Features
Traveling in Russia for UNESCO and more of life in Paris
(Excerpted from volume ii of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography)
In the final years of the gerontocracy that ruled the Communist Party and the USSR we received the green light to have the annual general meeting of the Internatioal Programme for the Development of Communications (IPDC) in the Soviet Union. This was a special plus for the IPDC because till now its main backers were the Third World countries and the Nordic group. The Soviet delegation which included the general manager of Tass News Agency as well as Zassousky of Moscow University and several top brass from the Foreign Ministry managed to convince the old men in the Kremlin that it was in their interest to ally with the many Third World countries associated with UNESCO and IPDC.
As if to reinforce their Third world connections it was suggested that the meeting be held in Tashkent – the capital of Socialist Uzbekistan. The USSR had already built up Tashkent as their window to Asia. For instance, the Tashkent Film Festival was well known in Asia and Africa. The city had the infrastructure to mount a global conference. Preparatory work for the meeting was assigned to me and my office. My counterpart was Sasha, an official in the USSR Embassy in Paris, who was charged with UNESCO relations.
We struck up an instant friendship as we had to travel many times to Moscow together to finalize arrangements for the meeting. Since it was a high level UN conference M’Bow himself would attend it. Having received a battering from the western press the DG looked forward to the choreographed welcome he was bound to receive in the USSR. This was a difficult time for him since the spat with the USA had led to him being demonized in the Western media.
He discovered too late that it was not possible to win over the western media if you take on the Jewish lobby. Once the press begins to demonize you, it becomes difficult even for political leaders to help you. M’Bow was beginning to go down the slippery slope and he found that the popularity of the IPDC among all political camps gave him a chance to mend fences. But the Reagan administration did not approve of him on the Israeli issue.
The US left UNESCO, which created a gaping hole in our budget. Japan came to the rescue by increasing its contribution. But there was a price tag to the rescue act. It began to suggest changes at the top and very soon M’Bow was replaced by a Japanese Secretary General.
While preparations for the Tashkent meeting brought me to Moscow many times, I also had to negotiate some tricky points with the Communist Party bureaucrats. One such issue was regarding visas. Any UN meeting presupposes the issuing of visas to all participants recommended by it. The host country cannot impose any conditions regarding the travel and security of the participants once they are within its borders.
All arrangements for board and lodging of participants must be approved by us. All this had to be handled sensitively as the US had added several anti-Communist hardliners to their observer delegation perhaps hoping to sow confusion. In all probability these delegates would not have been issued visas if they had applied directly to Moscow. Among these hardliners or ‘cold war warriors’ was Alan Weinstein, a University Professor who had published a lengthy volume presenting evidence to prove his thesis that the killing of John F Kennedy was the act of a ‘lone assassin’ and was not a conspiracy.
Weinstein was considered to be a USSR watcher for Reagan. He was joined in the journey to Tashkent by an alcoholic Californian journalist Nossiter who was a favourite of the US President. It looked very much as though the US delegation was expecting some mishap which could be highlighted at home in their ongoing effort to vilify the United Nations. So we had to be extra careful in our preliminary arrangements.
While in Moscow I took time off for sightseeing. The city was full of old dynastic buildings. The multi-coloured churches with their onion like domes were an architectural wonder. The massive Red Square in the Kremlin with a lit up lone red star looking down from the highest building was an inspiring sight to me, who as an undergraduate at Peradeniya, had pored over books written about the historic Red revolution of the Bolsheviks led by Lenin.
To my pleasant surprise my guide to the historic sites of the city was Ordzhonikidze – the great grandson of a fellow Georgian revolutionary and comrade of Stalin. The original Sergo Ordzhonikidze was one of the heroes of the revolution. He was rare among the early leaders to die unscathed by the terror launched by Stalin. Stalin named one of his battle ships after him. However the latest research has thrown doubt about the manner of his death.
