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Succession to DS, the Hartal and Dudley’s resignation

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(Excerpted from Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)

When D.S. fell off his horse on Galle Face, Lord Soulbury, Governor-General, was in England and Alan Rose, Chief Justice, was acting. He had all the powers of the Governor-General, but did not take the responsibility of appointing the new Prime Minister. Instead, the following communique was issued by the Governor-General’s office:

“His Excellency the Officer Administering the Government invited the Ministers to meet him this morning at Queen’s House. His Excellency informed the Ministers that a few days before Lord Soulbury’s departure from the Island he had discussed with His Excellency what should be done in the event of the office of Prime Minister falling vacant during Lord Soulbury’s absence.

“His Excellency stated that Lord Soulbury, had then expressed an intention of returning to Ceylon immediately in this eventuality.

“In view of this, His Excellency spoke last night on the telephone to Lord Soulbury who informed him that he would be arriving in the Island on Wednesday.

“Having regard to this, His Excellency stated that, in his opinion, it would be more appropriate to await Lord Soulbury’s arrival before a decision is made us to who should be invited to form an administration.”

Soulbury had a difficult task. It was his duty to ensure the continuance of a stable Government. Between the Premier’s death and the Governor-General’s arrival in the Island, there was considerable political and personal maneuvering, and Rose’s house in Bullers Road had a stream of callers all offering gratuitous advice as to who should be sent for. One person went as far as to send Rose some hot hoppers for breakfast.

Rose kept a diary of the events, the callers, the times they called, and the suggestions they made – a document which ought to make very interesting reading if it is ever published. The Times of Ceylon commented:

“There is at present very clear indication of the successor. The country expects the uncorrupted continuance of the peace and prosperity which the late Premier insured in the nation’s life. His principles of democratic fair play and progress are the nation’s watchword, and the new Prime Minister must be one who can foster those objectives.”

It is clear, reading between the lines, that Sir John Kotelawala was not too popular and was unacceptable. There was no reason to assume that he could not form a stable Government. But 19 members of the Government Parliamentary Party informed Dudley that in the event of his being called upon to form a government they would give their wholehearted support and co-operation. They also intimated their solemn determination not to support an administration formed by anyone else. The Tamil Congress informed the Governor-General that Sir John was not acceptable to their party and would support a government formed by Dudley.

The Governor-General, on his arrival, sent for Dudley and invited him to form a Government. He asked me to summon the Ministers to meet him in the Cabinet Room. It was not a Cabinet meeting as he (Dudley) had not accepted office. At this meeting all the Ministers were present except Sir John. Here, I must debunk a story which has been published in “The Premier Stakes, or Up the Garden Path”, which some persons thought was written by Sir John, but the authorship of which he has publicly denied.

In this book, it is stated “Even the Secretary to the Cabinet was against me and did not summon me to the meeting.” I have never refused or neglected to summon a Minister to a meeting. I cannot imagine any Secretary wilfully omitting to do so. I got all the Ministers on the telephone, but could not get Sir John. Seven Ministers were in my room while I was telephoning, with Minister Sittampalam seated right in front of me at my table. He saw and heard me telephoning.

I tried Sir John’s office, Kandawala, the Orient Club, the Sinhalese Sports Club, Sravasti, the M.Ps’ Hostel, his mother’s house and finally got his brother Justin to whom I gave the message. He was not to be found at any of these places. It was one minute to 2 p.m., the time fixed for the meeting and I gave it up. Immediately after the meeting, which lasted only a few minutes, Sittampalam phoned me from his own office and said, “Peiris, you said you couldn’t get Sir John: he’s in his office.” I merely asked him what the insinuation was. “You saw me telephoning all those members”, I said, and there was no further comment from him. There were a lot of undercurrents working at the time.

Now the gossips and the rumour-mongers started whispering. It was said that D.S. had advised Soulbury to send for Dudley in the event of his death. A more fantastic story, attacking the honour and memory of a dead man, is difficult to imagine. It is within my personal knowledge that D.S. never gave the Governor-General the advice attributed to him. I also know who concocted the story for reasons best known to them. I use the plural because there were two.

In view of the highly controversial nature of the whole transaction, I beg the reader’s pardon if, after tickling his curiosity in this mysterious way, I say “Thus far and no further. My lips must continue to remain under seal.” D.S. might have been ignorant of Constitutional Law, but he was no ignoramus. He knew that, in the matter of the succession to the Premiership, he could not exercise a right similar to that exercised in Buddhist Ecclesiastical Law under the rule of Sisyanu Sisya Paramparawa. The Constitutional position is set out by Winston Churchill in his War Memoirs:

“It is not customary for a Prime Minister to advice the Sovereign officially upon his successor unless he is asked to do so. As it was war time, I sent the King, in response to a request he had made to me in conversation at our last weekly interview, the following letter [He was going to cross the submarine-infested Atlantic for discussions with President Roosevelt].

