish their health and take steps to maintain it and lauded good health as a real blessing, as something desirables, a great gain, and a wonderful opportunity to practice the Dhamma. He acknowledged that it would certainly be possible to live by the Dhamma despite being sick and with the resolution: “Though my body is sick my mind shall not be sick” but being healthy would make it many times easier.

As disease and sickness with non-kammic causes can respond to medical intervention the Buddha saw the physician’s role as a vital one. He said: “Indeed, those who care for the sick are of great benefit [to others]” (api ca gilanupaṭṭhaka bahupakara). Consequently, his Dhamma is replete with information pertaining to the treatment of the sick. Because the Tipitaka predates the separation and specialization of the medical profession as presented in early Ayurvedic treatises such as the Susrutasamhita and the Carakasamhita, it rarely makes a distinction between the physician or doctor (bhisakka or vejja) and the nurse (gilanupatthaka). During the Buddha’s time the doctor probably performed all the functions in the sick room, including that of nursing the patient. So the Buddha offered this advice to the physician/nurse:

“Possessing five qualities, one who nurses the sick is fit to do so. What are the five? He can prepare the medicine. He knows what is good and what is not. What is good he offers, and what is not he does not. He nurses the sick out of love, not out of hope for gain. He is unmoved by excrement, urine, vomit and spittle. And from time to time, he can instruct, delight, inspire and uplift the sick with talk on Dhamma.”

Of the five points mentioned here the first concern the physician’s responsibility to be fully trained in and skillful in the administration of drugs, given that some drugs can be dangerous if not prescribed properly. The second point is perhaps equivalent to the Hippocratic Oath’s stipulation; that the physician shall never do anything to harm a patient, even if asked to do so. The third point counsels the physician to have a benevolent attitude to patients and put their welfare above personal gain. The fourth point reminds the physician that at times it might be necessary to deal with the loathsome aspects of the human body and that he or she should do this with detachment, both for his or her own mental balance and so as not to embarrass or humiliate the patient. The fifth and final stipulation is a recognition of the fact that spiritual counseling and comfort can have a part to play in healing and that the physician or caregiver needs to have at least some abilities in this area.

The Buddha made it a rule that his monks should not practice medicine, although as will be mentioned below, they were expected to look after their fellows when sick, and this may have sometimes required going beyond just nursing to diagnosing the affliction and dispensing the appropriate medicine. Why would the Buddha have forbidden his monks doing something that is so often associated with compassion and kindness? The answer lies in the purpose and goal of the monastic vocation – to realize awakening and to teach others how to realize it. Beyond this, monks and nuns were discouraged from getting involved in worldly pursuits. Monastics who practiced medicine would soon find themselves being often called upon for their services and have little time for doing what they became monastics for. Nonetheless, in later centuries it was common for monks to act as doctors but this was a departure from the Buddha’s original vision for the monastic life.

The Buddha recognized that even the most experienced physician could not cure every affliction and therefore that different patients would have different prognosis. He observed:

The Chinese physician Sun Simiao

“There are these three types of patients to be found in the world. There is the patient who, whether or not he obtains the proper diet, medicines and nursing, will not recover from his illness. Then there is the patient who, whether or not he obtains the proper diet, medicines, and nursing, will recover from his sickness anyway. Lastly there is the patient who will recover from his illness only if he gets the proper diet, medicines and nursing. It is for this last type of patient that proper diet, medicine and nursing should be prescribed, but the others should be looked after also.”

Apart from being an astute and clear-eyed observation these recommendations contain something of major importance; the Buddha’s last point. Susruta, the father of Indian medicine, advised the physician not to treat a patient who is likely to die so as to avoid being blamed for their death. In contrast, the Buddha said patients should be treated and nursed even if they were going to die. This is probably the earliest inkling of what today is called palliative care. While the ethical principles Susruta taught were of a high order, on this point the Buddha was superior and ahead of his time.

The Buddha was aware that while medical intervention is crucial for the restoration of health, the patient’s attitude and behavior also has a part to play and he had something to say about this too.

“Possessed of five qualities, a sick person is of much help to himself. What five? He knows what medicine is good for him. He knows the right measure in his treatment; he takes the medicine as prescribed. He describes his illness to the nurse who cares for him out of kindness, saying, ‘It comes like this.’ ‘It goes like this.’ ‘When it is there it is like this. And he endures the various pains of the sickness.”

Once again, this is practical, common-sense advice and suggests that patients should have some role to play in the healing process.

The Buddha did not just talk about ministering to the sick, on one occasion he did just that. Once he and Ananda washed and comforted a monk who had been neglected by his fellow monks and left lying in his own excrement; a horrible and humiliating condition to be in. Having tended to this monk’s needs the Buddha called the other monks together and in measured but firm words scolded them for their neglect of one of their fellows and ended by saying: “If you would minister to me, minister the sick” (yo bhikkhave mam upattaheyya so gilanam upatthahissati). And it wasn’t just his monastics he encouraged to look after those they had a relationship with but his lay disciples too. An employer should, he said, look after his underlings when they are sick and the mistress of a house should carefully monitor the strengths and weakness of servants and workers when they fall ill.

