Connect with us

Features

The DUNF gathers steam; Lalith & Gamini find leadership compromise

Published

on

Organizing big rallies, contacts with Denzil Kobbekaduwa

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)

There was such a big demand for our public rallies that we planned to hold two large meetings every week in addition to other small electorate based meetings. The upshot of our popularity was that even SLFPers, including some of their leaders, were seen at our meetings. Many of them preferred to keep a distance by remaining in the periphery of the meeting grounds. But some others, particularly those who had distanced themselves from their party infighting, figured more prominently by getting on to our stage.

For instance SD Bandaranayake, a grandee of SLFP battles from before 1956, indicated that he would come onto our stage in Gampaha and also address the meeting. This was a considerable victory for our fledgeling party as SDB was part of the radical, and anti UNP, history of Siyane Korale. We assembled at his “Madugaha Walawwe” in Gampaha for lunch and from there accompanied him to the meeting grounds where he received a rousing welcome. It was a memorable meeting for me also because I began addressing DUNF party rallies from the Gampaha meeting onwards. It was the beginning of a hectic speaking schedule which has since taken me to all parts of the country for close on 30 years.

Another leading SLFPer who helped us from behind the scenes was Bertie Dissanayake who was one of the political leaders of Anuradhapura district. Our local leaders had characterized Bertie as violence prone and we were somewhat apprehensive when Gamini, Premachandra and I were billed to speak at a meeting in his Kalawewa electorate. It was a largely attended meeting which was held in a scenic grounds overlooking a reservoir. We need not have worried since Bertie, who was seen driving about in a jeep in the vicinity, had asked his supporters not to obstruct us in anyway.

Since the Kalawewa electorate was one of the beneficiaries of the Mahaweli project there was a large gathering to greet Gamini. Bertie himself had earlier benefited from the ex-Mahaweli minister’s largesse. We were pleasantly surprised when many of the Mahaweli settlers met us after the meeting. Many of them had been selected from Kandyan villages for settlement in Kalawewa under the Mahaweli project. They insisted on our visiting the “Teldeniya Ela” or “Tumpane Ela” where they had been relocated after coming to the “Raja Rata”. It was nightfall when we got back to our vehicles after enjoying a Kandyan meal with them. Though they were UNP supporters earlier we were able to draft them into our new party. Several UNP MPs of the Rajarata like HGP Nelson helped us on the sly and even paid our hotel bills after the Polonnaruwa meeting.

I had a similar experience when we held a meeting in Hiniduma in the hilly periphery of Galle district. I attended this meeting with Gamini, Lalith and Premachandra. As a researcher with Gananath Obeyesekere in the sixties and later as Assistant Government Agent of Galle district I had worked with the villagers of Hiniduma and they turned up in strength at our meeting held in Neluwa. After listening to our leaders they insisted that I speak to them much to the delight of our organizer for Hiniduma electorate who found a welcome “block” of voters for his campaign in an electorate which had been a leftist stronghold. Here again we were fortunate that the UNP organizer Sarath Amarasiri was the son of MS Amarasiri who was Lalith’s deputy minister during the JRJ regime. He made no attempt to sabotage our meeting unlike many of Premadasa’s favourite MPs who confronted us in their bailiwicks.

Anuradhapura

The growing success of our meetings were reported to the President who was by now getting anxious and was preparing for a showdown. His opportunity came when we planned to hold a large rally in Anuradhapura. In order to capitalize on the large crowds that congregate there on religious holidays we had arranged to hold our meeting on a Poya day in a large playground. We were sure of a historic gathering and every effort was made to make it a major event. This must have been conveyed to Premadasa who banned the meeting by slapping a prohibitory order.

When the party leaders met at the Anuradhapura Resthouse, Police bigwigs came there with copies of the order and requested us to cancel the meeting. Following the President’s wishes they had been ordered by the IGP to stop the DUNF meeting at any cost. In the meanwhile our supporters were coming in from all parts of the country and were congregating in the new city area expecting to attend the rally. After a hurried consultation we decided that it would be a fatal blow to the party if we abandoned the meeting. However there was no doubt regarding the determination of the police to stop us. So we decided on a strategy of making it appear to be a religious gathering.