10 Downing Street
Whitehall
June 16, 1942
Sir,

In case of my death on this journey I undertake, I avail myself of Your Majesty’s gracious permission to advise that you should entrust the formation of a new government to Mr Anthony Eden, the Secretary of State for Foreign affairs, who is in my mind the outstanding Minister in the largest political party in the House of Commons and in the National Government over which I have the honour to preside, and who I am sure will be found capable of conducting Your Majesty’s affairs with the resolution, experience and capacity which these grievous times require.

I have the honour to remain,

Your Majesty’s faithful and devoted servant and subject,

Winston S. Churchill

Dudley was punctual at the meeting of Ministers he had summoned. No record was kept. He informed the Ministers that he had been asked to form a Government and inquired whether the Ministers would serve under him in the same capacities. All said “Aye”. He then reported back to Queen’s House and was appointed Prime Minister on March 27, 1952.

Sir John, who has always been an officer and a gentleman and who has never been vindictive, issued the following statement:

“I have been associated with the late Prime Minister for over 22 years in the task on building a free nation and should be the last man to wish the freedom we have gained to be overcome by the destructive forces which threaten to overrun our land. I congratulate the new Prime Minister on his appointment. Every right-thinking man will wish him well in the task that lies ahead of him. I am steadfastly of the opinion that the United National Party is the only political party that can save the country and I call upon all my countrymen to rally round the new Prime Minister with the same measure of support they gave his father. My own support will always be available to serve the cause of democracy in my Motherland.”

The new Prime Minister, in his first broadcast talk to the nation, said:

“If there is any lesson that I have learnt from my father, it is that no task, however difficult, should be shirked if it is in the country’s interest that it should be discharged.” He added the following words, significant in the context of present day politics: “I pledge that the administration of this country will be so carried that every one amongst you, whatever the language he speaks, whatever the religion he professes, whatever the race to which he belongs, may live and move on terms of absolute equality.”

On April 4, the Prime Minister decided to dissolve Parliament and go to the country. He stated that though he had the promise of co-operation from a majority of the country, he felt it was his duty to obtain a mandate from the people at the earliest opportunity to work for the ideals for which his father had worked during his lifetime. In a talk to the nation, the Prime Minister said:

“Barely a week has passed since I accepted the invitation of His Excellency the Governor-General to form a government on the death of my revered father. The promises of co-operation which I received from my colleagues in Parliament, as well as from representatives of all sections of the community gave me strength to undertake this task. To my fellow-citizens throughout the Island, I give my heartfelt thanks for the assurance of help and co-operation which 1 have received.

“When I undertook the important responsibilities that my late father bore so well, in my message to the nation, I pledged myself to tread the path he wished us to follow.

“We know very well that my father bent all his energies to achieve the ideal of a free Lanka. Once that freedom was attained, he spent himself, in spite of his health, without any thought of his own comfort or of his personal interests, to preserve that freedom, to realize the concept of a united nation and to establish a stable government.

“The striking demonstration of national feeling shown at his death made it clear to me that my father had become a symbol, not only of the ideals I have mentioned, but of the new Lanka which he hoped to build upon these foundations; the new Lanka whose people, free from want, from sickness and ignorance, through the functioning of democratic institutions, could take their place once again in the comity of the free and happy peoples of the world.

“I have thought very deeply during the last few days of the duty I owe to the people of Lanka. Only some of the ideals for which my father worked have been achieved. In the achievement of these, I have no doubt he gave his life. I have been invited to carry on the work interrupted by his death. If I am to be finally chosen to do so, I feel that I should give the people an opportunity, at this most important moment in Lanka’s history, of expressing their own wish through the exercise of the right which belongs to every citizen of electing those who will administer the affairs of the country on their behalf.

“As you are all aware, Parliament need not be dissolved till the end of this year. Though I have the promise of co-operation from a majority of the members of Parliament as well as the good wishes of the country, I feel it my duty to obtain a mandate from the people at the earliest opportunity.

I have therefore advised His Excellency the Governor-General to dissolve Parliament and to announce a day for the nomination of candidates for election to a new Parliament.

“If it be your wish that I should act as the first servant of the people, I pledge myself to honour, to the best of my ability, just as my father did when he was entrusted with similar duties, the trust reposed in me.”

Dudley was returned at the general election. His first Cabinet meeting after the election was on June 5, 1952. There were some of his father’s Ministers, but there were new faces also. Bulankulame Dissawa was Minister of Lands, Dr M. C. M. Kaleel, Minister of Labour, Mr C. W. W. Kannangara in charge of Local Government, V. V. Nalliah in charge of Posts, and the Prime Minister’s cousin, R. G. Senanayake, was given Commerce and Trade.