Recent research has shown that regular visits by loved ones and friends to hospital patients is a crucial component in their recovery. It is not surprising therefore to find that the Buddha always found the time to visit his monastic and lay disciples when they were ill. During such visits he would inquire about how the patient was going to let them know his concern for their welfare, asking: “I hope you are managing and getting better. I hope there are signs that the discomfort is declining and not increasing.” Inspired by this, monks and nuns followed his example. Hearing that the monk Channa was critically ill Sariputta went to check on him only to find that he was in such pain that he was seriously thinking of killing himself. Shocked by this Sariputta cried:

“Don’t kill yourself Channa. Live! I want you to live. If you don’t have suitable food I will get it for you. If you don’t have the right medicine, I will get it for you. If you don’t have proper care I will take care of you. Do not kill yourself. Live! I want you to live.”

Because of the seriousness of the situation Sâriputta responded with more than just his presence and expressions of sympathy – he undertook to provide Channa with practical help. As for the lay disciples, the Buddha instructed them how to console their sick fellow disciples so as to lessen any fear or anxiety they might have. Thus, when it seemed that Nakulapita’s condition might be terminal his wife assured him that should he die, she would be able to manage alone, thus easing his worry about her fate as a widow.

Later, when Nakulapita recovered, he recounted to the Buddha how his wife had so lovingly nursed him through his sickness. The Buddha told him how blessed he was to have a wife “with compassion for you, desiring your welfare, to counsel and mentor you.”

It is hard to know what influence the Buddha’s exhortation and example had on medical care in India and the lands where Buddhism spread because of the many gaps in the records. But we do know that the Buddha’s words were long remembered and often referred to in later Buddhist texts. An important Mahayana work translated into Chinese in the third century and still popular in China, the Brahmajala Sutra, paraphrases his words about caring for the sick:

“If a disciple of the Buddha sees anyone who is sick, he should provide for that person’s needs as if he were making an offering to the Buddha.” The 6th century Chinese physician Sun Simiao was so famous he came to be identified with Bhaisajyaguru, the Medicine Buddha of Mahayana. In his influential Beiji qianjin yaofang he explained the attitude physicians should maintain towards those who came to them for help.

“If someone needs help because they are ill or because they are in some way afflicted, a great physician should take no account to status, wealth, or age; he should not bother whether the sick person is beautiful or ugly, an enemy or a friend, Chinese or a foreigner, or finally, whether he is learned or ignorant. He should regard everyone as equal and act towards everyone as he would himself. Desiring nothing for himself, disregarding all obstacles and not thinking of himself, he will be able to save a life out of compassion.”

Centuries later the author of the Saddhammopayana, a Sri Lankan work from the 12th century, wrote something similar:

“Nursing the sick was much praised by the Great Compassionate One and is it a wonder that he would do so? For the Sage sees the welfare of others as his own and thus, that he should act as a benefactor is no surprise. This is why attending to the sick has been praised by the Buddha. One practicing great virtue should have loving concern for others.”

As for hospitals, when the Chinese pilgrim Faxian was in India in the fifth century he wrote this of the Buddhists of Pataliputra.

“The nobles and householders of the country have established hospitals within the city to which the poor, the destitute, cripples and the sick of all districts come. They are freely given help. Physicians diagnose their diseases and prescribe for them the correct food, drink, medicine and treatment that will restore their health. When they are cured they depart whenever they like.”

The ruins of ancient hospitals have been found throughout Sri Lanka. One attached to the monastery of Mahintale (Mihintale) for example, was founded in the ninth century and had 31 rooms built around a courtyard in which there was a shrine. Excavations revealed a medicinal bath, jars for storing medicines, grindstones for grinding them and surgical instruments.

When religion meets illness the miraculous is sometimes close by, particularly if the illness is chronic or judged to be incurable. Some of history’s great religious personalities are credited with having healed physical ailments through divine power. Whether or not such claims are true is difficult to say. Certainly, the claims of modern faith healers have all too often proved to have been at best exaggerated and at worst fraudulent, today’s high-profile ‘televangelists’ in the United States being an example of this. And more than a century of careful scientific study of faith healing has so far produced very little evidence of its effectiveness.

This raises the question of whether the Buddha had miraculous healing powers and that he healed people with them. As mentioned above, he frequently visited those who were sick and it is reported that some of them recovered sometime afterwards. Given that sound scientific research shows that patients spend less time in hospitals when visited by loved ones and concerned friends, this is hardly surprising. But the four Nikayas do not mention how soon after a visit from the Buddha a patient recovered and nor is there any suggestion in them that their recovery was somehow miraculous. This tells us something interesting about early Buddhism’s understanding of causes and cures of disease and something about the general character of his Dhamma as well.