My guide was a young man well versed in the history of the revolution. He took me to the Museum of the Revolution which narrates the history of that epochal event. Communists have no hesitation in rewriting history to fit their current preoccupations. For example in all the old photos of revolutionary leaders, Trotsky had been air brushed out. Since I was familiar with the original photos from Isaac Deutscher’s books I asked my guide about it.
His answer shocked me. He told me that he had not even heard of such a name. He added that none in his generation knew of Trotsky. We then visited the Lenin Mausoleum to view Lenin’s embalmed body which a writer has described as a ‘communist relic’. By this time Khrushchev had ensured that Stalin’s sarcophagus which had lain side by side with Lenin’s was removed from the viewing hall. The Russians are obsessed with sarcophagi.
In the basements of the old churches with onion domes – of the Russian Orthodox Church – in ancient boxes lie the remains of church leaders of the past years. The communists have buried the remains of ancient kings but have left the churchmen alone in the crypts. I remembered that Moscow is only a part of the story. The revolution took place in St Petersburg with its Winter Palace.
Much later, on an official visit there with President Mahinda Rajapaksa I was able to imagine the drama at the beginning of the Russian Revolution. The ship ‘Aurora’ which figures largely in history because the sailors mutinied and threatened to bombard Petersburg in support of the revolutionaries was, we saw, moored in Petersburg harbour. But Moscow became the new capital. Ordinokidze and I motored to the outskirts of Moscow to see last ditch defences Stalin had set up to prevent Hitler’s tanks rolling down to take the beleaguered capital which housed Stalin and the Central Committees.
Soviet Tanks and soldiers had made a heroic stand there and driven back the Nazis. After the guided tour we lunched at Moscow’s famous five star restaurant `Matryoshka’ on Katuzovsky Avenue, which was a popular meeting place of the Moscow elite. I went back to my Hotel Moskva and got ready for the highlight of my tour, the visit to the Bolshoi Theatre to see ‘Swan Lake’ danced by the world famous Bolshoi Ballet. I had seen ‘Swan Lake’ in Paris, Berlin [called ‘Schwansee’ in German] and London but the Bolshoi version was the most breathtaking, both for the dancing and Tchaikovsky’s music.
After this encounter I was ready to fly back to Paris. My friend Sasha of the Paris embassy then introduced me to a touching traditional Russian gesture. He brought a home cooked loaf of bread wrapped in a bandana. His wife, who was a teacher of English in a University, had baked the bread. In the past in Russia when a family member or friend undertook a long journey his loved ones would cook him a loaf of bread, wrap it and hand it over so that he would not go hungry. I too was given that touching honour and was greatly moved.
Promising to come back, I took the Air France flight back to Paris and home after a wonderful experience in Soviet Russia. By a coincidence seated next to me on the flight was Bala Tampoe who was one of my heroes from University days. We talked and on the following day I took him out to lunch in a posh hotel close to the ‘Le Monde’ office where Bala had an interview with a French journalist.
Tashkent
The Tashkent meeting was quite a victory for the newly formed IPDC. The international situation was moving towards dialogue and nations were looking for signals, however small they may appear at first, of a thaw in the Cold War. The USSR was in a state of paralysis after a period of rule by geriatric leaders. Gorbachev was in the wings and soon ‘Perestroika’ and ‘Glasnost’ was to emerge to shake up the Communist world.
As mentioned earlier Ronald Reagan sent a delegation of right wing hardliners to Tashkent. They were carefully handled by the State Department officials who came along with them from Washington. They came expecting a frosty reception but the USSR and our staff made sure that they felt comfortable as they were invited to many meals, and especially drinking sessions, in the best Tashkent restaurants. According to American Foreign service officers, their report to Reagan was conciliatory.
Sensing the value of this meeting M’Bow himself attended the conference. He was treated with great respect by the USSR authorities, which was a contrast to the way in which he had been treated by a visiting US under-secretary. At the meeting, defying expectations of a boycott, western delegates who provided most of the funds, were happy that IPDC was short on rhetoric but had successfully collected funds and launched many projects to improve communications facilities in the poorer nations.