My draft of the Speech from the Throne was approved with amendments and on the following day, the Cabinet met to consider the estimates for the next financial year. They came to an important decision regarding the salaries of the judges of the Supreme Court. The salary was increased to Rs 36,000 a year with a corresponding increase in the salary of the Chief Justice, and the then prevailing difference in salary between old-entrant and new-entrant judges was abolished.

Henceforth, all judges would be equal and their salaries would not depend on the date of their appointment. This was a most welcome change; but the decision was rescinded a month later, for what reasons I cannot remember. There is no salary distinction today as there are no longer any old-entrant judges.

The question now arose whether, in view of the complexity of our laws and the increasing number of appeals to the Privy Council, a Ceylonese should not be appointed to the Judicial Committee. The request had been made by the Judicial Committee itself, and the proposal was acceptable to the Ceylon Government. Mr L. M. D. de Silva, a former Judge of the Supreme Court was willing to accept the post if it was offered to him. Mr de Silva was accordingly appointed a Privy Councillor.

August 12, 1953, has been called the day of the hartal. I was asked at noon to summon an emergency meeting of the Cabinet for 1.15 pm. Disturbances had occurred in the city of Colombo and in some of the outstations. Trains had stopped running; trains had been stopped and passengers, guards and engine drivers assaulted; railway wagons had been damaged; road transport had been completely disorganized and no omnibuses were running; communications had been interfered with; public officers had been attacked in the performance of their duties; shops had been broken into and shopkeepers intimidated; there was general intimidation on a large scale; the Pettah Police Barracks had been stoned; the Manning Market had been set on fire; the Dompe Police Station had been attacked; there was complete lawlessness at Hanwella; and in one or two places the Police had been compelled to use their firearms.

Essential services had been disrupted. There was no traffic at all on the roads and I got to my office in the Fort from my house in Havelock Road (where I had come for lunch) within five minutes, carrying in my car, for the first time in my life, my loaded revolver in the door-pocket. The Inspector-General of Police who was summoned asked that the Police and the Military, who had been stretched to the maximum, be given adequate powers to preserve law and order. He did not mince matters. He asked for power to shoot.

Shoot whom? Your own people? I saw a gentlemanly pipe-smoking Prime Minister hesitate. The order was not given. Instead there was a declaration of a State of Emergency and the provisions of the Public Security Ordinance were brought into operation and the necessary regulations promulgated.

A legal flaw was now noticed. The provisions of the Public Security Ordinance could only be brought into operation when a state of public emergency in fact existed. The Cabinet thought that the law should be amended to enable the necessary Proclamation to be issued where a state of emergency was apprehended and before it had actually arisen. The Legal Draftsman was directed to examine the legislative powers that had been taken in other Commonwealth countries, particularly India, to meet any emergency and to prepare the draft legislation.

It was decided that our Ordinance should be amended on the lines of section 352 of the Constitution of India to enable a Proclamation of emergency to be issued before the actual occurrence of the emergency, if the Governor-General was satisfied that there was imminent danger thereof. The subject of Civil Defence was allocated to Sir Oliver Goonetilleke who had handled the subject expertly under Admiral Layton.

A most unusual thing happened at about this time. The Cabinet was to meet at two in the afternoon to discuss our rice stocks which were at a dangerously low level. The relevant Cabinet paper was not prepared in my office; it was not roneoed; it was typed, four copies at a time, in the Ministry of Commerce and Trade. The Minister, R. G. Senanayake, had M. F. de S. Jayaratne as his Permanent Secretary. Twelve of the Ministers had assembled at two but Jayaratne had not sent me any papers by then.

Ministers were becoming impatient. Forty-five minutes had elapsed before Jayaratne came panting into the Cabinet Lobby and put a bundle of papers in my hand saying “Here are 15 copies”. The Ministers’ impatience had turned to anger by this time. There was no time for me to check the draft. Each copy consisted of six pages of typewritten matter fastened by a clip. I counted the clips and there were 15.

I distributed 12 copies to the Ministers, one to Ranasinha (the Secretary) and kept one for myself. The one extra copy was on my table when the discussion began. The meeting which began in the afternoon ended after 3 a.m. the next day, with a short break for dinner, Dudley asked the Ministers to return their copies to the Secretary. I came back to my room far too tired to do anything except to dictate the minutes.

I again counted the clips – there were 15 – and locked the papers up in my steel cupboard. The next day’s Times of Ceylon carried the entire memorandum, including the appendices, in the middle page. Dudley had warned the Ministers to keep the matter a top secret. Soon after the Times was out, Sir Oliver asked me over the telephone how this had happened. I told him that the Ministers all returned their copies to me and that these were at that moment in my steel locker. Dudley then got on to me and said, “Percy, this is a very serious matter. I want you to check on each one of the returned copies. See me in the office in half an hour.”