Bhante S. Dhammika of Australia ✍️



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Nourishing the roots: Tackling malnutrition in Sri Lanka’s tea country

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Plantation children (Representative image)

By Prof. M.W. Amarasiri de Silva

Malnutrition in Sri Lanka’s tea-producing regions represents a significant public health challenge. Defined as a state where an individual’s dietary intake does not meet their nutritional needs, malnutrition can manifest in various forms, including undernutrition and micronutrient deficiencies. Addressing malnutrition is crucial, particularly in vulnerable communities like those within the tea plantations, where socioeconomic factors compound the problem. These areas are home to marginalised populations that have historically faced barriers to essential services, resulting in alarming rates of malnutrition, especially among children.

The tea plantations of Sri Lanka not only contribute to the country’s economy but also reflect deep-rooted social inequalities. Many families rely on these plantations for their livelihoods, yet they often struggle with inadequate access to nutritious foods, further exacerbating their health issues. With alarming statistics indicating a high prevalence of underweight, stunting, and wasting among children, immediate action is necessary to reverse these trends.

Understanding the current state of malnutrition, especially within these tea communities, is vital to developing effective interventions. As the dietary landscape changes, traditional practices clash with the rise of unhealthy processed foods, leading to a complex cycle of malnutrition. This interplay lays the groundwork for exploring the current state of malnutrition in Sri Lanka’s tea country, where the urgent need for comprehensive solutions is clearer than ever.

Current state of malnutrition

The current state of malnutrition in Sri Lanka’s tea plantation communities reveals concerning statistics that highlight the severity of the issue. Reports indicate that around 35.6% of children, between the ages of 01 and 15, are classified as underweight, while 26.9% experience stunting, and 32.9% face wasting. These figures starkly contrast with national averages, suggesting that children in these areas suffer more acutely from nutritional deficiencies compared to their counterparts in other regions of the country. The high rates of undernutrition not only reflect immediate health risks but also indicate long-term consequences for child health, including impaired cognitive development, reduced academic performance, and increased susceptibility to chronic diseases later in life.

The prevalence of stunting and wasting is particularly alarming, as these conditions can hinder children’s growth and development, affecting their physical and mental well-being. This situation is compounded by the rise of cheap, processed foods that are easily accessible but nutritionally inadequate. As the dietary patterns shift, families often struggle to maintain traditional dietary practices that could provide necessary nutrients.

Understanding these statistics and their implications leads naturally to a closer examination of the socioeconomic factors that contribute to malnutrition. These underlying influences, such as income levels, education, and access to healthcare, are key to addressing the challenges faced by these vulnerable communities and developing effective interventions.

Socioeconomic factors influencing malnutrition

The socioeconomic factors influencing malnutrition in Sri Lanka’s tea plantation communities are intertwined with various dimensions of daily life, including employment, income, and education. Maternal employment plays a critical role in shaping nutritional outcomes, as many mothers in these communities are engaged in labour-intensive jobs that demand long hours and provide little flexibility. This often limits their ability to prepare nutritious meals at home or attend to their children’s dietary needs, resulting in increased risks of malnutrition among their children.

Household income is another significant factor. Many families in the plantations depend on seasonal wages, which can lead to periods of financial instability. Low incomes constrain access to diverse and healthy food options, forcing families to rely on cheaper, unhealthy alternatives that can exacerbate nutritional deficiencies. Consequently, these economic pressures create a cycle of poor health and limited opportunities for better livelihoods.

Education levels within these communities also contribute to malnutrition. Limited educational attainment restricts awareness of nutrition and healthy dietary practices. Parents who lack knowledge about balanced diets may not prioritise essential nutrients for their children, further deepening the cycle of undernutrition and its long-term consequences.

Understanding these socioeconomic challenges requires a look back at the historical context of tea plantations in Sri Lanka. The legacy of colonialism and economic marginalisation continues to shape the lives of plantation workers today, affecting their access to resources, education, and opportunities for improving their health and nutrition.

Historical context of tea plantations

The historical context of tea plantations in Sri Lanka reveals a complex interplay of colonial legacy, social isolation, and economic disparity that continues to shape the lives of local communities. Initially established during British colonial rule, tea plantations relied on imported labour, primarily from South India, creating a workforce that was segregated from both the local populations and urban centres. This separation fostered social isolation, restricting access to essential services, such as healthcare and education, which are crucial for nutritional well-being.

Over generations, the descendants of these labourers have faced enduring economic disadvantages. The plantation system, designed to maximise profit for colonial interests, often left workers with meager wages and poor living conditions. This economic hardship is a significant factor contributing to malnutrition, as families struggle to afford nutritious food. The reliance on a narrow selection of low-cost, processed foods has intensified nutritional deficiencies, leaving many communities vulnerable to a range of health issues.