We divided our followers into four groups who wended their way from different directions to the Ruvanweliseya carrying baskets of flowers to be offered at the dagoba. Each group was led by party seniors who were to ensure that there was no violence. Fortunately a chief of a temple in Anuradhapura who was earlier an undergraduate at Vidyodaya University and a well known Sinhala lyric writer and a friend of mine, agreed to my request to come to the dagoba area to administer pansil thereby giving credence to our claims of religious devotion. This got us out of a difficult predicament as my friend the priest was well regarded by the police who then decided to stand by rather than confront us.

I can remember as an aside that the famous singer Gunadasa Kapuge, who was attached to the Raja Rata Radio, also joined us in an inebriated state and started chanting Buddhist stanzas much to the amusement of the audience. He had come to meet the priest and wandered into our meeting. We dispersed peacefully and held a press conference the following day in Colombo probably annoying the President who was spoiling for a fight and did not want a peaceful resolution in the sacred city. By this time the DUNF was beginning to attract much attention and was setting the political agenda by highlighting anti-government issues which the SLFP had been reluctant or unable to convey to the masses of voters who were now beginning to get disenchanted.

Denzil Kobbekaduwa

Gamini, Denzil Kobbekaduwa and I were friends from our time as students at Trinity College in Kandy. With the civil war sapping the growth momentum of the country the government was losing its popularity and many were turning to the army as a saviour of the integrity of the country. This was symbolized by the emergence of the charismatic Denzil K as a leader of the new national minded army. Earlier Army Commanders, however competent they may have been, were “Sandhurst types” who did not win national recognition. The SLFP and the DUNF were all praise for Denzil adding to the fears of Premadasa. All Sri Lankan presidents, including Mahinda Rajapaksa, were afraid of Army Commanders and were on the lookout for any suspicious move by the army top brass.

Mahinda Rajapaksa who got on well with army Commander Fonseka during the war later became apprehensive after the victorious army boss planned a massive celebratory jamboree in Colombo. Premadasa who knew of Denzil’s kinship links with the Ratwattes and personal friendship with several DUNF leaders, began to keep tabs on him though there was no open confrontation. Since Gamini was already under surveillance it was decided that Denzil should contact me with messages which I would then convey to the DUNF leaders. In addition to our Trinity connection my younger brother, Major General Asoka Amunugama, had served as Denzil’s ADC in the northern theatre.

I must emphasize here that although he told me about army plans to attack the LTTE, Denzil at no time appeared to be disloyal to the elected head of the country. He was personally concerned that the country was sliding towards further turmoil but he did not contemplate involving the army in national politics. However I had the distinct feeling in our discussions that he was thinking of a political role as a civilian once he retired from the army. His sympathies were with the DUNF and the SLFP and the opposition had no hesitation in referring to him as a politician in the making in their propaganda by constantly extolling his leadership qualities.

The President could be excused for thinking that Denzil will become a problem for him in the future. This does not mean that he plotted the army hero’s murder as the opposition whispered after the Aralai point debacle when Denzil, Wimalaratne and several other senior commanders of the army and navy were killed by the LTTE which had planted land mines on the terrain which was to be used to launch an amphibious landing across the lagoon. However it must be stated that the commanders were breaking their own rules that they should not travel together. Denzil and Wimalaratne were in the same jeep and paid the price. Before he left for Jaffna for this operation Denzil phoned me at home early in the morning and we agreed to have a meeting with Gamini once he returned after Aralai. Sadly it was not to be.