The USSR also by selecting Tashkent had signaled that they were on the side of the developing nations. Tashkent was their gateway to Asia and the “third world” countries. They had invested heavily in providing hotels and conference centres in the city. Though we were put up in the best hotel we got a shock when an earthquake hit Tashkent and we had to run out to the open in the night till the tremors subsided. It was a comic sight to see the distinguished delegates congregating on the lawn in their night clothes. Later we were assured that such tremors were not exceptional and the hotel was built to be earthquake proof I doubt whether our seasoned diplomats bought that story in its entirety.
Samarkand
After the grand finale of the meeting USSR authorities had arranged an excursion to Samarkand for the participants. Samarkand has been described by a poet as “a rose red city half as old as time”. It had been the cradle of the Mughal, which later became a famous centre of Islamic learning. We saw one of the oldest Universities of the world with its warren like rooms for the young scholars who then traversed Asia and the Middle East propagating the Islamic faith.
They were also the early scientists and astronomers who advanced learning in mathematics and tracking of changes in the sky and stars. The world’s oldest telescope to observe the skies was located in Samarkand. The Tashkent meeting brought me even closer to the Asian delegates to UNESCO and IPDC. Among them was G. Parthasarathy, the head of the Indian delegation. GP was close to the Nehru family having been the PMs roving ambassador. He was India’s Ambassador to Vietnam at a crucial time when Nehru was called upon to be a mediator in the growing political crisis in that country. We became close friends with consequences that I will describe later in this chapter.
The UNESCO top brass was pleased with our management of the conference. M’Bow held a reception for the staff and thanked them. When the inevitable cuts foIlowing the US withdrawal came, IPDC was not touched. We were encouraged to keep up our ties with the State Department Officials in Paris who were themselves unhappy about the withdrawal but could do nothing about it. They assured us that eventually the US will return and that is what really happened later. In the meanwhile, USAID with whom we had excellent relations continued several of our projects bilaterally with those countries concerned.
Rue Jean Daudin
As stated earlier with the arrival of my family in Paris I moved to a spacious flat in Rue Jean Daudin which was close to UNESCO headquarters and my office in Rue Miollis. This was a posh quartier in Paris being close to the Eiffel Tower, Trocadero, the Ecole Militaire and Champ de Mars – the most famous park in Paris. The shift of residence from a ‘Red’ working class district to the heart of upper class Paris gave me an opportunity of experiencing different historical cultures of that ancient city.
The topography of Paris is highly segmented on the basis of social class. As a jogger in my new locality I could run past the military school which had produced a Napoleon as well as all the military leaders of World wars including De Gaulle. In fact paratroop commanders led by Generals Salan and Massu, who opposed De Gaulle’s change of policy on Algeria, attempted to assassinate him in front of the Ecole Militaire. This real event forms the backdrop of the famous thriller ‘Day of the Jackal’ which became a bestseller.
I ran past the Invalides – a hospital for war veterans established by Napoleon, which is now a war museum. From there I would reach the Champs de Mars and the Tour Eiffel. Then I would go past the Trocadero, down the steps near the Musee de Homme and back to my home in Rue Jean Daudin. It was a daily chore which not many people would have had the privilege of enjoying. But it was also saddening because my route was dotted with plaques commemorating the resistance fighters who had been put against the wall in those locations and summarily executed by the Gestapo during the Nazi occupation. From time to time old ladies – relatives, girlfriends and surviving comrades-would hobble up to those monuments to lay a bunch of flowers as remembrance of those sad times past.
I then got down to the task of finding schools for my two daughters who were delighted to be in Paris at the best time of their young lives. Ramanika who was 18 enrolled in the American University of Paris while Varuni who was 15 joined the British school of Paris which was located out of the city in idyllic surroundings. The British school bus was parked at the Trocadero and the students, who were mostly from the posh quartiers, had to come there by car or metro.
