Features
The child is a person
Our attention has been refocussed on the LGBTQI + issue in recent times, and more so after the unambiguous and categorical statement made by the Archbishop of Colombo, Macolm Cardinal Ranjith a few days ago.
In The Sunday Island lead news item on 17 August, he is quoted as saying among other things, “A group of psychologists are issuing certificates that allow children to change their gender identity”. And then he has gone on to homosexuality – as “a danger to our younger generation”. He has further claimed that certain political parties and their leaders were involved in promoting this agenda.
As a medical academic, I have advocated that any human sexual activity is acceptable between consenting adults – with absolute emphasis on ‘consenting’, the issues of same gender sex is not at issue where I am concerned. It is a matter of private personal preference and choice between consenting adults.
But I am very much concerned about an emerging trend that to me, to say the least, is highly alarming. That is, the strong emerging trends of transsexualism pervading the West and the pharma-politico-financial backing it is receiving in recent times. There is now a backlash on men trying to be women and taking advantage of the situation in invading ‘private places’ previously dedicated to women, and legal encroachment in individual and team sports. The worst aspect of it is the encroachment of these powerful corporate social segments on the Rights of the Child.
In this narrative, what I will attempt to do is make a few random ‘brush strokes’ on the large canvas of the current scenery on the ‘Child as a Person’ that may paint an abstract picture of this subject. You may see a pattern, or you may not. It will be in the eyes of the beholder.
“The child is the father of the man.”
Wrote William Wordsworth – in his 1802 poem, “My Heart Leaps Up”.
On first reading of this old aphorism, it seems a confounding paradoxical statement. What did the poet mean when he used this confusing idea? It is said that he meant that the foundation of our adult personalities is laid during our childhood. But is it really so? As a child grows into adulthood, he/she will gradually lose the curiosity and the sense of wonder about the world. The child gradually begins to conform to the dictates of society, beginning with the dictates of parents. Then comes the restraining confines of school discipline about which Ivan Illych wrote in his path-breaking book “Deschooling Society” in 1970 – 55 years ago! Schools as mass collective education catering to the lowest common denominator. But, on the other hand, it is my view, that the basic core attitudes of an individual are first formed at home. It is from the home that one will learn the rudiments of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ or of ‘right’ and ‘wrong’. That is often why, some children who come from dysfunctional family backgrounds, whatever later attempts are made, end up in anti-social circumstances.
What we can learn from this thought from Wordsworth is that even as early as the beginning of the 19th century, the importance of childhood in the future development of the adult had been appreciated. What it certainly does is to put our topic of the day – “The child is a person” in perspective. In other words, Wordsworth’s idea, enhances our topic of the day.
The recognition that ‘the child is a person’ is a necessary precondition to accept that the child is the future.
This saying attributed to Abraham Lincoln:
“A child is a person who is going to carry on what you have started … the fate of humanity is in his hands.”
Perhaps he was the first to use the title of this article. When I chose it, I did not know that Abraham Lincoln had use the phrase before. There is another proverb that is more telling – and perhaps for that reason, remains anonymous:
“He who takes a child by the hand, takes the future by the scruff of its neck!”
This leaves us with little doubt about the importance of the child as a person. But before that, let us ask another question, rhetorically: ‘When does a child become an individual?’. ‘When does a child become a person?’
Here, we get into serious controversy. The multiple issues of ‘the embryo, the foetus and the unborn child’, reproductive rights, women’s rights and their socio-religious implications fall upon us like a ton of bricks. For example, are the words ‘foetus’, ‘unborn child’ and ‘unborn baby’ interchangeable? Are there any differences between these words and their usage? Are they mere semantics that no subtle importance need be attached to them? Does it depend only on the perspective of the person who uses them? Let us leave aside such complexities for our purpose of this article. Let us be aware that there are areas that “even angels fear to tread”. But we will bear those issues in mind, nevertheless.
Capacity of children to make legal decisions.
I wouldn’t want to delve into ‘foetal rights’ at this point as it is voluminous enough for books and volumes by itself. Therefore, we plunge straight into ‘child rights’ though ‘foetal rights’ is necessarily and conceptually the basis of ‘Child Rights’.
The child’s wishes and decisions in the family courts, for example. It was long thought that a child lacked legal capacity to give valid consent in law regarding decisions such as consenting to medical procedures. Therefore, the capacity to make decisions and act in the child’s best interest was vested in their parent or guardian. These parental powers existed until the child attained legal adulthood.
The current approach views parental powers in a different way: they establish that these are effective only so long as they are needed for the protection of the person and property of the child. Therefore, it is no longer the accepted rule that children remain under parental control until they are of a certain age. At some point of the child’s life, the parental right yields to the child’s right to decide for him or herself. However, this is increasingly seen by the courts as an incremental process, in the course of which, the child’s independence and ability to make decisions grow, while the extent of the parental responsibilities and right to decision-making gradually diminish.