The death of Denzil, Wimalaratne and their staff led to a wave of hatred against Premadasa who hastily tried to win back sympathy by declaring a major road as Denzil Kobbakaduwa Mawatha to no avail. As opposition leaders we followed the cortege from his residence in Rosmead Place to Kanatte where there was a large gathering of people, some of whom were shouting slogans. This was followed by ugly scenes when well known supporters of Premadasa were manhandled. They fled to safety and one wrote later to say that he thought that he would be killed by the mob that day These incidents were game changers and the Premadasa government was fast losing its popularity. This compelled the President to take several strategic decisions which culminated with his murder by the LTTE only a week after the assassination of Lalith Athulathmudali.

Second Provincial Council Elections

The term of office of the first Provincial Councils were nearing its end and new elections were due in 1993. This created a dilemma for Premadasa since his popularity had plummeted. He also received information from his acolytes that the DUNF, which was gaining public favour, was locked into a battle for leadership which was eyed by both Lalith and Gamini. Gamini was senior but he was already in the doghouse when Lalith made a great sacrifice and left the Cabinet. He could have easily betrayed Gamini and earned Premadasa’s favour. Indeed even after the rupture Mrs. Hema Premadasa was busily engaged in trying to get Lalith back and isolating Gamini thereby weakening the DUNF and even driving it out of electoral contention. The President believed that the two ambitious leaders would fall out if he played for time. Such a rift would create the opportunity for him to call for a snap provincial council election. For us in the DUNF the opposite was true. We had to hold together and force an early election.

Lalith

Since I was acceptable to both leaders I was entrusted with finding a way to settle the leadership issue. A few us would meet in PBG Kalugalle’s house in Cambridge Terrace to find a way out. I remember that Ravi Karunanayake, who was part of Lalith’s entourage, coming to Gamin’s house on his old motorcycle to plead the case for his mentor. Our small group first decided that the first leader would hold office for six months of the year to be followed by the other who also will have a six month tenure. During the leadership of one the other would hold the office of national organizer and vice versa. This idea was acceptable to Lalith and Gamini. But the all important question of who would first ascend the “gadi” was left open for further discussion.

At this stage I suggested to Gamini that he should make a grand gesture by inviting Lalith to be the first leader. After all we would simultaneously announce that he will hold that office in six months time. Such a gesture would enhance his image and ensure the competitiveness of the DUNF in the forthcoming elections. A leadership impasse at this stage would weaken the party at a crucial testing time. With some reluctance Gamini agreed to my suggestion and I typed out the compromise formula.

I must say that Lalith who was the beneficiary of this formula behaved impeccably by thanking Gamini and consulting him every day on the progress of the party. He also, much to his rival’s relief, undertook the responsibility of collecting funds for the forthcoming electoral battle. This act of cooperation and reconciliation set shock waves in both the UNP and SLFP who were used to bitter internecine warfare in their recent history. I read recently in an interview given by a Lalith confidante that his leader was so moved by Gamini’s gesture that he had decided to nominate the latter for the Presidential bid and await his turn after Gamini’s term of office.

Premadasa’s Response

Within days of our announcement of satisfactory leadership arrangements a disappointed President Premadasa called for provincial council elections. He knew that with more time the DUNF would now grow in strength and cut into the UNPs membership as well as its vote bank. Our meetings were exceptionally successful and our “attack team” of Premachandra and Weerawanni was tearing up Premadasa’s image. It is also likely that the SLFP was looking on this contest with glee and were encouraging their members to attend our meetings to swell the crowds and thereby demoralize the UNP. We were in friendly competition and often worked together on human rights and media issues.

Premadasa who was unforgiving pulled out an old murder charge against Parliamentarian Lakshman Senewiratne who had joined he DUNF. He was remanded and locked up in Bogambara prison. We and the media took this issue up and organized a demonstration and motorcade in which Anura Bandaranaike of the SLFP joined us. This common front helped in winning many of the prison officials to our side who looked the other way when we sent food and other amenities to Lakshman from outside.