As was to be expected, there were the fifteen clips, each holding six sheets of foolscap. But the Prime Minister had asked me to check on each copy and, in doing so, I came across a dud one. The clip was there, the six sheets were there but the subject matter contained in the six sheets had nothing to do with the subject matter of the memorandum. What was I to do? My brain was befuddled. I was in charge of 15 copies, and now I had 14 and the press had published the memorandum verbatim.

What could have been more easy than for me to have released the fifteenth copy to the Times and say. “I don’t know how it could have happened. I was so tired and it was such a rush, I only counted the clips and there’s a dud set of papers in one clip.” I knew that would not go down with Dudley. The country had accepted him as a gentleman. He and I were colleagues at the Bar amid friends and, if a third person was not present, we addressed each other by our Christian names.

But the most gentlemanly Prime Minister would not tolerate a crook as his Cabinet Secretary. I went to him in trepidation. “What is this about a dud set?” Dudley asked and I gave him the six sheets of paper with the clip. He read the papers line by line and came across two words altered in ink and initialled in the margin. He asked me whose initials they were and I said I did not know.

He called his Secretary Atukorale who identified the initials as being those of Jayaratne. My heart was palpitating. “Golly, old boy, you’re lucky” I thought. So this was a Ministry Paper, and Minister R. G. had most inadvertently and most carelessly given me the wrong papers and taken the right ones away! Now that I was on a safe wicket, I turned round to Dudley and, in Atukorale’s presence said something for which he might have turned me out of his office, but did not. I said, “Sir, it is a pity that you don’t

get the co-operation of your colleagues that Atu and I get from our staffs.” All he said, deep in thought and with bowed head was “Yes, I know.

A Cabinet Secretary’s life is not all beer and skittles. I had just had a lucky and a narrow shave.In October 1953, Dudley resigned his office for reasons of health and Sir John Kotelawala was appointed Prime Minister.



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An innocent bystander or a passive onlooker?

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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (C) meeting President of the European Council, Antonio Luis Santos da Costa and the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen ahead of the Exchange of MoUs between India and EU, in Hyderabad House, New Delhi, India, on 27 January, 2026.

After nearly two decades of on-and-off negotiations that began in 2007, India and the European Union formally finally concluded a comprehensive free trade agreement on 27 January 2026. This agreement, the India–European Union Free Trade Agreement (IEUFTA), was hailed by political leaders from both sides as the “mother of all deals,” because it would create a massive economic partnership and greatly increase the current bilateral trade, which was over US$ 136 billion in 2024. The agreement still requires ratification by the European Parliament, approval by EU member states, and completion of domestic approval processes in India. Therefore, it is only likely to come into force by early 2027.

An Innocent Bystander

When negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement between India and the European Union were formally launched in June 2007, anticipating far-reaching consequences of such an agreement on other developing countries, the Commonwealth Secretariat, in London, requested the Centre for Analysis of Regional Integration at the University of Sussex to undertake a study on a possible implication of such an agreement on other low-income developing countries. Thus, a group of academics, led by Professor Alan Winters, undertook a study, and it was published by the Commonwealth Secretariat in 2009 (“Innocent Bystanders—Implications of the EU-India Free Trade Agreement for Excluded Countries”). The authors of the study had considered the impact of an EU–India Free Trade Agreement for the trade of excluded countries and had underlined, “The SAARC countries are, by a long way, the most vulnerable to negative impacts from the FTA. Their exports are more similar to India’s…. Bangladesh is most exposed in the EU market, followed by Pakistan and Sri Lanka.”

Trade Preferences and Export Growth

Normally, reduction of price through preferential market access leads to export growth and trade diversification. During the last 19-year period (2015–2024), SAARC countries enjoyed varying degrees of preferences, under the EU’s Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP). But, the level of preferential access extended to India, through the GSP (general) arrangement, only provided a limited amount of duty reduction as against other SAARC countries, which were eligible for duty-free access into the EU market for most of their exports, via their LDC status or GSP+ route.

However, having preferential market access to the EU is worthless if those preferences cannot be utilised. Sri Lanka’s preference utilisation rate, which specifies the ratio of eligible to preferential imports, is significantly below the average for the EU GSP receiving countries. It was only 59% in 2023 and 69% in 2024. Comparative percentages in 2024 were, for Bangladesh, 96%; Pakistan, 95%; and India, 88%.

As illustrated in the table above, between 2015 and 2024, the EU’s imports from SAARC countries had increased twofold, from US$ 63 billion in 2015 to US$ 129 billion by 2024. Most of this growth had come from India. The imports from Pakistan and Bangladesh also increased significantly. The increase of imports from Sri Lanka, when compared to other South Asian countries, was limited. Exports from other SAARC countries—Afghanistan, Bhutan, Nepal, and the Maldives—are very small and, therefore, not included in this analysis.