In England and Wales, the term ‘Gillick competence’ is used in medical law to decide whether a child under the age of 16 is able to consent to their own medical treatment, without the need for parental permission or knowledge.
By the way, ‘The Gillick case’ involved a UK health departmental (NHS) circular advising doctors on the contraception of minors (for this purpose, under sixteens). The circular stated that the prescription of contraception was a matter for the doctor’s discretion and that they could be prescribed to under sixteens without parental consent. This matter was litigated because an activist, Victoria Gillick, ran an active campaign against the policy. Gillick sought a declaration that prescribing contraception was illegal because the doctor would commit an offence of encouraging sex with a minor (which in Sri Lanka, is statutory rape) and that it would be treatment without consent as consent in this aspect should be vested in the parent; she was unsuccessful before the High Court but succeeded in the Court of Appeal.)
It means that the legal authority for parents to make medical decisions on behalf of their children is revoked when the child reaches sufficient maturity to make their own decisions. There is no hard-and-fast age at which a child can be considered ‘Gillick competent’, and it is something decided on a case-by-case basis.
Gender Dysphoria
This is an area in which I want to invest some extra time during this narrative; on what I believe is an issue that is heavily laden with controversy. Serious current controversy. Here, whether the child is a person, and what decision-making role they can play, at what age, which is critical for their future personal identity, come into serious contention.
Specialist paediatricians in Sri Lanka should be very much aware of this relatively new phenomenon. Which to my mind, is a frightening development where paediatricians and child psychiatrists are at the epicentre of this global controversy. Perhaps, it is not quite correct for me to call it global. Perhaps, not yet.
It is still very much a subject of medical controversy in the West including Australia. But the fall out may not be too far in coming to our shores. And paediatricians, must be fully cognisant of all issues concerned and policy decisions taken in this regard at the level of professional bodies as well as at the Ministry of Health.
Where should I begin?
I wouldn’t want to get into the debatable area of biological sex. Whether there are six of them (as is now classified) or less. But we can simplify by making them three. Male, female and all others lumped into the category – intersex. Intersex being individuals born with any of several variations in sex characteristics including chromosomes, gonads, sex hormones or genitals that, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “do not fit the typical definitions for male or female bodies“.
One of the most famous intersex personalities of recent times was Caster Semenya, the South African middle-distance runner and 2016 Olympic gold medalist in the 800 metres, who was assigned as a female at birth with naturally elevated testosterone levels due to an enzyme (5α-Reductase) deficiency. In a landmark case for athletes’ rights, Caster Semenya, the star South African runner, won her case at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) on July 10, 2025. “Caster Semenya’s victory is a victory for all women and all athletes because the European Court found that the Court of Arbitration for Sport and Swiss Federal Tribunal had failed to uphold human rights norms despite credible claims of discrimination.” reported Human Rights Watch. But our issue here today, is not about intersex.
But I am digressing.
From biological sex, we get into “gender assignment”. Gender assignment is the discernment (subjective judgement) of an infant’s sex at birth. Assignment may be done prior to birth through prenatal sex discernment – as is commonly done now by obstetricians by ultra sound scans. In the majority of births, it is a relative, a midwife, a nurse or a physician who inspects the genitalia when the baby is delivered, and sex or gender is assigned without any expectation of ambiguity. The global number of births with ambiguous genitals is in the range of 0.02% to 0.05%.
If it was only such cases of ‘intersex’, that has aroused controversy, that would be a non-issue. As we come to understand, it goes far beyond that. For instance, a whimsical comment by a female child “I am a boy” would be enough to register her in a gender dysphoria clinic to be kept under observation for later interventions to change her ‘birth gender’.
In consequence, what was once straight forward biological sex determined on a biological construct has changed to a very fluid ‘social construct’. A child’s sex or gender is increasingly being determined by societal imperatives and not biological analysis.
Gender dysphoria has been broadly stated as ‘the sense of unease arising from one’s physical sexual characteristics which are not aligning with one’s gender identity’.
Today, increasingly, gender identity is the personal sense of one’s own gender. Gender identity can correlate with a person’s assigned sex at birth or can differ from it. ‘Gender expression’ typically reflects a person’s gender identity. New terminology is coming into this gender lexicon – for instance, “body-ownership networks”. The factors that determine gender is no longer chromosomes or genes. There are many determinants. Here is the least complex interpretation of what is now termed the ‘Sense of Gender’ – diagrammatically. (See diagram)
As can be seen, gender identity is becoming highly complex in today’s world.
Puberty Blockers
The mainstay of conservative management of, and treatment for, gender dysphoria is puberty blockers. I am not sure how many of our paediatricians are into this, as of now.