These gifts included a smart phone for him to speak to his family who were then in Australia. The phone was smuggled into his cell in a hollowed out birthday cake. Mrs. Bandaranaike herself was very cooperative and probably preferred to interact with us rather than some of her own party members like Mervyn Silva who humiliated her on the orders of the anti-Sirima faction of the SLFP. The SLFP was in turmoil with Anura loyalists fighting tooth and nail to keep Chandrika out of the Central Committee of the party though Mrs. B wanted her in. CBK was a new face and the wife of the late Vijaya Kumaratunga. She with her obvious sincerity and commitment was rejuvenating the SLFP.

I was researching with ICES at that time and remember the enthusiasm with which Neelan Tiruchelvam and his group were promoting the “new political star” on the horizon. I was a speaker at a seminar organised by ICES at which CBK was also invited to be a speaker. As usual she was late, but when she did turn up there was such a “buzz”in the audience which clearly indicated that she had “star quality”and would figure in the political struggle to come. By this time she had a

faction in the SLFP led by Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Mangala Samaraweera and S. B. Dissanayake who were engaged in promoting her with the blessings of Mrs. B.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

The Iran War, Global Oil Crisis, and Local Options

Published

on

Flight of Insanity

Now in its third week and still no end sight, Trump’s Iran’s war is showing a tedious pattern of tragic-comic episodes. The human tragedy continues under relentless aerial assaults in Iran and under both aerial and ground assaults in Lebanon. Israel, now in a hurry to destroy as much it can of its enemy assets before Trump lapses into war withdrawals, is picking its spots at will; three of its latest scalps could not have come at higher echelons of the Iranian regime. Within two days, Israeli has targeted and killed Ali Larijani, the powerful, versatile and experienced secretary of the Supreme National Security Council; Gholamreza Soleimani, head of the Basij paramilitary force; and Iran’s Intelligence Minister Esmail Khatib.

Yet there is no indication if the continuing hollowing out of Iran’s decision making apparatus will produce the intended effect of encouraging the people of Iran to come out on the streets and topple the regime. People cannot pour on to the streets, even if they want to, until the American and Israeli bombing stops. That may not happen till the US military finishes its list of asset targets in Iran and Israel finishes off the list of Iranian leaders who are tagged on by Mossad’s network of Iranian moles. They are so widespread that last year after setting up a special task force to expose the internal informants, the National Security Council found out that the person whom they had selected to lead the task force was himself a spy! Disaffected citizens are also becoming informal informants.

The comical side of the war is provided by President Trump in the daily press court that he holds at the White House, taking full advantage of the presidential system in which the chief officer is not required to present himself to and take questions from the country’s elected lawmakers. There has never been and there likely will never be  another presidential spectacle like Donald J. Trump. It is shocking although not surprising to find out daily as to how much he doesn’t know about the war that he started or where it is heading. The ghost of Donald Rumsfeld, the Defence Secretary of the Iraq war and the coiner of the ‘unknown unknowns’ phrase, would tell you that Trump is the epitome of one of the known knowns, the predictable bully. For all his misjudgements and bad calls over the Iraq war 23 years ago, Rumsfeld now looks like a giant of a professional in comparison to Pete Hegseth, the bigmouthed charlatan who parades as Donald Trump’s Secretary of War.

Asymmetric Advantage

For its part, Iran appears to be reaping the worst and the best of an asymmetric warfare. Iran is getting pummelled in all the metrics of conventional warfare and there should be nothing surprising about it. It is rather silly for the American and Israeli military spokespeople to crow about their aerial strikes and their successes. On the other hand, the US and Israeli forces combined have not been able to answer Iran’s ability to establish areas of war where Iran sets the term and scores at its choosing. Quite astonishingly, President Trump has said that Iran was not supposed to attack its neighbours and no one apparently told him that such attacks might happen.

“Nobody. Nobody. No, no, no. The greatest experts—nobody thought they were going to hit,“ Trump responded to a leading question by a Fox News reporter whether the President was “surprised nobody briefed you ahead of time” about the likelihood of Iranian retaliation against America’s Gulf allies. Prevarication is second nature to President Trump and it is the same explanation for the Administration’s strategic gaffe over the Strait of Hormuz.