The transition from traditional diets to reliance on cheaper, unhealthy options illustrates how historical conditions have impacted dietary practices. Today, this has resulted in a triple burden of malnutrition, where undernutrition, micronutrient deficiencies, and diet-related diseases coexist. Understanding this historical backdrop is vital for addressing current malnutrition challenges, highlighting the need for interventions that consider both the past and present of these communities.

Triple burden of malnutrition

The triple burden of malnutrition in Sri Lanka’s tea country refers to the coexistence of undernutrition, micronutrient deficiencies, and diet-related noncommunicable diseases. This term encapsulates the various dietary challenges faced by communities where traditional food practices are increasingly overshadowed by modern, processed food options. As these communities have shifted from nutrient-rich diets to cheaper, less healthy alternatives, they encounter unique health implications.

Children, in particular, suffer from this transition. The alarming rates of undernutrition among young ones not only lead to immediate health risks but also hinder long-term development, impacting cognitive abilities and future productivity. Moreover, the intake of processed foods often lacks essential vitamins and minerals, contributing to deficiencies that can have lasting effects on growth and immunity. Concurrently, the rise of diet-related diseases, such as obesity and diabetes, presents a growing concern, often linked to a sedentary lifestyle and poor eating habits.

Understanding the triple burden is essential for crafting effective community-based interventions. By addressing dietary challenges through localised strategies, such as promoting nutritious food options and educational programmes, health practitioners can help shift behaviours and improve health outcomes. This focus on community engagement is vital for creating sustainable change and overcoming the barriers that have historically limited access to healthy foods in these marginalised areas.

The next step involves exploring specific community initiatives that can promote better nutritional practices and empower local families.

Community-based interventions and initiatives

Community-based interventions and initiatives are crucial in addressing malnutrition in Sri Lanka’s tea plantation communities. These programmes depend significantly on the involvement of Community Development Officers (CDOs) and Plantation Family Welfare Officers (PFWOs), who are essential in fostering local engagement. Through targeted training programmes, these community leaders acquire the knowledge and skills necessary to promote better nutritional practices.

The training emphasises hands-on cooking techniques and the importance of using locally available foods, enabling CDOs and PFWOs to act as educators within their communities. They organise workshops that create spaces for collective learning and sharing, which is essential in building trust and collaboration among families. This communal approach not only disseminates nutritional knowledge but also strengthens community ties, making it easier for families to adopt healthier eating habits.

Engagement strategies play a vital role in the success of these initiatives. By involving community members in the planning and execution of programmes, the initiatives become more relevant and culturally appropriate. This grassroots involvement fosters a sense of ownership and accountability, encouraging families to prioritise nutrition in their daily lives.

As these local leaders gain momentum in their efforts, it becomes evident that sustainable improvements in health and nutrition are possible through community-driven actions. Looking ahead, the emphasis must shift towards consolidating these grassroots efforts and exploring how to institutionalise support systems that enhance the impact of community interventions.

Conclusion and future directions

Addressing malnutrition in Sri Lanka’s tea plantation communities requires a comprehensive understanding of the unique challenges faced by these populations. Key findings highlight alarming rates of undernutrition, with many children suffering from conditions such as stunting and wasting. Socioeconomic factors, including low incomes and limited access to education, compound these issues, creating a cycle of poor health and wellbeing.

Sustainable approaches to improving nutrition are essential for long-term success. Empowering local leaders, such as Community Development Officers and Plantation Family Welfare Officers, has proven effective in promoting better dietary practices. Their grassroots initiatives foster trust and engagement within communities, making it easier to introduce healthier food options and nutritional education.

Future policy recommendations should focus on expanding these community efforts. This includes integrating nutritional education into health staff training, promoting organic farming, and regulating the availability of unhealthy processed foods. Additionally, enhancing access to nutrition information through digital platforms can help bridge knowledge gaps and support healthier choices.

Ultimately, the path forward lies in ensuring that local communities are equipped with the knowledge and resources needed to make sustainable changes. By prioritising these strategies, Sri Lanka can tackle malnutrition effectively, paving the way for healthier futures for its tea plantation residents.

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After the parade: What a traffic OIC’s walk-out tells us

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The parade and the post: Ceremony at a distance, the information book left open on the road

by Mahil Dole
Senior Superintendent of Police (Retd.);
former Member, Sri Lanka Wakfs Board

On 03 September. 2026. the Sri Lanka Police marked 160 years with the full ceremonial apparatus of the State. At the Field Force Headquarters, in Thimbirigasyaya, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake received a guard of honour, a commemorative stamp was presented, long-service promotions were conferred, and a new mobile application and website were unveiled. He promised a new uniform by mid-2027, a risk allowance, a proper promotion scheme, official housing, vehicles, a modern headquarters, and approval to recruit 10,000 officers. He also warned that officers who can be purchased by the underworld should leave the uniform. It was a day of history, optics and declared intent.