You know that the so-called puberty blockers, known formally as gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH) antagonists, are medications that cause the body to stop producing sex hormones. They are delivered either as injections (also used in breast and prostate cancer treatment), which are administered by a healthcare worker every three months, or via an implant, which needs to be replaced annually.
For ‘transgender children’, taking these drugs will prevent breast tissue development and menstruation, or the growth of facial hair and a deepening voice. The effects of drugs are completely reversible, and if a person stops taking them their body will resume sex hormone production as it had done before they started.
Why might a child want puberty blockers? Because the child is unsure of its gender preference. The monitoring of such children has begun, in some instances, when they were as young as 4 years old. Puberty blockers are commenced sometimes soon after puberty (ages 12-14) when they have begun producing sperms and ova (when, they can be frozen for future fertility) or even before when they lose their fertility options! The controversial issue in this is who will be the decision-maker in this process? The child or the parents?
Dianna Kenny, Professor of Psychology, consulting psychologist, psychotherapist University of Sydney who has collected data on children enrolled in gender dysphoria clinics has discovered the emergence of a ‘new pandemic’. The statistics are alarming. There has been a dramatic increase in the number of children enrolled in gender dysphoria clinics since 2019.
Social Contagion
Diana Kenny in an article titled “Is gender dysphoria socially contagious?” explores the influence of ‘social contagion’ on what she calls “the disquieting upsurge in the number of children and young people whose parents are presenting to gender clinics around the world for advice regarding social transition, puberty blocking agents, cross sex hormones, and ultimately surgery in an attempt to change their gender.”
Evidence has been quoted of children prompted into what is now termed “rapid-onset gender dysphoria” by peer pressures. After the article on the subject by Dr. Lisa Littman of Brown University was first published, there was a ‘mob reaction’ by transgender activists who denounced the paper calling it hate speech and transphobic. The gender dysphoria issue has turned not only political, but disquietingly aggressive. Increasingly, younger and younger children are not just being given, but driven, to ‘radical surgical treatment’ for gender dysphoria.
In this context, let me digress a bit to relieve the monotony.
Lisa Marchiano, a Yungian psychoanalyst in Philadelphia, in her article titled “Outbreak: On Transgender Teens and Psychic Epidemics” published in ‘Psychological Perspectives’ – a Quarterly Journal of Yungian Thought in 2017 (Carl Yung) – writes this interesting historical aside:
“The earliest written record from the town of Hamelin in Lower Saxony is from 1384. It states simply, “It is 100 years since our children left.” Historical accounts indicate that sometime in the 13th century, a large number of the town’s children disappeared or perished, though the details of the event remain a mystery. “The Pied Piper of Hamelin”, as far I as have been able to determine, is the only Grimm’s fairy tale that is based substantially on a historical event. Both the actual event and the Grimm’s tale suggest an archetypal situation in which adults have allowed children to be seduced away into peril. This tale is a disconcertingly apt metaphor for various social contagions that have overtaken collective life throughout the centuries.”
William Manchester’s ‘A World Lit Only by Fire’ places the events in 1484, 100 years after the written mention in the town chronicles that “It is 100 years since our children left”, and further proposes that the Pied Piper was a psychopathic paedophile.
Now that is an interesting perspective on the children who followed the pied piper into oblivion. Is this what today’s adults are doing to our children. Taking decisions for them and taking them away into a “gender land of no return”? Decisions that could often irreversibly disturb their lives – psychologically? As some have said – ‘Seduce them into peril’??
The case against Tavistock and Portman NHS Trust
A UK News report dated Oct 7, 2020, describes a landmark case that will be heard in High Court about whether children who wish to undergo gender reassignment should be prescribed “experimental” puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones.
Kiera Bell, a 23-year-old woman who began taking puberty blockers when she was 16 before “detransitioning” last year – i.e., going back to being a girl, is suing the Tavistock and Portman NHS Trust, which runs the UK’s only gender identity development service (GIDS) for children.
The legal challenge is also being brought by Mrs A, the mother of a 16-year-old autistic girl who is currently on the waiting list for treatment.
In January 2021, the pair were given the go-ahead to bring the action against the trust after claiming that the way informed consent is obtained from children is “materially misleading”.
At the hearing in London, Ms Bell and Mrs A’s lawyers will argue that children under the age of 18 cannot give “informed consent” to treatment which has “irreversible, lifelong consequences”.
Professor Carl James Heneghan, a clinical epidemiologist and a Fellow of Kellogg College, Oxford and the Director of the University of Oxford’s Centre for Evidence-Based Medicine and Editor-in-Chief of BMJ Evidence-Based Medicine has called the use of puberty blockers to treat transgender children an “unregulated live experiment on children.”