Iran has imposed a blockade over the narrow waterway between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman that provides vital passage for about 20% of the world’s oil shipments. Again, no one told him that Iran might do this. That is also because Trump has gotten rid of all the people in government capable of providing advice and is surrounding himself with sidekicks who will not challenge him on his misrepresentation of facts. As well, by keeping Congress out of the loop the President and the Administration tossed away the opportunity to deliberate before deciding to go to war.

True to form, Trump trots out another bizarre argument that the US does not have any shipment through the Strait of Hormuz and, therefore, it is up to countries, including China, that depend on the Hormuz route to come to his party in the Persian Gulf. The US would be there to help them out and he went on to invite his erstwhile allies and fellow NATO members to join the US and help the world keep the Strait of Hormuz open for its oil shipments.

Trump’s calls have been all but spurned. No US president has suffered such a rebuff. Other presidents did their consultations with allies before starting a war, not after. “This war started without any consultations,” said Germany’s Defence Minister Boris Pistorius. He then  queried incredulously: “What does Donald Trump expect from a handful of European frigates in the Strait of Hormuz that the mighty US Navy cannot manage alone?” Iran has let it be known that it will block passage only to its enemies and allow others to cross the strait by arrangement. Chinese, Indian and Pakistani ships have been allowed to navigate through the strait. The UN and NATO countries are reportedly considering new initiatives to ensure safe passage through the Strait, but details are unclear.

While the official American endgame is unclear, scholars and academics have started weighing in and calling Trump’s misadventure for what it is. Three such contributions this week have caught the media’s attention. Muhanad Seloom writing online in Al Jazeera, has presented an unsolicited yet by far the strongest case for Trump, arguing that “the US-Israeli strategy is working” because Trump’s war against Iran is accomplishing a “systematic, phased degradation of a threat that previous administrations allowed to grow for four decades.” A former State Department staffer and now a Doha and Exeter academic, Seloom seems overly sanguine about the impending demise of the Iranian regime and underplays the political implications of the war’s externalities and unintended consequences for the Trump presidency in America.

The comprehensive degradation of virtually all of Iran’s hard assets is not in question. What is in question is whether the asset degradation is translating into a regime change. The additional questions are whether the obvious success in asset degradation is enough to save President Trumps political bacon in the midterm elections in November, or will it stop Iran from controlling the Strait of Hormuz and impacting the global oil flows. Firm negative answers to these questions have been provided by two American scholars. Nate Swanson, also a former State Department staffer turned academic researcher and who was also a member of Trump’s recent negotiating team with Iran, has additionally highlighted the martyrdom significance of the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei both within Iran and in the entire Shia crescent extending from Lebanon to Karachi.

Robert Pape, University of Chicago Historian, who has studied and modelled Iranian scenarios to advise past US Administrations, has compared President Trump’s situation in Iran to President Johnson’s quagmire in Vietnam in 1968. Pape’s thesis is that asymmetric conflicts inherently keep escalating and there is no winning way out for a superpower over a lesser power. The main  difference between Vietnam and Iran is that Vietnam did not trigger global oil and economic crises. Iran has triggered an oil crisis and the IMF is warning to expect higher inflation and lower growth as a result of the war. “Think of the unthinkable and prepare for it,” is the advice given to world’s policy makers by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to a symposium in Japan, earlier this month.

Global Oil Crisis

The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has created a crisis of uneven supplies and high prices the likes of which have not been seen since the 1973 oil embargo by Arab countries in the wake of the Yom Kippur War that saw the price of oil increasing four fold from $3 to $12 a barrel. The International Energy Agency (IEA), which came into being as the western response to the 1973 Arab oil embargo, has warned that the market is now experiencing “the most significant supply disruption in its history.”