Varuni would take the Segur Metro to Trocadero first with her mother but soon on her own, and catch the school bus to the suburbs with her mischievous schoolmates who were mostly drawn from UNESCO and embassy families. Occasionally my wife and I visited the school to inquire about Varuni’s progress. We were accompanied by Navaz as an interpreter and two other Sri Lankans. The school management would have been horrified to see a delegation of Asians descending on their school, all intent on following the early baby steps in education of their new entrant Varuni Amunugama.
But both children adapted themselves well and would merge easily with their new friends who were up to their usual pranks in class and on school tours to England, Ireland and parts of Europe. They were both on great demand as ‘baby sitters’ to small children of the super-rich like Bank Directors, Ambassadors and Supermodels who paid them handsomely. With the money so collected the two girls traveled through Europe by train on their own.
In Geneva they were looked after by Jayantha and Maureen Dhanapala. In Rome they stayed with Mahinda Ranaweera and his wife who were UNESCO functionaries there. In Germany they were guests of my wife’s cousin who was married to an embassy official in Bad Godesberg. They were popular ‘baby sitters’ because they spent part of their allowance buying chocolates for their wards.
We also had many Sri Lankan friends staying with us. Namel and Malini Weeramuni, our friends from way back, toured France with some companions in a caravan and I arranged a flat nearby for them to stay while visiting Paris. Lester and Sumitra Peries were regular visitors to Paris. Earlier their good friend Vernon Mendis, who was our Ambassador, had entertained them. They also had friends in the French film industry, some of whom were associated with the Cannes Film Festival.
Sumitra’s film `Loku Duwa’ produced and acted by Geetha Kumarasinghe was selected under a special section in Cannes called ‘Un Certain Regard’ which was a considerable achievement for both Sumitra and Geetha. A lot of work went into making a shorter version of the Sinhala film, subtitling, striking extra prints and launching of a publicity drive in the French media. All this was done and `Loku Duwa’ was screened to an enthusiastic audience.
On another occasion Sumitra visited Paris and stayed with us when one of her films was presented at the Nantes Film Festival. Richard Ross and his wife Jane who were our close friends when they were in Colombo as attaches to the US Embassy, were in Paris serving in the US embassy. They were living on a houseboat moored on the river Seine. Dick and Jane invited us for dinner on their boat. It was a fun party with plenty of drinks and as the music increased in tempo, we were scared that an inebriated guest would jump into the river.
Features
Rebuilding Sri Lanka: 78 Years of Independence and 78 Modules of Reform
“The main theme of this year’s Independence Day is “Rebuilding Sri Lanka,” so spoke President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka as he ceremonially commemorated the island’s 78th independence anniversary. That was also President AKD’s second independence anniversary as President. Rebuilding implies that there was already something built. It is not that the NPP government is starting a new building on a vacant land, or whatever that was built earlier should all be destroyed and discarded.
Indeed, making a swift departure from NPP’s usual habit of denouncing Sri Lanka’s entire post independence history as useless, President AKD conceded that “over the 78 years since independence, we have experienced victories and defeats, successes and failures. We will not hesitate to discard what is harmful, nor will we fear embracing what is good. Therefore, I believe that the responsibility of rebuilding Sri Lanka upon the valuable foundations of the past lies with all of us.”
Within the main theme of rebuilding, the President touched on a number of sub-themes. First among them is the he development of the economy predicated on the country’s natural resources and its human resources. Crucial to economic development is the leveraging of our human resource to be internationally competitive, and to be one that prioritises “knowledge over ignorance, progress over outdated prejudices and unity over division.” Educational reform becomes key in this context and the President reiterated his and his government’s intention to “initiate the most transformative era in our education sector.”
He touched on his pet theme of fighting racism and extremism, and insisted that the government “will not allow division, racism, or extremism and that national unity will be established as the foremost strength in rebuilding Sri Lanka.” He laid emphasis on enabling equality before the law and ensuring the supremacy of the law, which are both necessary and remarkable given the skepticism that is still out there among pundits
Special mention was given to the Central Highlands that have become the site of repeated devastations caused by heavy rainfall, worse than poor drainage and inappropriate construction. Rebuilding in the wake of cyclone Ditwah takes a special meaning for physical development. Nowhere is this more critical than the hill slopes of the Central Highlands. The President touched on all the right buttons and called for environmentally sustainable construction to become “a central responsibility in the ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka’ initiative.”. Recognizing “strong international cooperation is essential” for the rebuilding initiative, the President stated that his government’s goal is to “establish international relations that strengthen the security of our homeland, enhance the lives of our people and bring recognition to our country on a new level.”