It was reported that in 2019 five clinicians working at the Gender Identity Development Service (GIDS) at the Tavistock and Portman NHS Foundation Trust in London in the United Kingdom (UK) resigned, and one of the governors of the Trust also resigned. Among other reasons, they adduced that puberty ‘blockers’ are prescribed experimentally to gender diverse youth, without sufficiently robust evidence around efficacy and safety, and without sufficiently robust diagnosis.
Other countries….
Under some of the proposed new laws across the United States, doctors could be barred from prescribing puberty-blocking drugs to children. A measure introduced in South Carolina last year would revoke the licenses of doctors who treat transgender children.
Meanwhile, the South Dakota legislature voted down a bill that will see doctors charged with a misdemeanour if they prescribe puberty blockers. The Republican state representative Fred Deutsch, who sponsored the bill, said on Twitter ahead of the vote on Feb. 10, 2020: “The world is upside-down; protecting children from sterilization and mutilation is causing a firestorm,”
The issue has spilled beyond the borders of the United States, with many countries mulling new laws preventing poorly discriminated decisions on prescribing puberty blockers for children.
On the other hand, Brazil lowered the age at which young people can access gender reassignment surgery from 21 to 18 and dropped the age requirement for hormone therapy from 18 to 16 – although those under 18 must have the consent of a parent or guardian.
There are other connected and important issues. One is:
The gender dysphoria epidemic and the vested interests of the medico-pharma-insurance industry is quite similar to the ADHD medication controversy, of the recent past.
The debates and controversies go on. The paediatric endocrinologists, child psychologists and transgender surgeons are teeming on either side of the barricades – where, and on what side would you stand? The ‘child as a person’ seems to have been lost in this medical / legal battle ground.
I hope with these ‘brush strokes’ of information, I have adequately covered the topic that I ventured to write on, mainly due to the emergence of discussions on transgenderism and gender dysphoria that seems to be slowly, but surreptitiously, creeping into our legal system under the coercive influence of multiple Western agencies such as the UNHRC and the IMF. The complexities of this developing socio-political-legalistic phenomenon is both bewildering and frightening.
Are there conditions and constraints to ‘The child being a person’? Here are some concluding thoughts, not as conclusions, but as questions.
· When would a child be considered ‘Gillick competent’ in Sri Lanka?
· Will adults allow a child to decide on its own gender identity?
· Should adults decide that their child is a male or female before the child can decide for itself?
· Is it ethical to offer a child the option of gender surgery against the will of their parents as is being done in some centres in the West now?
· Where does society draw the line on when a child becomes a person?
· When does a child become a person?
· When will adults allow a child to be a person?
· When should adults allow a child to be a person?
I am not sure what kind of reaction I will have from Paediatricians and Child Psychiatrists in Sri Lanka to this narrative as there are strongly contrary positions taken by them the world over. Will the outcome of these controversies determine the future of humans as a thriving species?
Questions and more questions for both the legal and medical professionals. In the final analysis, I am leaving you with more questions than answers. In a world that has, in many ways, turned itself upside down, that would not be too surprising, would it?
(I have taken extensive extracts for this article from my presentation for the Dr. BJC Perera Research Prize Oration 2020, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians.)
by Dr. Susirith Mendis ✍️
Emeritus Professor
University of Ruhuna
(susmend2610@gmail.com)
For more than a century, Sri Lankan society has lived with a quiet contradiction at the heart of its religious life. On the one hand, the Buddhist monk is revered as the embodiment of moral discipline, selfrestraint, and renunciation. On the other, the modern monk has become a public figure, political actor, administrator, media personality, and in some cases power broker whose influence extends far beyond the temple. This contradiction has been tolerated, even celebrated, for decades. But recent events, most notably a widely publicised case involving a senior monk accused of grave moral misconduct, have forced the country to confront a painful truth: the institutional conditions that make such scandals possible are not new. They are the predictable outcome of a long historical process that H. L. Seneviratne described with remarkable clarity in The Work of Kings. The moral deterioration visible today is not an aberration. It is the culmination of a centurylong transformation in the identity, function, and authority of the Sangha.
To understand how we arrived at this moment, it is necessary to revisit the argument Seneviratne made nearly three decades ago. His thesis was simple but profound: the modern Sri Lankan monkhood has taken on the ‘work of kings.’ By this he meant that monks, instead of confining themselves to the renunciant life prescribed by the Vinaya, have assumed the secular responsibilities once associated with precolonial kingship, such as protecting the religion, organising society, guiding the nation, and enforcing moral order. This shift, he argued, was not a natural evolution of Buddhist tradition but a modern invention shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the anxieties of a society struggling to redefine itself in the face of foreign domination. The monk became a symbol of national identity, a guardian of cultural authenticity, and a leader in the struggle for political autonomy. In the process, the boundaries that once separated the monastic from the worldly began to dissolve.