Two days later, the Officer-in-Charge of the Traffic Division, at Dehiwala Police Station, made an entry in the routine information book, left his post and went home. He wrote that he could no longer cope with the workload and the pressure of the job. Mount Lavinia Division SSP Ashoka Gunasekara ordered the Crimes Investigation Bureau to inquire. Statements were recorded from the Inspector and the supervising ASP after advice from the Police Legal Division. The SSP’s reported worry was not only the officer’s welfare. It was precedent: that other traffic officers might follow.

That reflex is understandable. A disciplined force cannot treat walking off a post as ordinary industrial action. An OIC holds keys, files, exhibits, court dates and daily command of men and women on the road. Desertion of duty, even when dressed as despair, is a breach. But if the inquiry stops at the man and the entry in the book, the service will have treated a symptom as if it were the disease. The episode is not interesting because one Inspector lost his nerve. It is interesting because the nerve was lost in the same week the State spent public money and presidential time announcing that a new police service is being built.

The numbers behind the pageant

The Sri Lanka Police is not a decaying relic. It runs some 609 stations across 47 territorial and 78 functional divisions. In the past two years it has recorded the largest narcotics seizures in recent memory, more than five tonnes of heroin, nearly 10 tonnes of crystal methamphetamine, tens of tonnes of Kerala cannabis, and more than 16 million tablets, and has brought armed fugitives home from abroad. That record is real.

The same institution is running on a deficit no parade can conceal. Police Headquarters has acknowledged more than 30,000 vacancies, on some official reckonings closer to 32,000. Since 2020 more than 4,300 officers have left. Departures peaked in 2025 and remained high through the first half of 2026. Thousands more are due to retire in the next two years.

Applications have thinned as young people look overseas and serving officers leave early for work that pays better and humiliates less. Approval to take in 10,000 recruits is not trivial. It is also not a cure. A force that loses about two thousand people a year and starts 30 thousand short cannot be restored by a single intake, especially if training, housing and supervision cannot absorb newcomers without breaking them.

The President was right to say that officers work 12- to 18-hour stretches. Traffic OICs in the Colombo suburbs live inside a particular version of that grind. Dehiwala sits on one of the island’s most congested corridors. It absorbs school runs, funerals, political motorcades, night-time drunk driving and a motoring public that treats lane markings as optional. Accident files multiply. Court lists lengthen. Every fatal crash must be walked through the Magistrate’s Court, the JMO, insurers and grieving families. The same officer is then pulled into VIP movements, festivals, flood deployments, elections and the expanding list of “other duties” that have little to do with traffic law and everything to do with the State’s habit of using the police as a general-purpose labour pool. Firearm offences and narcotics have not stood still while traffic thickened. A single video of an officer losing his temper on Galle Road travels farther in an hour than a year’s worth of quiet competence. The public sees the outburst. It rarely sees the 16th hour.

The household the uniform does not protect

Work pressure is only the official half of the story. The unofficial half is the household. A constable’s or inspector’s pay still does not absorb the cost of living without anxiety. Quarters are scarce, often poor, and frequently far from the station. A sudden transfer turns schooling into a private crisis. Medical bills, tuition and the small humiliations of falling behind civilian neighbours accumulate. Job security, once the great consolation of the service, feels thinner when overseas markets offer an exit and a disciplinary file, sometimes necessary, sometimes political, can end a career in a week.

Teachers, nurses and soldiers carry their own weights; the police have never had a monopoly on hardship. What is distinctive is the bargain the State still recites and no longer quite honours. In harder years the compact was simple and was taught as S.S.S.: loyalty to the State, the Service and the Superior. That instruction was never a one-way street. It assumed a Superior who would not spend subordinates as disposable hours; a Service that would shield its own from avoidable misery; and a State that would not treat the policeman as both first responder and last resort for every failure of other institutions. When the roster is left to rot, when quarters and schooling are treated as private inconveniences, and when an officer’s first public mention after distress is “precedent,” the compact is already broken. Pageantry cannot put it back together.

Trust from top to bottom is what is fraying. Juniors already hear the message when welfare is announced at an anniversary and felt only as a circular months later, and when promotions stall for years before arriving in a ceremonial bundle. Loyalty cannot be drilled into people who no longer believe the institution will stand behind them when the file, the politician, the video or the debt collector arrives.

Discipline is not denial

An inquiry into the Dehiwala OIC is in order. The information book is an official record; walking off a post has consequences; other officers will watch what happens next. If the Inspector was in genuine distress, the professional response is medical and administrative support, not a theatrical charge designed to frighten the traffic branch. If misconduct is mixed with the distress, deal with the misconduct without using it to bury the distress. The worst outcome would be a finding that treats the episode as a one-man failure of character. Character is not irrelevant. It is not a staffing plan.

Sri Lankan policing already knows what happens when exhaustion is ignored: suicides after double shifts, public confrontations that began as fatigue, quiet desertions that never made the papers. Burnout studies here are not new. They describe too much demand, too little recovery and too little support from above. Research and Development does not need a five-year consultancy to discover this. It needs permission to say it in language headquarters cannot file away.