The President also permitted himself some economic plaudits, listing his government’s achievements in 2025, its first year in office. To wit, “the lowest budget deficit since 1977, record-high government revenue after 2006, the largest current account balances in Sri Lanka’s history, the highest tax revenue collected by the Department of Inland Revenue and the sustained maintenance of bank interest rates at a long-term target, demonstrating remarkable economic stability.” He was also careful enough to note that “an economy’s success is not measured by data alone.”
Remember the old Brazilian quip that “the economy is doing well but not the people.” President AKD spoke to the importance of converting “the gains at the top levels of the economy … into improved living standards for every citizen,” and projected “the vision for a renewed Sri Lanka … where the benefits of economic growth flow to all people, creating a nation in which prosperity is shared equitably and inclusively.”
Rhetoric, Reform and Reality
For political rhetoric with more than a touch of authenticity, President AKD has no rival among the current political contenders and prospects. There were pundits and even academics who considered Mahinda Rajapaksa to be the first authentic leadership manifestation of Sinhala nationalism after independence, and that he was the first to repair the rupture between the Sri Lankan state and Sinhala nationalism that was apparently caused by JR Jayewardene and his agreement with India to end the constitutional crisis in Sri Lanka.
To be cynical, the NPP or AKD were not the first to claim that everything before them had been failures and betrayals. And it is not at all cynical to say that the 20-year Rajapaksa era was one in which the politics of Sinhala nationalism objectively served the interests of family bandyism, facilitated corruption, and enabled environmentally and economically unsustainable infrastructure development. The more positive question, however, is to ask the same pundits and academics – how they would view the political authenticity of the current President and the NPP government. Especially in terms of rejecting chauvinism and bigotry and rejuvenating national inclusiveness, eschewing corruption and enabling good governance, and ensuring environmental stewardship and not environmental slaughter.
The challenge to the NPP government is not about that it is different from and better than the Rajapaksa regime, or than any other government this century for that matter. The global, regional and local contexts are vastly different to make any meaningful comparison to the governments of the 20th century. Even the linkages to the JVP of the 1970s and 1980s are becoming tenuous if not increasingly irrelevant in the current context and circumstances. So, the NPP’s real challenge is not about demonstrating that it is something better than anything in the past, but to provide its own road map for governing, indicating milestones that are to be achieved and demonstrating the real steps of progress that the government is making towards each milestone.
There are plenty of critics and commentators who will not miss a beat in picking on the government. Yet there is no oppositional resonance to all the criticisms that are levelled against the government. The reason is not only the political inability of the opposition parties to take a position of advantage against the government on any issue where the government is seen to be vulnerable. The real reason could be that the criticisms against the government are not resonating with the people at large. The general attitude among the people is one of relief that this government is not as corrupt as any government could be and that it is not focused on helping family and friends as past governments have been doing.
While this is a good situation for any government to be in, there is also the risk of the NPP becoming too complacent for its good. The good old Mao’s Red Book quote that “complacency is the enemy of study,” could be extended to be read as the enemy of electoral success as well. In addition, political favouritism can be easily transitioned from the sphere of family and friends to the sphere of party cadres and members. The public will not notice the difference but will only lose its tolerance when stuff hits the fan and the smell becomes odious. It matters little whether the stuff and the smell emanate from family and friends, on the one hand, or party members on the other.
It is also important to keep the party bureaucracy and the government bureaucracy separate. Sri Lanka’s government bureaucracy is as old as modern Sri Lanka. No party bureaucracy can ever supplant it the way it is done in polities where one-party rule is the norm. A prudent approach in Sri Lanka would be for the party bureaucracy to keep its members in check and not let them throw their weight around in government offices. The government bureaucracy in Sri Lanka has many and severe problems but it is not totally dysfunctional as it often made out to be. Making government efficient is important but that should be achieved through internal processes and not by political party hacks.