Transformation
The consequences of this transformation were not immediately visible. For decades, the activist monk was celebrated as a patriot, a reformer, and a moral guide. His involvement in education, social welfare, and nationalist mobilisation was seen as a necessary response to colonial pressures and missionary competition. But beneath the surface, the foundations of monastic discipline were slowly eroding. The Vinaya, which had served for centuries as a rigorous framework for regulating monastic life, was increasingly overshadowed by the demands of public engagement. The communal structures that once ensured accountability, senior supervision, collective confession, and the daily rhythms of monastic routine, were weakened by the pressures of modernity. Monks who travelled constantly, managed institutions, or lived independently in urban temples found themselves outside the traditional systems of oversight that had long protected the integrity of the Sangha.
Scandal
It is within this historical context that the recent scandal must be understood. The case shocked the nation not only because of the severity of the allegations but because it shattered the public’s assumption that the monkhood remains a bastion of moral purity. Yet the shock itself reveals a collective denial. For years, Sri Lankan society has been aware, sometimes quietly, sometimes openly—of the growing gap between the ideal of the monk and the realities of modern monastic life. Stories of misconduct, financial irregularities, political manipulation, and abuse of authority have circulated with increasing frequency. But each incident has been treated as an isolated failure, a personal weakness, or an unfortunate exception. What has been missing is recognition that these incidents are symptoms of a deeper structural problem.
Seneviratne’s analysis helps illuminate this problem. When monks take on the work of kings, they inevitably enter domains of power that expose them to temptations the Vinaya was designed to avoid. Handling money, managing institutions, cultivating political patrons, and exercising authority over laypeople create opportunities for ego, ambition, and moral compromise. The monk who becomes a public figure is no longer shielded by the anonymity and humility of the renunciant life. Instead, he becomes a celebrity, a leader, and in some cases an object of uncritical devotion. This elevation brings with it a dangerous form of immunity. Laypeople who revere a monk for his public achievements may hesitate to question his behaviour. Politicians who rely on monastic support may protect him from scrutiny. The media, which often treats monks as moral authorities, may be reluctant to investigate allegations that challenge the sanctity of the robe.
The recent scandal illustrates how these dynamics can converge. The monk at the centre of the case was not an obscure figure. He was a respected preacher, charismatic leader, and head of a prominent institution. His public image was built on years of service, teaching, and community engagement. Yet it was precisely this public stature that allowed him to operate without meaningful oversight. The institutional structures around him, administrators, lay supporters, and junior monks, were either unwilling or unable to challenge his authority. The very qualities that made him a respected figure in the eyes of the public also made him untouchable within his own institution. When allegations finally emerged, they revealed not only personal wrongdoing but a systemic failure of accountability.
Failure that is not unique
This failure is not unique to one temple or one monk. It reflects a broader pattern within the modern Sangha. As monastic institutions have grown in size, wealth, and influence, their internal governance has struggled to keep pace. Many temples operate as semiautonomous entities controlled by a single monk or a small group of monks. Financial transparency is limited, administrative oversight is weak, and the mechanisms for addressing misconduct are often informal or ineffective. The traditional structures of monastic discipline, such as the Sangharama procedures for adjudicating offences, are rarely used in modern contexts, partly because they require collective participation and partly because they are illsuited to the complexities of contemporary institutional life. In practice, this means that monks who wield significant authority can act with little fear of internal sanction.
The politicisation of the Sangha has further complicated matters. Since the midtwentieth century, monks have played an increasingly prominent role in electoral politics, nationalist movements, and public policy debates. This involvement has given them access to political networks that can be mobilised to protect their interests. It has also created a culture in which monks are valued not for their adherence to the Vinaya but for their ability to influence public opinion, mobilise voters, or lend moral legitimacy to political causes. In such an environment, the monk who is politically useful may be shielded from criticism, while the monk who adheres strictly to the renunciant ideal may find himself marginalised or ignored.
The result is a profound distortion of monastic identity. The monk who once sought liberation from worldly attachments is now encouraged to cultivate influence, authority, and public recognition. The monk who once lived under the strict supervision of senior elders now operates in a world where independence is celebrated and oversight is minimal. The monk who once relied on laypeople for basic sustenance now controls vast resources, manages institutions, and commands the loyalty of thousands of followers. This inversion of traditional roles has created a fertile ground for moral deterioration.
Yet it would be a mistake to interpret this deterioration as evidence that the Sangha as a whole is corrupt. Many monks continue to live lives of remarkable discipline, humility, and spiritual dedication. In remote forest monasteries, small village temples, and meditation centres across the country, monks quietly uphold the ancient ideals of the renunciant life. They are not the ones who appear on television, lead political rallies, or manage large institutions. Their work is invisible, their influence subtle, and their commitment unwavering. The crisis facing the Sangha today is not a crisis of individual morality but a crisis of institutional identity. It is the product of a centurylong transformation that has blurred the boundaries between the monastic and the secular, the spiritual and the political, the renunciant and the worldly.