According to Historians, denying or disrupting oil flows has been an effective tool in modern warfare. The oft cited examples before the 1973 oil embargo are the British oil blockade of Germany in World War 1, and the stopping of Germans accessing the Caucasus oilfields by the Soviet Union’s Red Army in World War II. The irony of the current crisis is that until now the world was getting to be more energy efficient and less oil dependent as a result of the technological, socioeconomic and behavioural changes that were unleashed by the 1973 oil embargo. Post Cold War globalization streamlined global oil flows even as the turn towards cheaper and renewable energy sources increased the use of alternative energy sources.

What was becoming a global energy complacency, according to Jason Bordoff and Meghan O’Sullivan, American academics and National Security advisers to former Presidents Obama and Bush, suffered its first disruptive shock with the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Market reaction was immediate with crude oil prices increasing by over 50% and exceeding $135 per barrel. Russia cut its natural gas supply to Europe by half leaving western Europe the worst affected region by the crisis. In contrast, Asia is the worst affected continent by the current crisis although market reaction was not immediate apparently because the US was deemed a far more reliable actor than Russia. It is a different story now.

The present crisis is expected to ratchet up crude oil prices to as high as $150 to $200 a barrel in current dollars from what was below $75 before Trump started the war. Futures trading before the war projected $62 per barrel in 2027. Now, lower prices are not anticipated until after the end of this decade. The daily price has been yo-yoing above and below $100 in harmony with Trump’s musings about the course of the war and the time for its ending. The current market uncertainty stems from the growing realization that the Trump Administration was not clear about why it was starting the war and now it does not know how or when to bring it to an end. The Hormuz crisis has made the prospects all the bleaker.

Sri Lanka’s Options

In the unfolding uncertainty, the only certainty is that Sri Lanka’s options are limited. The challenges facing the country and the government involve both politics and economics. For the country, even the political options are limited – perhaps as limited as the economic options available to the government in the short term. The incessant political critics of the government start with extrapolating Aragalaya and end with anticipating another government collapse like the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government. But anyone looking for political alternatives to the NPP government should look at the press photograph showing a recent news conference of opposition party leaders announcing the formation of “a common opposition platform to resist the government’s anti-democratic actions.” Missing an action and absconding per usual, like Julia Roberts in Runway Bride, is once again Sajith Premadasa, the accredited Leader of the Opposition.

Talk about democratic priorities when the economic engine and the energy generators will soon have no oil or diesel to run on. Among the assembled, there is no one equipped enough to head a government ministry with the possible exception of Champika Ranawaka. And it is rich to talk about constitutional dictatorship for a group that was associated with the extended one-party government from 1977 to 1994, and a second group the tried to perpetuate a one-family government between 2005 and 2022. It is virtually imperative to argue that for the sake of the country the NPP government must successfully navigate through the impending crisis. Whether the government will be able to live up to what is now a necessity, not just expectation, we will soon find out.

There is no minimizing or underestimating the magnitude of the crisis. Crude oil and petroleum products account for nearly 20% of the total import bill. Rising oil prices will impact the balance of payment and forex reserves, and could potentially siphon off the currently accumulated $7+ billion forex balance. Rupee devaluation and inflation are likely, but not necessarily to the absurd levels reached during the ultimate Rajapaksa regime. Economic growth will slow and the $1.5 to $2.0 billion FDI targets may not materialize. The current arrangement for debt repayment may have to be revisited, even as relief measures will need to be undertaken to soften the rising price effects throughout the economy and among the less privileged sections of society. Restricting consumption has already been started and the country may have to brace for further restrictions and even power cuts.

In the short term, renegotiating the current EFF (Extended Fund Facility) terms with the IMF will be unavoidable. Equally important are long term measures. The low storage capacity for oil and petroleum has made price fluctuations inevitable. The government has announced storage capacity expansion in Kolonnawa and fast tracking the construction of a jet-fuel pipeline from Muthurajawela to Katunayake – to facilitate the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) becoming a regional aviation hub. The current shipping problems present a new opportunity for the utilization of the expanded terminal facilities to increase transhipment operations at the Colombo harbour.

