Features
Succession to DS, the Hartal and Dudley’s resignation
(Excerpted from Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)
When D.S. fell off his horse on Galle Face, Lord Soulbury, Governor-General, was in England and Alan Rose, Chief Justice, was acting. He had all the powers of the Governor-General, but did not take the responsibility of appointing the new Prime Minister. Instead, the following communique was issued by the Governor-General’s office:
“His Excellency the Officer Administering the Government invited the Ministers to meet him this morning at Queen’s House. His Excellency informed the Ministers that a few days before Lord Soulbury’s departure from the Island he had discussed with His Excellency what should be done in the event of the office of Prime Minister falling vacant during Lord Soulbury’s absence.
“His Excellency stated that Lord Soulbury, had then expressed an intention of returning to Ceylon immediately in this eventuality.
“In view of this, His Excellency spoke last night on the telephone to Lord Soulbury who informed him that he would be arriving in the Island on Wednesday.
“Having regard to this, His Excellency stated that, in his opinion, it would be more appropriate to await Lord Soulbury’s arrival before a decision is made us to who should be invited to form an administration.”
Soulbury had a difficult task. It was his duty to ensure the continuance of a stable Government. Between the Premier’s death and the Governor-General’s arrival in the Island, there was considerable political and personal maneuvering, and Rose’s house in Bullers Road had a stream of callers all offering gratuitous advice as to who should be sent for. One person went as far as to send Rose some hot hoppers for breakfast.
Rose kept a diary of the events, the callers, the times they called, and the suggestions they made – a document which ought to make very interesting reading if it is ever published. The Times of Ceylon commented:
“There is at present very clear indication of the successor. The country expects the uncorrupted continuance of the peace and prosperity which the late Premier insured in the nation’s life. His principles of democratic fair play and progress are the nation’s watchword, and the new Prime Minister must be one who can foster those objectives.”
It is clear, reading between the lines, that Sir John Kotelawala was not too popular and was unacceptable. There was no reason to assume that he could not form a stable Government. But 19 members of the Government Parliamentary Party informed Dudley that in the event of his being called upon to form a government they would give their wholehearted support and co-operation. They also intimated their solemn determination not to support an administration formed by anyone else. The Tamil Congress informed the Governor-General that Sir John was not acceptable to their party and would support a government formed by Dudley.
The Governor-General, on his arrival, sent for Dudley and invited him to form a Government. He asked me to summon the Ministers to meet him in the Cabinet Room. It was not a Cabinet meeting as he (Dudley) had not accepted office. At this meeting all the Ministers were present except Sir John. Here, I must debunk a story which has been published in “The Premier Stakes, or Up the Garden Path”, which some persons thought was written by Sir John, but the authorship of which he has publicly denied.
In this book, it is stated “Even the Secretary to the Cabinet was against me and did not summon me to the meeting.” I have never refused or neglected to summon a Minister to a meeting. I cannot imagine any Secretary wilfully omitting to do so. I got all the Ministers on the telephone, but could not get Sir John. Seven Ministers were in my room while I was telephoning, with Minister Sittampalam seated right in front of me at my table. He saw and heard me telephoning.
I tried Sir John’s office, Kandawala, the Orient Club, the Sinhalese Sports Club, Sravasti, the M.Ps’ Hostel, his mother’s house and finally got his brother Justin to whom I gave the message. He was not to be found at any of these places. It was one minute to 2 p.m., the time fixed for the meeting and I gave it up. Immediately after the meeting, which lasted only a few minutes, Sittampalam phoned me from his own office and said, “Peiris, you said you couldn’t get Sir John: he’s in his office.” I merely asked him what the insinuation was. “You saw me telephoning all those members”, I said, and there was no further comment from him. There were a lot of undercurrents working at the time.
Now the gossips and the rumour-mongers started whispering. It was said that D.S. had advised Soulbury to send for Dudley in the event of his death. A more fantastic story, attacking the honour and memory of a dead man, is difficult to imagine. It is within my personal knowledge that D.S. never gave the Governor-General the advice attributed to him. I also know who concocted the story for reasons best known to them. I use the plural because there were two.
In view of the highly controversial nature of the whole transaction, I beg the reader’s pardon if, after tickling his curiosity in this mysterious way, I say “Thus far and no further. My lips must continue to remain under seal.” D.S. might have been ignorant of Constitutional Law, but he was no ignoramus. He knew that, in the matter of the succession to the Premiership, he could not exercise a right similar to that exercised in Buddhist Ecclesiastical Law under the rule of Sisyanu Sisya Paramparawa. The Constitutional position is set out by Winston Churchill in his War Memoirs:
“It is not customary for a Prime Minister to advice the Sovereign officially upon his successor unless he is asked to do so. As it was war time, I sent the King, in response to a request he had made to me in conversation at our last weekly interview, the following letter [He was going to cross the submarine-infested Atlantic for discussions with President Roosevelt].