If Sri Lanka is to address this crisis, it must begin by acknowledging the structural nature of the problem. The temptation to treat each scandal as an isolated incident must be resisted. Instead, the country must confront the uncomfortable reality that the modern configuration of monastic life is fundamentally at odds with the principles of the Vinaya. The Sangha cannot simultaneously function as a political force, a social service provider, a media institution, and a spiritual community without compromising its integrity. The more monks are drawn into the world, the more vulnerable they become to the moral dangers that the Buddha warned against.
Reform, therefore, must focus not only on punishing individual offenders but on rethinking the institutional structures that enable misconduct. This includes strengthening internal governance, enhancing financial transparency, restoring the authority of senior elders, and reestablishing the communal practices that once ensured accountability. It also requires a broader cultural shift in how laypeople relate to monks. Blind devotion must give way to informed respect. Reverence must be balanced with responsibility. The robe must be honoured, but it must not be used as a shield against scrutiny.
Seneviratne’s work offers a valuable starting point for this rethinking. His analysis reminds us that the crisis facing the Sangha is not the result of moral decline alone but of historical forces that reshaped the identity of the monkhood. By tracing the evolution of the activist monk, he shows how the Sangha became entangled in the political and social structures of the modern nationstate. This entanglement has brought both benefits and dangers. It has allowed monks to play important roles in education, social welfare, and national development. But it has also exposed them to the corrupting influences of power, wealth, and public acclaim.
The challenge now is to disentangle the Sangha from these influences without undermining its ability to serve society. This will not be easy. The activist monk has become deeply embedded in the cultural and political fabric of the country. Many laypeople expect monks to be leaders, reformers, and guardians of national identity. Politicians rely on monastic support to legitimise their agendas. Media institutions depend on monks for content, commentary, and moral authority. Reversing this trend will require a collective effort from monks, laypeople, and political leaders alike.
Ultimately, the future of the Sangha depends on its ability to reclaim the renunciant ideal that lies at the heart of Buddhist monasticism. This does not mean withdrawing from society entirely, but it does mean reestablishing the boundaries that protect the monk from the dangers of worldly involvement. It means recognising that the true strength of the Sangha lies not in its political influence or institutional power but in its moral authority, its spiritual discipline, and its commitment to the path of liberation. The recent scandal, painful as it is, may serve as a catalyst for this reevaluation. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the modern monastic system and forced the country to confront the consequences of a centurylong transformation.
To understand how the Vihara Devalegam Act relates to the perceived moral deformation of the clergy, it is necessary to examine how property management, state law, and monastic discipline intersect in the modern era. Historically stemming from the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance No. 19 of 1931, this act serves as the primary legal framework governing the ‘temporalities’—meaning the secular wealth, extensive landholdings, and material donations belonging to Buddhist temples and shrines. While ancient kings granted these vast tracts of land to support the monkhood’s spiritual pursuits, the modern codification of this law has inadvertently fostered a system where property rights frequently supersede spiritual accountability.
The core of the crisis lies in the commercialisation of the monastic order that this legal framework enables. By treating temple lands as economic assets and vesting absolute administrative power in individual chief monks or lay trustees, the act has contributed to the rise of what critics term a monastic middle class. Access to vast, unregulated financial resources, rent from lands, and corporate donations has fundamentally shifted the focus of certain segments of the clergy away from the traditional path of worldly renunciation and spiritual guidance. Instead, it has driven a preoccupation with business investments, the accumulation of private capital, and luxury lifestyles, which deeply alienates a public looking to the Sangha for moral leadership.
The institutional flaws embedded in the Vihara Devalegam Act find a stark, real-world manifestation in the recent criminal case involving Venerable Pallegama Hemarathana Thero. As the chief priest of Anuradhapura and the custodian of the Atamasthana—the eight highly venerated Buddhist shrines, including the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi—Hemarathana Thero occupied one of the most powerful and wealthy positions within the Sri Lankan Sangha. His arrest on charges of sexual abuse of a minor girl perfectly illustrates how the structural defects of the Act facilitate not only moral decay but also the systemic obstruction of justice.
The core of this intersection lies in the vast, unaccountable wealth generated by the temporalities of the Anuradhapura shrines. Under the Vihara Devalegam Act, the chief custodian exercises immense, virtually unchecked control over temple revenues, state-backed land management, and millions of rupees in daily donations from millions of global pilgrims. It is precisely this immense financial liquidity that enabled the alleged deployment of vast sums of money to the victim’s family.