At long last, after 78 years, there is some action to upgrade the storied 99 oil tanks in Trincomalee. But the bulk of the upgrading depends on the trilateral agreement between Sri Lanka, India and the United Arab Emirates to create an energy hub in Trincomalee. This might run into delays because of the current situation involving the UAE. Already delayed is the construction of the $3.7b Sinopec Oil refinery in Hambantota, the MOU for which was signed more than an year ago. The NPP government has been adept in keeping good relationships with both India and China. Now is the time to try to expedite the deliverables on their commitments.

Another not so long term necessity is to expand electricity generation through renewable sources and minimize its dependence on thermal generation based on imported oil, not to mention coal. Thermal power contributes to just under 50% of energy output at about 80% of total generation costs. In contrast, just over 50% of the output is generated by renewable sources, including hydro, at 20% of the total cost.

The contribution of hydropower is weather dependent and its uncertainty has long been the pretext for persisting with thermal power and not encouraging the development  of solar and wind energy sources. There is no more urgent time to stop this persistence than now in light of the oil crisis. The government must cut through the cobwebs of vested thermal power interests and make clean energy a central part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. China is in the forefront of renewable energy technology and expansion and has timed the unveiling of its new five year renewable energy expansion plan to coincide with the current oil crisis. Many countries are emulating China and Sri Lanka should join them.

Continue Reading

Features

Two Decades of Trust: SINGER Wins People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th Consecutive Time

Published

on

Singer Sri Lanka, the nation’s foremost retailer of consumer durables, celebrates a truly historic milestone at the SLIM-KANTAR People’s Awards 2026, securing a prestigious triple victory while marking 20 consecutive years as the People’s Brand of the Year, an achievement made possible by the enduring trust and loyalty of Sri Lankan consumers.

This year, SINGER was honoured with yet another triple win with People’s Brand of the Year, Youth Brand of the Year and People’s Durables Brand of the Year at the awards ceremony. This remarkable recognition reflects the deep and lasting relationship the brand has built with Sri Lankans across generations, standing as a symbol of trust in homes across the island.

Reaching this 20-year milestone is not just a testament to brand strength, but a celebration of the millions of customers who have continuously chosen SINGER as a part of their everyday lives. For two decades, Sri Lankans have placed their confidence in the brand, welcoming it into their homes, their families, and their aspirations.

Expressing his appreciation, Janmesh Antony, Director – Marketing of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, stated:

“Winning these awards reflects our commitment to quality, innovation, and staying closely connected to our customers. Being recognised as Durables brand, Youth brand, and as the People’s Brand of the Year highlights our ability to resonate across generations. As we celebrate 20 years as the People’s Brand, our deepest gratitude goes to our customers, this milestone truly belongs to them. It also reflects the dedication of our teams, who continuously strive to serve them better every day. Winning Youth Brand of the Year further reinforces our focus on staying relevant and meaningfully connected with the next generation.”

Commenting on the milestone, Mahesh Wijewardene, Group Managing Director of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, added:

“This recognition is a tribute to the millions of Sri Lankans who have stood by us over the years. Being named the People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th consecutive time is both humbling and inspiring. It reflects the deep trust our customers place in us, and we are truly grateful for the role we play in their everyday lives. This milestone strengthens our commitment to continue delivering value, innovation, and service excellence, always with our customers at the heart of everything we do.”

Over the years, SINGER has grown alongside the people of Sri Lanka, evolving from a trusted household name into a future-ready retail powerhouse. By continuously innovating its product portfolio and enhancing service excellence, the brand has remained closely aligned with the changing needs and aspirations of its customers.

Guided by a deep-rooted customer-first philosophy, an extensive islandwide retail network, and dependable after-sales service, Singer continues to set benchmarks not only in the consumer durables sector but across the nation. By elevating everyday living and bringing greater convenience, comfort, and ease into Sri Lankan homes, the brand has become a trusted partner in shaping modern lifestyles. Its growing connection with younger audiences further reflects its ability to seamlessly blend legacy with contemporary aspirations.