Immediate, short and long

Immediate measures are unglamorous. Audit actual hours at traffic divisions in the Western Province and cap them. Stop treating leave as a favour. Put a working counselling line in every division that an Inspector can use without becoming a case for the Legal Division. Temporary reinforcement of Dehiwala and similar corridors would cost less than another viral incident. Publish, internally, a simple rule: an officer who records distress in the information book is first a welfare case, then, if needed, a disciplinary one.

Short-term measures are already half-promised and must be made real on a calendar, not a podium. Stagger the 10,000 recruits so trainers and barracks are not overwhelmed. Let the risk allowance reach the constable on the road. Weigh schooling years in transfers. Treat quarters as operational infrastructure.

Reorganise court duty so the same handful of officers are not living in Magistrate’s Courts while the road goes unsupervised. Use the new app and cameras to cut paperwork, not to add another layer on top of the old books.

Long-term measures are political, which is why they are postponed. The police cannot remain the residual employer of every State anxiety — drugs, school gates, temple crowds, politician security, disaster relief and traffic. Some of those tasks belong to other agencies, or to a properly staffed traffic police with its own career path and rest rules. The President’s warning about purchasable uniforms was necessary, but integrity campaigns fail when the honest officer is the poorest man in the room.

None of this requires sentimentality. The public has reasons for anger: corruption cases, rough handling, political servility, the officer mysteriously unavailable until a call from above. Those failures are part of the same story. An understaffed, poorly housed force is easier to buy, easier to bully and quicker to snap. Reform that only lectures the ranks on ethics while leaving the roster untouched is not reform. It is a speech.

What the week actually said

The 160th anniversary was entitled to its dignity. A service that has buried officers in war, tsunami, pandemic and ordinary crime has a right to stand in formation and be thanked. Promises of uniforms, allowances and buildings are not empty if they arrive. But a uniform does not shorten a shift, an app does not find a school for a transferred child, and a commemorative stamp does not sit with an OIC at midnight while the next accident file is opened.

The Dehiwala Inspector may be right or wrong in the particular. That is what the inquiry is for. The conditions he pointed to are not in dispute: cadre shortfall, thinning applications, thin welfare, long hours, growing crime, traffic and court work, and daily media humiliation. Trust between the top and the bottom is weaker than the anniversary photographs suggest.

If Research and Development is good for anything this month, it should take the entry in that information book as a research question, not a disciplinary exhibit: actual weekly hours of traffic OICs in the Western Province, vacancy rates on those rosters, applications for early release or overseas no-pay, and access to counselling that is not a rumour. The answers will be uncomfortable. They will be more useful than another circular on loyalty.

S.S.S

. still has a meaning. Loyalty to the State requires a State that does not consume its own guardians. Loyalty to the Service requires a Service that tells itself the truth between parades. Loyalty to the Superior requires superiors who are alarmed by exhaustion, not only by precedent. The Inspector who went home from Dehiwala did not invent the pressure. He only wrote it down. The test of the next year is whether the men who stood on the saluting dais on 03 September are prepared to read that sentence as an order of the day.

Mahil Dole, SSP (Retired), is the former Head of the Counter-Terrorism Division of the State Intelligence Service and a former Director of the Police Special Branch.

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The art of the empty plate: Some medical aspects of periodic fasting

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by Dr B. J. C. Perera  
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng),
MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP,
Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine,
University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance medical correspondent.

Could the spectacle of taking timed breaks from eating be the missing link to human health, or is it another fad or just a fleeting modern craze? Let us see the scientific picture and arrive at an evidence-based guide to how planned fasting works, its distinct styles, the proven benefits, and the essential safety guidelines.

In a culture accustomed to round-the-clock snacking, late-night refrigerator and kitchen raids, and endless food delivery apps, the concept of voluntarily abstaining from food can sound rather counterintuitive and radical. Yet, periodic fasting has evolved from an ancient spiritual ritual into one of the most rigorously researched health interventions of modern medicine. Over the past two decades, the medical fraternity of cardiologists, endocrinologists, and neuroscientists has shifted their gaze from what we eat to when we eat. Medical research has demonstrated that giving the digestive system structured pauses can trigger a cascade of cellular repair mechanisms, refine metabolic efficiency, and support long-term vital health.

However, voluntary fasting is not a single, one-size-fits-all prescription. From daily eating windows to multi-day fasts, the approaches vary widely in intensity, suitability, and clinical impact. Presented here is a comprehensive look at what happens inside the body when you fast, the primary methods available, the science-backed benefits, the potential drawbacks, and who should or should not give it a try.

The Biology Behind the Break: What Happens When You Fast?

To understand why fasting works, it helps to view the human body as a hybrid vehicle capable of running on two distinct energy sources: glucose (sugar derived from carbohydrates) and ketones (fatty acids broken down from stored body fat).