10 Downing Street
Whitehall
June 16, 1942
Sir,
In case of my death on this journey I undertake, I avail myself of Your Majesty’s gracious permission to advise that you should entrust the formation of a new government to Mr Anthony Eden, the Secretary of State for Foreign affairs, who is in my mind the outstanding Minister in the largest political party in the House of Commons and in the National Government over which I have the honour to preside, and who I am sure will be found capable of conducting Your Majesty’s affairs with the resolution, experience and capacity which these grievous times require.
I have the honour to remain,
Your Majesty’s faithful and devoted servant and subject,
Winston S. Churchill
Dudley was punctual at the meeting of Ministers he had summoned. No record was kept. He informed the Ministers that he had been asked to form a Government and inquired whether the Ministers would serve under him in the same capacities. All said “Aye”. He then reported back to Queen’s House and was appointed Prime Minister on March 27, 1952.
Sir John, who has always been an officer and a gentleman and who has never been vindictive, issued the following statement:
“I have been associated with the late Prime Minister for over 22 years in the task on building a free nation and should be the last man to wish the freedom we have gained to be overcome by the destructive forces which threaten to overrun our land. I congratulate the new Prime Minister on his appointment. Every right-thinking man will wish him well in the task that lies ahead of him. I am steadfastly of the opinion that the United National Party is the only political party that can save the country and I call upon all my countrymen to rally round the new Prime Minister with the same measure of support they gave his father. My own support will always be available to serve the cause of democracy in my Motherland.”
The new Prime Minister, in his first broadcast talk to the nation, said:
“If there is any lesson that I have learnt from my father, it is that no task, however difficult, should be shirked if it is in the country’s interest that it should be discharged.” He added the following words, significant in the context of present day politics: “I pledge that the administration of this country will be so carried that every one amongst you, whatever the language he speaks, whatever the religion he professes, whatever the race to which he belongs, may live and move on terms of absolute equality.”
On April 4, the Prime Minister decided to dissolve Parliament and go to the country. He stated that though he had the promise of co-operation from a majority of the country, he felt it was his duty to obtain a mandate from the people at the earliest opportunity to work for the ideals for which his father had worked during his lifetime. In a talk to the nation, the Prime Minister said:
“Barely a week has passed since I accepted the invitation of His Excellency the Governor-General to form a government on the death of my revered father. The promises of co-operation which I received from my colleagues in Parliament, as well as from representatives of all sections of the community gave me strength to undertake this task. To my fellow-citizens throughout the Island, I give my heartfelt thanks for the assurance of help and co-operation which 1 have received.
“When I undertook the important responsibilities that my late father bore so well, in my message to the nation, I pledged myself to tread the path he wished us to follow.
“We know very well that my father bent all his energies to achieve the ideal of a free Lanka. Once that freedom was attained, he spent himself, in spite of his health, without any thought of his own comfort or of his personal interests, to preserve that freedom, to realize the concept of a united nation and to establish a stable government.
“The striking demonstration of national feeling shown at his death made it clear to me that my father had become a symbol, not only of the ideals I have mentioned, but of the new Lanka which he hoped to build upon these foundations; the new Lanka whose people, free from want, from sickness and ignorance, through the functioning of democratic institutions, could take their place once again in the comity of the free and happy peoples of the world.
“I have thought very deeply during the last few days of the duty I owe to the people of Lanka. Only some of the ideals for which my father worked have been achieved. In the achievement of these, I have no doubt he gave his life. I have been invited to carry on the work interrupted by his death. If I am to be finally chosen to do so, I feel that I should give the people an opportunity, at this most important moment in Lanka’s history, of expressing their own wish through the exercise of the right which belongs to every citizen of electing those who will administer the affairs of the country on their behalf.
“As you are all aware, Parliament need not be dissolved till the end of this year. Though I have the promise of co-operation from a majority of the members of Parliament as well as the good wishes of the country, I feel it my duty to obtain a mandate from the people at the earliest opportunity.
I have therefore advised His Excellency the Governor-General to dissolve Parliament and to announce a day for the nomination of candidates for election to a new Parliament.
“If it be your wish that I should act as the first servant of the people, I pledge myself to honour, to the best of my ability, just as my father did when he was entrusted with similar duties, the trust reposed in me.”
Dudley was returned at the general election. His first Cabinet meeting after the election was on June 5, 1952. There were some of his father’s Ministers, but there were new faces also. Bulankulame Dissawa was Minister of Lands, Dr M. C. M. Kaleel, Minister of Labour, Mr C. W. W. Kannangara in charge of Local Government, V. V. Nalliah in charge of Posts, and the Prime Minister’s cousin, R. G. Senanayake, was given Commerce and Trade.