Besides counterposing rhetoric and reality, the NPP government is also awash in a spate of reforms of its own making. The President spoke of economic reform, educational reform and sustainable development reform. There is also the elephant-in-the-room sized electricity reform. Independence day editorials have alluded to other reforms involving the constitution and the electoral processes. Even broad sociopolitical reforms are seen as needed to engender fundamental attitudinal changes among the people regarding involving both the lofty civic duties and responsibilities, as well as the day to day road habits and showing respect to women and children using public transport.
Education is fundamental to all of this, but I am not suggesting another new module or website linkages for that. Of course, the government has not created 78 reform modules as I say tongue-in-cheek in the title, but there are close to half of them, by my count, in the education reform proposals. The government has its work cut out in furthering its education reform proposals amidst all the criticisms ranged against them. In a different way, it has also to deal with trade union inertia that is stymieing reform efforts in the electricity sector. The government needs to demonstrate that it can not only answer its critics, but also keep its reform proposals positively moving ahead. After 78 years, it should not be too difficult to harness and harmonize – political rhetoric, reform proposals, and the realities of the people.
by Rajan Philips
Features
Our diplomatic missions success in bringing Ditwah relief while crocodiles gather in Colombo hotels
The Sunday newspapers are instructive: a lead story carries the excellent work of our Ambassador in Geneva raising humanitarian assistance for Sri Lanka in the aftermath of Ditwah. The release states that our Sri Lankan community has taken the lead in dispatching disaster relief items along with financial assistance to the Rebuilding Sri Lanka fund from individual donors as well as members of various community organizations.
The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies In Geneva had initially launched an appeal for Swiss francs CHF 5 million and the revised appeal has been tripled to CHF 14 million to provide life saving assistance and long term resilience building for nearly 600,000 of the most vulnerable individuals; the UN office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has contributed US$4.5 million; the WHO has channeled US$175,000; In addition, our mission is working closely with other UN and International organizations in Geneva for technical support to improve disaster preparedness capacity in the long term in Sri Lanka such as through enhanced forecasting to mitigate risks and strengthen disaster preparedness capacities.
In stark contrast it is ironic to see in the same newspaper, a press release from a leading think tank in Colombo giving prominence to their hosting a seminar in a five star hotel to promote the extraction of Sri Lanka’s critical minerals to foreign companies under the guise of “international partners”. Those countries participating in this so called International Study Group are Australia, India, Japan and the US, all members of a regional defence pact that sees China as its main adversary. Is it wise for Sri Lanka to be drawn into such controversial regional arrangements?
This initiative is calling for exploitation of Sri Lanka’s graphite, mineral sands, apatite, quartiz, mica and rare earth elements and urging the Government to introduce investor friendly approval mechanisms to address licencing delays and establish speedy timelines. Why no mention here of the mandatory Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) or traditional public consultations even though such extraction will probably take place in areas like Mannar with its mainly vulnerable coastal areas? Is it not likely that such mining projects will renew commotion among poor mainly minority communities already badly affected by Ditwah?
It would be indeed pertinent to find out whether the think tank leading this initiative is doing so with its own funds or whether this initiative is being driven by foreign government funds spent on behalf of their multinational companies? Underlying this initiative is the misguided thinking defying all international scientific assessments and quoting President Trump that there is no global climate crisis and hence environmental safeguards need not be applied. Sri Lanka which has experienced both the tsunami and cyclone Ditwah is in the eye of the storm and has been long classified as one of the most vulnerable of islands likely to be effected in terms of natural disasters created by climate change.