Furthermore, the situation underscores the profound policy failures cited regarding the helplessness of the monastic hierarchy and state enforcement. When child protection authorities initially attempted to act, the National Child Protection Authority noted severe delays and institutional resistance, stating they practically had to force the police to execute the arrest. The monk’s immediate retreat to a private hospital in Colombo upon the advancement of the criminal probe, followed by his release on bail, mirrors the exact loop described where wealthy monastics deploy high-priced legal defence teams funded directly or indirectly by their institutional positions. Because the Vihara Devalegam Act does not provide a mechanism for the immediate, unconditional forfeiture of temporal administrative rights upon a criminal indictment, the accused retains his structural power throughout the legal process. The Pallegama Thero scandal stands as definitive proof that without a fundamental overhaul of how temple wealth is legally governed and disciplined, the material benefits guaranteed by ancient temporalities will continue to shield the worst elements of moral deformation from the rule of law.
If Sri Lanka can learn from this moment and if it can recognise the structural roots of the crisis and commit to meaningful reform, then the Sangha may yet emerge stronger, more disciplined, and more faithful to its ancient ideals. But if the country continues to treat each scandal as an isolated failure and if it continues to ignore the deeper institutional problems that Seneviratne identified, then the moral deterioration we see today will only deepen. The work of kings, when performed by monks, carries a heavy price. It is time to decide whether that price is worth paying.
by Professor Amarasiri de Silva
Features
Kondachchi wind farm and battery storage project to boost energy security, says Power Ministry Secretary
The Power and Energy Ministry’s drive towards energy security and renewable energy expansion received a major boost yesterday with the signing of a tripartite cooperation agreement for the development of the 150 MW Kondachchi Wind Power Project and an integrated Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in Mannar.
The agreement was signed at the Ministry of Power auditorium under the patronage of Power Minister Anura Karunatilaka and Deputy Power Minister Arkam Ilyas.
Speaking at the event, Ministry Secretary G. M. R. D. Aponsu described the project as a transformative investment that would strengthen the country’s electricity network while supporting Sri Lanka’s transition towards cleaner energy sources.
“The Kondachchi Wind Power Project represents a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy journey. By combining large-scale wind generation with advanced battery energy storage technology, we are creating a more resilient and reliable power system capable of meeting future energy demands while reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels,” Aponsu said.
The project will be developed at Silavathurai in the Kondachchi area of Mannar on lands owned by the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation. It is expected to utilise some 31 modern wind turbines with a total installed capacity of at least 150 MW.
Aponsu said the inclusion of an integrated battery storage facility would help address the variability associated with wind power generation and ensure stable electricity supply to the national grid.
“The battery energy storage component is a key feature of this project. It will enable the efficient integration of renewable energy into the grid and enhance overall system stability, which is essential as Sri Lanka increases the share of renewables in its energy mix,” he said.
According to the Ministry, the wind farm is expected to generate nearly 525 gigawatt-hours of electricity annually, significantly reducing the country’s expenditure on imported fuel and strengthening national energy security.
The project is also expected to contribute to Sri Lanka’s climate commitments by reducing carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 372,750 tonnes annually.
“This investment delivers both economic and environmental benefits. It will reduce greenhouse gas emissions, support sustainable development objectives and help Sri Lanka move closer to achieving its renewable energy and climate targets,” Aponsu noted.
The project will be implemented under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement using the Build, Own and Operate (BOO) model. The Asian Development Bank is providing technical and financial advisory support through its Transaction Advisory Services programme.
The signing ceremony was attended by Pradeep Perera, Chairman of the National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd., and Takeyo Koike, Head of Market Development and Public-Private Partnership Division of the ADB, among other distinguished guests.
The Ministry said comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessments and avifaunal studies have been undertaken to ensure minimal impacts on bird populations, nearby communities and agricultural lands. A dedicated 220-kilovolt transmission system will also be constructed to connect the project to the national grid.
“The Kondachchi Wind Farm is a strategic national project that will help secure Sri Lanka’s energy future while accelerating the country’s transition towards sustainable and affordable electricity generation,” Aponsu said.
Energy sector experts view the project as one of the most important renewable energy initiatives currently being pursued in Sri Lanka, combining utility-scale wind generation with modern energy storage technology to enhance grid reliability and long-term energy sustainability.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Saudi Arabia sets new benchmark in Hajj management as 1.7 million pilgrims complete sacred journey
Interview with Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka
Saudi Arabia has once again demonstrated its unparalleled capacity to manage one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings, with this year’s Hajj pilgrimage concluding successfully despite extreme temperatures and the immense logistical challenge of accommodating more than 1.7 million pilgrims from around the world.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka, described the 2026 Hajj season as a resounding success, crediting the achievement to the visionary leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and the coordinated efforts of multiple government agencies working around the clock to serve pilgrims.
The Ambassador noted that nearly 3,500 Sri Lankan pilgrims participated in this year’s Hajj under the quota allocated to Sri Lanka, benefiting from enhanced healthcare services, sophisticated crowd-management systems, expanded shaded areas and cutting-edge digital solutions introduced by the Kingdom.