Why the EU – India FTA?

With the best export performance in the region, why does India need an FTA with the EU?

Because even with very impressive overall export growth, in certain areas, India has performed very poorly in the EU market due to tariff disadvantages. In addition to that, from January 2026, the EU has withdrawn GSP benefits from most of India’s industrial exports. The FTA clearly addresses these challenges, and India will improve her competitiveness significantly once the FTA becomes operational.

Then the question is, what will be its impact on those “innocent bystanders” in South Asia and, more particularly, on Sri Lanka?

To provide a reasonable answer to this question, one has to undertake an in-depth product-by-product analysis of all major exports. Due to time and resource constraints, for the purpose of this article, I took a brief look at Sri Lanka’s two largest exports to the EU, viz., the apparels and rubber-based products.

Fortunately, Sri Lanka’s exports of rubber products will be only nominally impacted by the FTA due to the low MFN duty rate. For example, solid tyres and rubber gloves are charged very low (around 3%) MFN duty and the exports of these products from Sri Lanka and India are eligible for 0% GSP duty at present. With an equal market access, Sri Lanka has done much better than India in the EU market. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of solid tyres to the EU and during 2024 our exports were valued at US$180 million.

On the other hand, Tariffs MFN tariffs on Apparel at 12% are relatively high and play a big role in apparel sourcing. Even a small difference in landed cost can shift entire sourcing to another supplier country. Indian apparel exports to the EU faced relatively high duties (8.5% – 12%), while competitors, such as Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, are eligible for preferential access. In addition to that, Bangladesh enjoys highly favourable Rules of Origin in the EU market. The impact of these different trade rules, on the EU’s imports, is clearly visible in the trade data.

During the last 10 years (2015-2024), the EU’s apparel imports from Bangladesh nearly doubled, from US$15.1 billion, in 2015, to US$29.1 billion by 2024, and apparel imports from Pakistan more than doubled, from US$2.3 billion to US$5.5 billion. However, apparel imports from Sri Lanka increased only from US$1.3 billion in 2015 to US$2.2 billion by 2024. The impressive export growth from Pakistan and Bangladesh is mostly related to GSP preferences, while the lackluster growth of Sri Lankan exports was largely due to low preference utilisation. Nearly half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports faced a 12% tariff due to strict Rules of Origin requirements to qualify for GSP.

During the same period, the EU’s apparel imports from India only showed very modest growth, from US$ 5.3 billion, in 2015, to US$ 6.3 billion in 2024. The main reason for this was the very significant tariff disadvantage India faced in the EU market. However, once the FTA eliminates this gap, apparel imports from India are expected to grow rapidly.

According to available information, Indian industry bodies expect US$ 5-7 billion growth of textiles and apparel exports during the first three years of the FTA. This will create a significant trade diversion, resulting in a decline in exports from China and other countries that do not enjoy preferential market access. As almost half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports are not eligible for GSP, the impact on our exports will also be fierce. Even in the areas where Sri Lanka receives preferential duty-free access, the arrival of another large player will change the market dynamics greatly.

A Passive Onlooker?

Since the commencement of the negotiations on the EU–India FTA, Bangladesh and Pakistan have significantly enhanced the level of market access through proactive diplomatic interventions. As a result, they have substantially increased competitiveness and the market share within the EU. This would help them to minimize the adverse implications of the India–EU FTA on their exports. Sri Lanka’s exports to the EU market have not performed that well. The challenges in that market will intensify after 2027.

As we can clearly anticipate a significant adverse impact from the EU-India FTA, we should start to engage immediately with the European Commission on these issues without being passive onlookers. For example, the impact of the EU-India FTA should have been a main agenda item in the recently concluded joint commission meeting between the European Commission and Sri Lanka in Colombo.

Need of the Hour – Proactive Commercial Diplomacy

In the area of international trade, it is a time of turbulence. After the US Supreme Court judgement on President Trump’s “reciprocal tariffs,” the only prediction we can make about the market in the United States market is its continued unpredictability. India concluded an FTA with the UK last May and now the EU-India FTA. These are Sri Lanka’s largest markets. Now to navigate through these volatile, complex, and rapidly changing markets, we need to move away from reactive crisis management mode to anticipatory action. Hence, proactive commercial diplomacy is the need of the hour.