Sri Lanka’s mining industry has so far been in local hands and therefore it has been done under some due process protecting both local workers involved in handling hazardous materials and with some revenue coming to the government. What is now being proposed for Sri Lanka is something in the same spirit as President Donald Trump visualized for redeveloping Gaza as a Riviera without taking into consultation the wishes of the people in that land and devoid of any consideration for local customs and traditions. Pity our beautiful land in the hands of these foreigners who only want to exploit our treasure for their own profit and leave behind a desolate landscape with desperate people.
by Dr Sarala Fernando
Features
The Architect of Minds – An Exclusive Interview with Professor Elsie Kothelawala on the Legacy of Professor J. E. Jayasuriya
This year marks a significant milestone as we commemorate the 35th death anniversary of a titan in the field of education, Professor J. E. Jayasuriya. While his name is etched onto the covers of countless textbooks and cited in every major policy document in Sri Lanka, the man behind the name remains a mystery to many. To honour his legacy, we are joined today for a special commemorative interview. This is a slightly expanded version of the interview with Professor Elsie Kothelawala. As a former student who rose to become a close professional colleague, she offers a rare, personal glimpse into his life during his most influential years at the University of Peradeniya.
Dr. S. N. Jayasinghe – Professor Kothelawala, to begin our tribute, could you tell us about the early years of Professor J. E. Jayasuriya? Where did his journey start?
Prof. Elsie Kothelawala – He was born on February 14, 1918, in Ahangama. His primary education actually began at Nawalapitiya Anuruddha Vidyalaya. He then moved to Dharmasoka College in Ambalangoda and eventually transitioned to Wesley College in Colombo. He was a brilliant student, in 1933, he came third in the British Empire at the Cambridge Senior Examination. This earned him a scholarship to University College, Colombo, where he graduated in 1939 with a First-Class degree in Mathematics.
Q: – His professional rise was meteoric. Could you trace his work life from school leadership into high academia?
A: – It was a blend of school leadership and pioneering academia. At just 22, he was the first principal of Dharmapala Vidyalaya, Pannipitiya. He later served as Deputy Principal of Sri Sumangala College, Panadura.
A turning point came when Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara invited him to lead the new central school in the Minister’s own electorate, Matugama Central College. Later, he served as Principal of Wadduwa Central College. In 1947, he traveled to London for advanced studies at the Institute of Education, University of London. There, he earned a Post Graduate Diploma in Education and a Master of Arts in Education. Upon returning, he became a lecturer in mathematics at the Government Teachers’ Training College in Maharagama. He joined the University of Ceylon’s Faculty of Education as a lecturer in 1952 and later, in 1957, he advanced to the role of Professor of Education. Professor J. E. Jayasuriya was the first Sri Lankan to hold the position of Professor of Education and lead the Department of Education at the University of Ceylon.
The commencement of this department was a result of a proposal from the Special Committee of Education in 1943, commonly known as the Kannangara Committee.
Q: – We know he left the university in 1971. Can you tell us about his work for the United Nations and UNESCO?
A: – That was a massive chapter in his life. After retiring from Peradeniya, he went global. He moved to Bangkok to serve as the Regional Advisor on Population Education for UNESCO. He spent five years traveling across Asia, to countries like Pakistan, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia, helping them build their educational frameworks from the ground up.
Even after that, his relationship with the United Nations continued. He returned to Sri Lanka and served as a United Nations Advisor to the Ministry of Education for two years. He was essentially a global consultant, bringing the lessons he learned in Sri Lanka to the rest of the world.
Q: – How did you personally come to know him, and what was the nature of your professional relationship?
A: – I first encountered him at Peradeniya during my Diploma in Education and later my MA. He personally taught me Psychology, and I completed my postgraduate studies under his direct supervision. He was notoriously strict, but it was a strictness born out of respect for the subject. The tutorials were the highlight. Every day, he would select one student’s answer and read it to the class. It kept us on our toes! He relied heavily on references, and his guidance was always “on point.” After my MA, he encouraged me to apply for a vacancy in the department. Even as a lecturer, he supervised me, I had to show him my lecture notes before entering a hall.
Q: – He sounds quite imposing! Was there any room for humor in his classroom?