With Saudi Arabia continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure, technology and pilgrim services under Vision 2030, Ambassador Al-Kahtani said the Kingdom remains committed to ensuring that pilgrims from around the world perform their religious duties in safety, comfort and tranquility.
The Saudi envoy also highlighted the growing partnership between Saudi Arabia and Sri Lanka, emphasising expanding cooperation not only in Hajj affairs but also in trade, investment, education, culture and institutional exchanges.
Following are excerpts of the interview:
Q: How do you assess this year’s Hajj season?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: This year’s Hajj season was a resounding success, thanks to the Almighty Allah and the integrated efforts of the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister. This success was reflected in the efficiency of crowd management, the quality of services provided to the Hajj pilgrims and the effective coordination among the various relevant authorities, which enabled pilgrims to perform their rituals in an atmosphere of security, tranquility and ease.
Q: How many Sri Lankan pilgrims performed Hajj this year?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The number of Hajj pilgrims from the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka reached approximately 3,500, within the quota allocated to Sri Lanka for this season.
Q: Are there any discussions regarding increasing Sri Lanka’s quota in the future?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani:Hajj quotas are determined according to approved regulatory mechanisms that take into account a range of considerations. The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continue to study various aspects related to developing Hajj services and accommodating the allocated numbers for all countries, in coordination with the concerned parties.
Q: What were the most prominent special arrangements implemented this year?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The operational plans for this season focused on enhancing the safety and comfort of the Hajj pilgrims, especially given the climatic conditions and high temperatures. Measures included expanding shaded areas, increasing water distribution points and enhancing health and ambulance services, in addition to developing the transportation system and traffic management within the holy sites.
Q: What are the most prominent digital systems and smart services that were provided?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani:The Kingdom continues to implement its digital transformation objectives for the Hajj and Umrah system. The scope of electronic services offered through the Nusuk platform and application has been expanded, along with the development of digital systems for issuing permits, managing crowds, guidance and health services. This contributes to increasing the efficiency of services and improving the pilgrim’s experience at all stages of their journey.
Q: How were the challenges of overcrowding and heat addressed?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities adopted an integrated crowd-management system based on modern technologies and real-time data analysis. This was coupled with intensified health-awareness campaigns, expanded organised movement routes and increased deployment of field, medical and emergency teams. These measures support the safety of the Hajj pilgrims and reduce the risks associated with crowd density and climatic conditions.
Q: Were there special services for the elderly and sick?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Yes. The Kingdom paid special attention to the elderly and people with special health needs by providing specialized medical services, assistive transportation and facilities equipped to meet their needs, in addition to field teams working to provide humanitarian support and necessary healthcare throughout the Hajj period.
Q: How successful was the Kingdom in combating irregular Hajj permits?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continued to rigorously implement the regulations and instructions governing Hajj, utilising modern technologies and advanced monitoring procedures to reduce violations related to irregular Hajj. These efforts contributed to enhancing the safety of pilgrims, improving crowd-management efficiency and maintaining the smooth flow of movement within the holy sites.
Q: How would you describe Saudi-Sri Lankan cooperation in organising Hajj?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Cooperation between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka is characterised by continuous and constructive coordination in all matters related to Hajj. The relevant authorities in both countries work jointly to ensure the provision of the best services for Sri Lankan pilgrims and enable them to perform their rituals with ease and peace of mind.
Q: How many Hajj pilgrims were there globally, and what were the main challenges?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: According to official statistics, the number of Hajj pilgrims this year reached 1,707,301 from various countries around the world. The main challenges included managing large crowds, ensuring public safety and providing health, transportation and accommodation services within a specific geographical and temporal scope. These challenges were addressed through advanced and integrated operational plans, which contributed to the smooth and successful completion of the Hajj season.
Q: Are there any future expansion projects?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The Kingdom continues to implement strategic development projects within the framework of Vision 2030, including developing the infrastructure in Makkah and the Holy Sites, and enhancing transportation networks and smart services. This contributes to raising the quality of services provided to pilgrims and Umrah performers and improving their long-term experience.
Q: How are Saudi-Sri Lankan relations strengthened outside the context of Hajj?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka are witnessing continuous development in many areas, including political, economic, trade, cultural and educational cooperation, in addition to developing exchanges between institutions and the private sector. This reflects the two countries’ keenness to strengthen the bilateral partnership and achieve common interests.
Q: What message would you like to convey to Sri Lankan Muslims?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: We extend our sincere congratulations to the Hajj pilgrims who have completed their Hajj rituals, and we ask Almighty Allah to accept their pilgrimage. We also assure Muslims in Sri Lanka that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia places serving the Two Holy Mosques and the guests of Almighty Allah at the forefront of its priorities and continues to develop the Hajj and Umrah system to achieve the highest standards of quality and safety.
By Ifham Nizam
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