(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

By Gomi Senadhira

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Educational reforms: A perspective

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Dr. B.J.C. Perera (Dr. BJCP) in his article ‘The Education cross roads: Liberating Sri Lankan classroom and moving ahead’ asks the critical question that should be the bedrock of any attempt at education reform – ‘Do we truly and clearly understand how a human being learns? (The Island, 16.02.2026)

Dr. BJCP describes the foundation of a cognitive architecture taking place with over a million neural connections occurring in a second. This in fact is the result of language learning and not the process. How do we ‘actually’ learn and communicate with one another? Is a question that was originally asked by Galileo Galilei (1564 -1642) to which scientists have still not found a definitive answer. Naom Chomsky (1928-) one of the foremost intellectuals of our time, known as the father of modern linguistics; when once asked in an interview, if there was any ‘burning question’ in his life that he would have liked to find an answer for; commented that this was one of the questions to which he would have liked to find the answer. Apart from knowing that this communication takes place through language, little else is known about the subject. In this process of learning we learn in our mother tongue and it is estimated that almost 80% of our learning is completed by the time we are 5 years old. It is critical to grasp that this is the actual process of learning and not ‘knowledge’ which tends to get confused as ‘learning’. i.e. what have you learnt?

The term mother tongue is used here as many of us later on in life do learn other languages. However, there is a fundamental difference between these languages and one’s mother tongue; in that one learns the mother tongue- and how that happens is the ‘burning question’ as opposed to a second language which is taught. The fact that the mother tongue is also formally taught later on, does not distract from this thesis.

Almost all of us take the learning of a mother tongue for granted, as much as one would take standing and walking for granted. However, learning the mother tongue is a much more complex process. Every infant learns to stand and walk the same way, but every infant depending on where they are born (and brought up) will learn a different mother tongue. The words that are learnt are concepts that would be influenced by the prevalent culture, religion, beliefs, etc. in that environment of the child. Take for example the term father. In our culture (Sinhala/Buddhist) the father is an entity that belongs to himself as well as to us -the rest of the family. We refer to him as ape thaththa. In the English speaking (Judaeo-Christian) culture he is ‘my father’. ‘Our father’ is a very different concept. ‘Our father who art in heaven….

All over the world education is done in one’s mother tongue. The only exception to this, as far as I know, are the countries that have been colonised by the British. There is a vast amount of research that re-validates education /learning in the mother tongue. And more to the point, when it comes to the comparability of learning in one’s own mother tongue as opposed to learning in English, English fails miserably.

Education /learning is best done in one’s mother tongue.

This is a fact. not an opinion. Elegantly stated in the words of Prof. Tove Skutnabb-Kangas-“Mother tongue medium education is controversial, but ‘only’ politically. Research evidence about it is not controversial.”

The tragedy is that we are discussing this fundamental principle that is taken for granted in the rest of the world. It would not be not even considered worthy of a school debate in any other country. The irony of course is, that it is being done in English!

At school we learnt all of our subjects in Sinhala (or Tamil) right up to University entrance. Across the three streams of Maths, Bio and Commerce, be it applied or pure mathematics, physics, chemistry, zoology, botany economics, business, etc. Everything from the simplest to the most complicated concept was learnt in our mother tongue. An uninterrupted process of learning that started from infancy.

All of this changed at university. We had to learn something new that had a greater depth and width than anything we had encountered before in a language -except for a very select minority – we were not at all familiar with. There were students in my university intake that had put aside reading and writing, not even spoken English outside a classroom context. This I have been reliably informed is the prevalent situation in most of the SAARC countries.

The SAARC nations that comprise eight countries (Sri Lanka, Maldives, India, Pakistan Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan) have 21% of the world population confined to just 3% of the earth’s land mass making it probably one of the most densely populated areas in the world. One would assume that this degree of ‘clinical density’ would lead to a plethora of research publications. However, the reality is that for 25 years from 1996 to 2021 the contribution by the SAARC nations to peer reviewed research in the field of Orthopaedics and Sports medicine- my profession – was only 1.45%! Regardless of each country having different mother tongues and vastly differing socio-economic structures, the common denominator to all these countries is that medical education in each country is done in a foreign language (English).

The impact of not learning in one’s mother tongue can be illustrated at a global level. This can be easily seen when observing the research output of different countries. For example, if one looks at orthopaedics and sports medicine (once again my given profession for simplicity); Table 1. shows the cumulative research that has been published in peer review journals. Despite now having the highest population in the world, India comes in at number 16! It has been outranked by countries that have a population less than one of their states. Pundits might argue giving various reasons for this phenomenon. But the inconvertible fact remains that all other countries, other than India, learn medicine in their mother tongue.

(See Table 1) Mother tongue, medium of education in country rank order according to the volume of publications of orthopaedics and sports medicine in peer reviewed journals 1996 to 2024. Source: Scimago SCImago journal (https://www.scimagojr.com/) has collated peer review journal publications of the world. The publications are categorized into 27 categories. According to the available data from 1996 to 2024, China is ranked the second across all categories with India at the 6th position. China is first in chemical engineering, chemistry, computer science, decision sciences, energy, engineering, environmental science, material sciences, mathematics, physics and astronomy. There is no subject category that India is the first in the world. China ranks higher than India in all categories except dentistry.