A: – He had a very sharp, dry wit. Back then, there was a fashion where ladies pinned their hair in high, elaborate piles. He once remarked, “Where there is nothing inside, they will pile it all up on the outside.” Needless to say, that hairstyle was never seen in his class again!
Q: – Looking at the 1960s and 70s, what reforms did he promote that were considered innovative for that time?
A: – As Chairman of the National Education Commission (1961), he was a visionary. He promoted the Neighborhood School Concept to end the scramble for prestige schools. He also proposed a Unified National System of education and argued for a flexible school calendar. He believed holidays should vary by region, matching agricultural harvest cycles so rural children wouldn’t have to miss school.
Q: – One of his major contributions was in “Intelligence Testing.” How did he change that field?
A: – He felt Western IQ tests were culturally biased. He developed the National Education Society Intelligence Test, the first standardized test in national languages, and adapted the Raven’s Non-Verbal Test for Sri Lankan children. He wanted to measure raw potential fairly, regardless of a child’s social or linguistic background.
Q: – How would you describe his specific contribution to the transition to national languages in schools?
A: – He didn’t just support the change, he made it possible. When English was replaced as the medium of instruction, there was a desperate lack of materials. He authored 12 simplified Mathematics textbooks in Sinhala, including the Veeja Ganithaya (Algebra) and Seegra Jyamithiya (Geometry) series. He ensured that “language” would no longer be a barrier to “logic.”
Q: – After his work with the UN and UNESCO, why did he become known as the “Father of Population Education”?
A: – While in Bangkok, he developed the conceptual framework for Population Education for the entire Asian region. He helped dozens of countries integrate population dynamics into their school curricula. He saw that education wasn’t just about reading and writing, it was about understanding the social and demographic realities of one’s country.
Q: – Madam, can you recall how Professor Jayasuriya’s legacy was honoured?
A: – Professor Jayasuriya was truly a unique personality. He was actually one of the first Asians to be elected as a Chartered Psychologist in the U.K., and his lectures on educational psychology and statistics were incredibly popular. During his time at the University of Ceylon, he held significant leadership roles, serving as the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and even as acting Vice Chancellor. His impact was so profound that the Professor J. E. Jayasuriya Memorial Lecture Theatre at the Faculty of Education in Peradeniya was named in his honor.
Beyond his institutional roles, he received immense recognition for his service, including honorary D. Lit and D. Sc degrees from the University of Colombo and the Open University, respectively. Perhaps his most global contribution was his ‘quality of life’ approach to population education developed for UNESCO in the mid-1970s. As O. J. Sikes of UNFPA noted in the International Encyclopedia on Education, it became the predominant teaching method across Asia and is still considered the fastest-growing approach to the subject worldwide.
Q: – Finally, what is the most profound message from his life that today’s educators and policymakers should carry forward?
A: – The lesson is intellectual integrity. When the government’s 1964 White Paper distorted his 1961 recommendations for political gain, he didn’t stay silent, he wrote Some Issues in Ceylon Education to set the record straight.
He believed education was a birthright, not a competitive filter. Today’s policymakers must learn that education policy should be driven by pedagogical evidence, not political expediency. As our conversation came to a close, Professor Elsie Kothelawala sat back, a reflective smile on her face. It became clear that while Professor J. E. Jayasuriya was a man of rigid logic, and uncompromising discipline, his ultimate goal was deeply human, the upliftment of every Sri Lankan child.
Thirty-five years after his passing, his presence is still felt, not just in the archives of UNESCO or the halls of Peradeniya, but in the very structure of our classrooms. He was a pioneer who taught us that education is the most powerful tool for social mobility, provided it is handled with honesty. As we commemorate this 35th memorial, perhaps the best way to honor his legacy is not just by remembering his name, but by reclaiming his courage, the courage to put the needs of the student above the convenience of the system.
Professor Jayasuriya’s life reminds us that a true educator’s work is never finished, it lives on in the teachers he trained, the policies he shaped, and the national intellect he helped ignite.
by the Secretary J.E.Jayasuriya Memorial Foundation : Dr S.N Jayasinghe
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