When you eat regularly throughout the day, your body constantly secretes the hormone insulin from the organ pancreas to transport glucose into your cells for immediate energy or store it in the liver and muscles as glycogen. As long as insulin levels remain elevated, your body stays in “storage mode,” rarely needing to tap into its long-term fat reserves. When you refrain from food for several consecutive hours, insulin levels drop significantly. Once the body exhausts its readily available liver glycogen reserves, typically after 12 to 16 hours of fasting, it reaches a metabolic turning point known as the metabolic switch. The liver begins converting stored body fat into ketones, shifting the body into a “burning mode.”

Beyond burning fat, extended periods without food trigger a fundamental cellular maintenance process called autophagy, derived from the Greek words for “self-eating“. During autophagy, cells clean the house, recycling damaged proteins, clearing out useless cellular debris, and stimulating mitochondrial regeneration; mitochondria being the multi-functional powerhouses of cells. Think of it as your body’s internal spring-cleaning service, which remains largely dormant when energy is constantly coming in.

The Main Types of Fasting: Methods and Their Pros and Cons

Periodic and intermittent fasting encompass several distinct protocols. Choosing the right pattern depends entirely on your lifestyle, health goals, and personal schedule.

1. Time-Restricted Eating (The 16:8 or 14:10 Method)

This is the most popular and accessible form of fasting. It involves limiting your daily food intake to a specific window of time each day and fasting for the remaining hours.

· How it works: In a typical 16:8 routine, you fast for 16 hours overnight and during the morning, restricting all meals to an 8-hour window (for instance, eating only between 11:00 AM and 7:00 PM).

· Pros:

Highly sustainable, easy to integrate into social schedules, does not require calorie counting or special meal plans.

· Cons:

Less dramatic autophagy response compared to longer fasts; easy to overeat or consume poor-quality foods during the feeding window if unmindful.

2. The 5:2 Protocol (The Weekly Fast)

Popularised by medical journalists and researchers, the 5:2 diet approaches fasting on a weekly rather than daily cycle.

· How it works: You eat normally for five days of the week. On the remaining two non-consecutive days (e.g., Tuesdays and Thursdays), you limit calorie intake to approximately 500 to 600 calories per day.

· Pros:

Offers flexibility since you only modify your habits two days a week; yields significant improvements in insulin sensitivity.

· Cons:

The two low-calorie days can cause persistent hunger, irritability, and low energy, especially during the first few weeks of adaptation.

3. Alternate-Day Fasting (ADF)

A more intensive protocol often studied in clinical trials for rapid metabolic improvement and weight loss.

· How it works: You alternate between days of unrestricted eating and days where you either consume zero calories or a single micro-meal of about 500 calories.

· Pros:

Highly effective for weight reduction and blood sugar regulation; triggers robust physiological adaptations.

· Cons:

Difficult to sustain long-term for most individuals; high risk of evening hunger pangs and social disruption on fasting days.

4. Prolonged Periodic Fasting (24 to 48 Hours)

This involves taking extended breaks from food once or twice a month, or once a season.

· How it works: Abstaining from all caloric intake (water, herbal teas, and black coffee are allowed) for a full 24 to 48 hours.

· Pros:

Maximises deep cellular repair (autophagy), immune system reset, and ketone production.

· Cons:

Requires strict medical awareness and psychological readiness; carries higher risks of light-headedness, electrolyte imbalances, and muscle loss if done too frequently or without adequate nutrition afterwards.

What Medical Research Shows: The Health Benefits

Clinical research published in many reputed medical journals highlights several major biological benefits associated with periodic fasting:

· Weight Loss and Visceral Fat Reduction: By narrowing the eating window, most people naturally consume fewer calories. Furthermore, lower insulin levels combined with elevated noradrenaline levels make it easier for the body to access stubborn visceral fat (E.g. the metabolic fat stored around abdominal organs).

· Improved Insulin Sensitivity and Type 2 Diabetes Management:

Fasting gives the pancreas a rest and reduces chronic insulin exposure. Studies show marked drops in fasting blood glucose and resting insulin levels, significantly reducing the risk of developing insulin resistance.

· Cardiovascular Support:

Regular fasting patterns have been associated with improvements in key heart health markers, including reduced systemic inflammation (reduced C-reactive protein), lower blood pressure, decreased resting heart rate, and improved blood triglyceride levels.

· Brain Health and Mental Clarity:

Fasting stimulates the production of a protein called Brain-Derived Neurotrophic Factor (BDNF). It promotes the growth of new neurons and protects against neurodegenerative decline. Many practitioners report heightened focus and mental sharpness once their body adapts to burning ketones.

· Cellular Renewal and Reduced Inflammation:

By clearing out damaged cellular components through autophagy, fasting helps suppress chronic low-grade inflammation; a fundamental driver of premature ageing, heart disease, and autoimmune conditions.