As Singer Sri Lanka celebrates this milestone, the company remains profoundly grateful for the trust placed in it by generations of Sri Lankans. With a continued commitment to enriching lives through innovation and making everyday living more effortless and accessible, Singer looks ahead to growing alongside its customers, strengthening its place as one of the most trusted, loved, and enduring brands in the country.

Continue Reading

Features

Test cricket of a different kind in 1948

Published

on

Photo shot on the occasion of the 1948 women’s cricket match between England and then Ceylon

Early last year [probably 2004] I received a call from Michael Ludgrove the then head of the rare book section at Christies Auction house requesting help to decipher the names of Ceylonese cricketers who had signed a cricket bat in the 1930’s following a combined India-Ceylon match against the visiting MCC. This led to my keeping an eye out for unusual items on Ceylon cricket.

A few months later a set of autographs came up for sale. They were of the visiting English women cricketers who played a match in Colombo, against the Ceylon women in the first “Test” of its kind. I was lucky to trace two of the test cricketers from the Ceylon team who now live in Victoria, Beverly Roberts (Juriansz) and Enid (Gilly) Fernando. Incidentally Gilly is called Gilly after AER Gilligan the Australian Cricketer and answers to no other name.

The visiting English team were on their way to Australia on the SS Orion. The Colombo Cricket Club were the hosts and the match was played at the Oval on the November 1, 1948. The match attracted a crowd of around 5,000 many of whom had not seen women play cricket before. Among the distinguished guests were the Governor General, the Bishop of Brisbane, the Assistant Bishop of Colombo -the Reverend Lakdasa de Mel, the Yuvaraj and Yuvaranee of Kutch and Sir Richard Aluwihare.

The well known cricket writer, SP Foenander, provided the broadcast commentary.

The English team consisted of: Molly Hyde (Capt.), Miss Rheinberger, Nacy Joy, Grace Morgan, Mary Duggan, Betty Birch, Dorothy McEroy, Mary Johnson, Megan Lowe, Nancy Wheelan,

The Ceylon team consisted of Miss O Turner (Capt.), Miss Enid (Gilly) Fernando, Miss C Hutton, Miss S Gaddum, Shirley Thomas, Marienne Adihetty, Beverley Roberts, Pat Weinman, Leela Abeykoon, Binthan Noordeen

Reserves: Mrs D H Swan & Mrs E G Joseph. Umpires: W S Findall and H E W De Zylva.

There is on record a previous match, played by a visiting English women’s cricket team in Colombo. However, they played against a team consisting mainly of wives of European Planters and no Ceylonese were included.

Beverley Roberts, 16 years old Leela Abeykoon and Phyllis De Silva were from St John’s Panadura which was the first girl’s school to play cricket. Their coach was G C Roberts (older brother of Michael Roberts). Marienne Adihetty was from Galle and her brother played for Richmond College. Binthan Noordeen was from Ladies College. She is the granddaughter of M.C. Amoo one of the best Malay cricketers of former days, who took a team from Ceylon to Bombay in 1910. Binthan was a teacher at Ladies College at the time and also excelled in hockey, netball and tennis. Pat Weinman is the daughter of Jeff Weinman, a former Nondescripts cricketer.

The team was mainly coached by S. Saravanamuttu with others such as S J Campbell helping. The arrangements were made by the Board of Control of Cricket headed by P Saravanamuttu. Though the match itself was one sided with the Ceylon women cricketers beaten decisively, the Ceylon team impressed the visitors by their gallant display, after less than two months of practice as a team. The English team won the toss and batted first. Molly Slide the captain scored a century in a fine display of batting. The captain of the Ceylon team Mrs Hutton took six wickets for 43.

(Michael Roberts Thuppahi blog)

Dr. Srilal Fernando in Melbourne, reproducing an essay that appeared originally in The CEYLANKAN, a quarterly produced by the Ceylon Research Society in Australia.

Continue Reading

Trending