The reason for this difference is obvious when one looks at how learning is done in China and India.

The Chinese learn in their mother tongue. From primary to undergraduate and postgraduate levels, it is all done in Chinese. Therefore, they have an enormous capacity to understand their subject matter just not itself, but also as to how it relates to all other subjects/ themes that surround it. It is a continuous process of learning that evolves from infancy onwards, that seamlessly passes through, primary, secondary, undergraduate and post graduate education, research, innovation, application etc. Their social language is their official language. The language they use at home is the language they use at their workplaces, clubs, research facilities and so on.

In India higher education/learning is done in a foreign language. Each state of India has its own mother tongue. Be it Hindi, Tamil, Urdu, Telagu, etc. Infancy, childhood and school education to varying degrees is carried out in each state according to their mother tongue. Then, when it comes to university education and especially the ‘science subjects’ it takes place in a foreign tongue- (English). English remains only as their ‘research’ language. All other social interactions are done in their mother tongue.

India and China have been used as examples to illustrate the point between learning in the mother tongue and a foreign tongue, as they are in population terms comparable countries. The unpalatable truth is that – though individuals might have a different grasp of English- as countries, the ability of SAARC countries to learn and understand a subject in a foreign language is inferior to the rest of the world that is learning the same subject in its mother tongue. Imagine the disadvantage we face at a global level, when our entire learning process across almost all disciplines has been in a foreign tongue with comparison to the rest of the world that has learnt all these disciplines in their mother tongue. And one by-product of this is the subsequent research, innovation that flows from this learning will also be inferior to the rest of the world.

All this only confirms what we already know. Learning is best done in one’s mother tongue! .

What needs to be realised is that there is a critical difference between ‘learning English’ and ‘learning in English’. The primary-or some may argue secondary- purpose of a university education is to learn a particular discipline, be it medicine, engineering, etc. The students- have been learning everything up to that point in Sinhala or Tamil. Learning their discipline in their mother tongue will be the easiest thing for them. The solution to this is to teach in Sinhala or Tamil, so it can be learnt in the most efficient manner. Not to lament that the university entrant’s English is poor and therefore we need to start teaching English earlier on.

We are surviving because at least up to the university level we are learning in the best possible way i.e. in our mother tongue. Can our methods be changed to be more efficient? definitely. If, however, one thinks that the answer to this efficient change in the learning process is to substitute English for the mother tongue, it will defeat the very purpose it is trying to overcome. According to Dr. BJCP as he states in his article; the current reforms of 2026 for the learning process for the primary years, centre on the ‘ABCDE’ framework: Attendance, Belongingness, Cleanliness, Discipline and English. Very briefly, as can be seen from the above discussion, if this is the framework that is to be instituted, we should modify it to ABCDEF by adding a F for Failure, for completeness!

(See Figure 1) The components and evolution of learning: Data, information, knowledge, insight, wisdom, foresight As can be seen from figure 1. data and information remain as discrete points. They do not have interconnections between them. It is these subsequent interconnections that constitute learning. And these happen best through the mother tongue. Once again, this is a fact. Not an opinion. We -all countries- need to learn a second language (foreign tongue) in order to gather information and data from the rest of the world. However, once this data/ information is gathered, the learning needs to happen in our own mother tongue.

Without a doubt English is the most universally spoken language. It is estimated that almost a quarter of the world speaks English as its mother tongue or as a second language. I am not advocating to stop teaching English. Please, teach English as a second language to give a window to the rest of the world. Just do not use it as the mode of learning. Learn English but do not learn in English. All that we will be achieving by learning in English, is to create a nation of professionals that neither know English well nor their subject matter well.

If we are to have any worthwhile educational reforms this should be the starting pivotal point. An education that takes place in one’s mother tongue. Not instituting this and discussing theories of education and learning and proposing reforms, is akin to ‘rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic’. Sadly, this is not some stupendous, revolutionary insight into education /learning. It is what the rest of the world has been doing and what we did till we came under British rule.

Those who were with me in the medical faculty may remember that I asked this question then: Why can’t we be taught in Sinhala? Today, with AI, this should be much easier than what it was 40 years ago.

The editorial of this newspaper has many a time criticised the present government for its lackadaisical attitude towards bringing in the promised ‘system change’. Do this––make mother tongue the medium of education /learning––and the entire system will change.

by Dr. Sumedha S. Amarasekara

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Ukraine crisis continuing to highlight worsening ‘Global Disorder’

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The human costs of war: Ukrainians displaced by war. (BBC)

The world has unhappily arrived at the 4th anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and as could be seen a resolution to the long-bleeding war is nowhere in sight. In fact the crisis has taken a turn for the worse with the Russian political leadership refusing to see the uselessness of its suicidal invasion and the principal power groupings of the West even more tenaciously standing opposed to the invasion.