Undesirable Effects and Possible Pitfalls

While periodic fasting offers substantial benefits, it is not without potential downsides, particularly during the initial adaptation period or when practised incorrectly.

· The “Adaptation Phase” Symptoms: During the first 1 to 2 weeks, as the body transitions away from constant sugar reliance, individuals frequently experience headaches, fatigue, brain fog, irritability, and mild dizziness.

· Digestive Disturbances:

Changes in meal timing and volume can lead to constipation, heartburn, or loose stools as gut motility adapts.

· Nutritional Deficiencies and Muscle Loss:

If you do not eat nutrient-dense meals during your eating windows, fasting can lead to deficiencies in essential vitamins, minerals, and protein. Insufficient protein intake combined with fasting can cause the body to break down lean muscle mass alongside fat.

· Disrupted Relationship with Food:

For individuals prone to disordered eating, strict fasting windows can trigger unhealthy cycles of restriction followed by severe binge eating during open windows.

· Sleep Problems:

Fasting raises cortisol and adrenaline levels slightly to maintain blood glucose. For some, late-evening hunger or elevated alertness can interfere with sleep.

Age Groups: Who Should Fast, and Who Should Avoid It?

Fasting affects the human body differently depending on life stage, hormonal status, and metabolic demands.

Recommended Age Groups (Healthy Adults Ages 18 to 65)

· Young & Middle-Aged Adults (18–50):

They generally tolerate all forms of fasting exceptionally well. This age bracket stands to gain significant preventative metabolic benefits against lifestyle diseases.

· Older Adults (51–65): Benefit greatly from improved insulin sensitivity and cardiovascular support. However, they need to pay careful attention to maintaining adequate muscle mass by consuming sufficient protein and performing resistance exercises.

Groups Who Must Exercise Caution or Seek Supervision

· Seniors Over 65–70:

Older individuals face higher risks of unintended weight loss, sarcopenia (muscle wasting), and frailty. Any fasting regimen for seniors should be mild (e.g., 12 to 14 hours) and supervised by a physician.

· Individuals with Chronic Conditions: Anyone taking medications for high blood pressure, thyroid function, or diabetes (especially insulin or sulfonylureas) must consult their doctor before fasting, as dosage adjustments are often necessary to prevent severe low blood sugar (hypoglycaemia).

Groups Who Should Avoid Fasting Completely

· Children and Adolescents (Under 18):

Developing bodies require continuous, reliable nutrients and energy for growth, organ development, and hormonal balance.

· Pregnant or Breastfeeding Women: Nutrient and energy demands are significantly elevated to support foetal development and milk production. Restricting food can harm both mother and child.

· Individuals with a History of Eating Disorders:

Fasting rules can exacerbate behaviours related to anorexia, bulimia, or compulsive bingeing.

· Underweight Individuals:

Those with a Body Mass Index (BMI) below 18.5 should not fast, as fat stores are insufficient to support metabolic switching safely.

Practical Tips for Starting Safely

If you decide to incorporate periodic fasting into your life, keep these medical best practices in mind:

· Start Slowly: Don’t jump straight into a 24-hour fast. Begin with a simple 12-hour overnight fast (e.g., 7:00 PM to 7:00 AM) and gradually extend it to 14 or 16 hours over several weeks.

· Prioritise Hydration:

Fasting means abstaining from calories, not fluids. Drink plenty of water throughout the day. Black coffee, plain green or black tea, and herbal infusions without sugar or milk, do not break a fast and help suppress mild hunger.

· Electrolytes Matter:

As insulin drops, the kidneys excrete sodium and water more rapidly. If you experience headaches or light-headedness, adding a tiny pinch of salt to your water can help restore balance.

· Focus on Food Quality:

Fasting is not a free pass to eat junk food during your feeding window. Centre your meals around whole foods: lean proteins, healthy fats (olive oil, avocados, nuts), complex carbohydrates, and plenty of vegetables.

· Listen to Your Body:

Mild hunger pangs that come in waves are normal; severe weakness, persistent dizziness, nausea, or confusion are not. If you feel genuinely unwell, break your fast calmly with a light meal.

The Key Takeaway

(the witticism and pun is intended!)

Periodic fasting is not a quick-fix diet or a magical remedy. Rather, it is a flexible, cost-free tool that aligns our eating patterns with human evolutionary biology. By giving your body regular, structured breaks from digestion, you allow internal repair systems to kick in, sharpen metabolic efficiency, and support long-term vitality.

Whether you choose a gentle 14-hour daily rest or a structured 5:2 weekly routine, the key to success in periodic fasting lies in consistency, the provision of adequate nutrition despite fasting, good hydration and listening closely to your body’s signals. Fasting should be designed and undertaken to empower your life and health: not overtake it and take complete control of it. It is another voluntary mechanism that humans can undertake to stay healthy, but it definitely is NOT a panacea for all ills.

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