One fatal consequence of the foregoing trends is relentlessly increasing ‘Global Disorder’ and the heightening possibility of a regional war of the kind that broke out in Europe in the late thirties at the height of Nazi dictator Adolph Hitler’s reckless territorial expansions. Needless to say, that regional war led to the Second World War. As a result, sections of world opinion could not be faulted for believing that another World War is very much at hand unless peace making comes to the fore.

Interestingly, the outbreak of the Second World War coincided with the collapsing of the League of Nations, which was seen as ineffective in the task of fostering and maintaining world law and order and peace. Needless to say, the ‘League’ was supplanted by the UN and the question on the lips of the informed is whether the fate of the ‘League’ would also befall the UN in view of its perceived inability to command any authority worldwide, particularly in the wake of the Ukraine blood-letting.

The latter poser ought to remind the world that its future is gravely at risk, provided there is a consensus among the powers that matter to end the Ukraine crisis by peaceful means. The question also ought to remind the world of the urgency of restoring to the UN system its authority and effectiveness. The spectre of another World War could not be completely warded off unless this challenge is faced and resolved by the world community consensually and peacefully.

It defies comprehension as to why the Russian political leadership insists on prolonging the invasion, particularly considering the prohibitive human costs it is incurring for Russia. There is no sign of Ukraine caving-in to Russian pressure on the battle field and allowing Russia to have its own way and one wonders whether Ukraine is going the way of Afghanistan for Russia. If so the invasion is an abject failure.

The Russian political leadership would do well to go for a negotiated settlement and thereby ensure peace for the Russian people, Ukraine and the rest of Europe. By drawing on the services of the UN for this purpose, Russian political leaders would be restoring to the UN its dignity and rightful position in the affairs of the world.

Russia, meanwhile, would also do well not to depend too much on the Trump administration to find a negotiated end to the crisis. This is in view of the proved unreliability of the Trump government and the noted tendency of President Trump to change his mind on questions of the first importance far too frequently. Against this backdrop the UN would prove the more reliable partner to work with.

While there is no sign of Russia backing down, there are clearly no indications that going forward Russia’s invasion would render its final aims easily attainable either. Both NATO and the EU, for example, are making it amply clear that they would be staunchly standing by Ukraine. That is, Ukraine would be consistently armed and provided for in every relevant respect by these Western formations. Given these organizations’ continuing power it is difficult to see Ukraine being abandoned in the foreseeable future.

Accordingly, the Ukraine war would continue to painfully grind on piling misery on the Ukraine and Russian people. There is clearly nothing in this war worth speaking of for the two peoples concerned and it will be an action of the profoundest humanity for the Russian political leadership to engage in peace talks with its adversaries.

It will be in order for all countries to back a peaceful solution to the Ukraine nightmare considering that a continued commitment to the UN Charter would be in their best interests. On the question of sovereignty alone Ukraine’s rights have been grossly violated by Russia and it is obligatory on the part of every state that cherishes its sovereignty to back Ukraine to the hilt.

Barring a few, most states of the West could be expected to be supportive of Ukraine but the global South presents some complexities which get in the way of it standing by the side of Ukraine without reservations. One factor is economic dependence on Russia and in these instances countries’ national interests could outweigh other considerations on the issue of deciding between Ukraine and Russia. Needless to say, there is no easy way out of such dilemmas.

However, democracies of the South would have no choice but to place principle above self interest and throw in their lot with Ukraine if they are not to escape the charge of duplicity, double talk and double think. The rest of the South, and we have numerous political identities among them, would do well to come together, consult closely and consider as to how they could collectively work towards a peaceful and fair solution in Ukraine.

More broadly, crises such as that in Ukraine, need to be seen by the international community as a challenge to its humanity, since the essential identity of the human being as a peacemaker is being put to the test in these prolonged and dehumanizing wars. Accordingly, what is at stake basically is humankind’s fundamental identity or the continuation of civilization. Put simply, the choice is between humanity and barbarity.

The ‘Swing States’ of the South, such as India, Indonesia, South Africa and to a lesser extent Brazil, are obliged to put their ‘ best foot forward’ in these undertakings of a potentially historic nature. While the humanistic character of their mission needs to be highlighted most, the economic and material costs of these wasting wars, which are felt far and wide, need to be constantly focused on as well.

It is a time to protect humanity and the essential principles of democracy. It is when confronted by the magnitude and scale of these tasks that the vital importance of the UN could come to be appreciated by human kind. This is primarily on account of the multi-dimensional operations of the UN. The latter would prove an ideal companion of the South if and when it plays the role of a true peace maker.

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