My draft of the Speech from the Throne was approved with amendments and on the following day, the Cabinet met to consider the estimates for the next financial year. They came to an important decision regarding the salaries of the judges of the Supreme Court. The salary was increased to Rs 36,000 a year with a corresponding increase in the salary of the Chief Justice, and the then prevailing difference in salary between old-entrant and new-entrant judges was abolished.
Henceforth, all judges would be equal and their salaries would not depend on the date of their appointment. This was a most welcome change; but the decision was rescinded a month later, for what reasons I cannot remember. There is no salary distinction today as there are no longer any old-entrant judges.
The question now arose whether, in view of the complexity of our laws and the increasing number of appeals to the Privy Council, a Ceylonese should not be appointed to the Judicial Committee. The request had been made by the Judicial Committee itself, and the proposal was acceptable to the Ceylon Government. Mr L. M. D. de Silva, a former Judge of the Supreme Court was willing to accept the post if it was offered to him. Mr de Silva was accordingly appointed a Privy Councillor.
August 12, 1953, has been called the day of the hartal. I was asked at noon to summon an emergency meeting of the Cabinet for 1.15 pm. Disturbances had occurred in the city of Colombo and in some of the outstations. Trains had stopped running; trains had been stopped and passengers, guards and engine drivers assaulted; railway wagons had been damaged; road transport had been completely disorganized and no omnibuses were running; communications had been interfered with; public officers had been attacked in the performance of their duties; shops had been broken into and shopkeepers intimidated; there was general intimidation on a large scale; the Pettah Police Barracks had been stoned; the Manning Market had been set on fire; the Dompe Police Station had been attacked; there was complete lawlessness at Hanwella; and in one or two places the Police had been compelled to use their firearms.
Essential services had been disrupted. There was no traffic at all on the roads and I got to my office in the Fort from my house in Havelock Road (where I had come for lunch) within five minutes, carrying in my car, for the first time in my life, my loaded revolver in the door-pocket. The Inspector-General of Police who was summoned asked that the Police and the Military, who had been stretched to the maximum, be given adequate powers to preserve law and order. He did not mince matters. He asked for power to shoot.
Shoot whom? Your own people? I saw a gentlemanly pipe-smoking Prime Minister hesitate. The order was not given. Instead there was a declaration of a State of Emergency and the provisions of the Public Security Ordinance were brought into operation and the necessary regulations promulgated.
A legal flaw was now noticed. The provisions of the Public Security Ordinance could only be brought into operation when a state of public emergency in fact existed. The Cabinet thought that the law should be amended to enable the necessary Proclamation to be issued where a state of emergency was apprehended and before it had actually arisen. The Legal Draftsman was directed to examine the legislative powers that had been taken in other Commonwealth countries, particularly India, to meet any emergency and to prepare the draft legislation.
It was decided that our Ordinance should be amended on the lines of section 352 of the Constitution of India to enable a Proclamation of emergency to be issued before the actual occurrence of the emergency, if the Governor-General was satisfied that there was imminent danger thereof. The subject of Civil Defence was allocated to Sir Oliver Goonetilleke who had handled the subject expertly under Admiral Layton.
A most unusual thing happened at about this time. The Cabinet was to meet at two in the afternoon to discuss our rice stocks which were at a dangerously low level. The relevant Cabinet paper was not prepared in my office; it was not roneoed; it was typed, four copies at a time, in the Ministry of Commerce and Trade. The Minister, R. G. Senanayake, had M. F. de S. Jayaratne as his Permanent Secretary. Twelve of the Ministers had assembled at two but Jayaratne had not sent me any papers by then.
Ministers were becoming impatient. Forty-five minutes had elapsed before Jayaratne came panting into the Cabinet Lobby and put a bundle of papers in my hand saying “Here are 15 copies”. The Ministers’ impatience had turned to anger by this time. There was no time for me to check the draft. Each copy consisted of six pages of typewritten matter fastened by a clip. I counted the clips and there were 15.
I distributed 12 copies to the Ministers, one to Ranasinha (the Secretary) and kept one for myself. The one extra copy was on my table when the discussion began. The meeting which began in the afternoon ended after 3 a.m. the next day, with a short break for dinner, Dudley asked the Ministers to return their copies to the Secretary. I came back to my room far too tired to do anything except to dictate the minutes.
I again counted the clips – there were 15 – and locked the papers up in my steel cupboard. The next day’s Times of Ceylon carried the entire memorandum, including the appendices, in the middle page. Dudley had warned the Ministers to keep the matter a top secret. Soon after the Times was out, Sir Oliver asked me over the telephone how this had happened. I told him that the Ministers all returned their copies to me and that these were at that moment in my steel locker. Dudley then got on to me and said, “Percy, this is a very serious matter. I want you to check on each one of the returned copies. See me in the office in half an hour.”
As was to be expected, there were the fifteen clips, each holding six sheets of foolscap. But the Prime Minister had asked me to check on each copy and, in doing so, I came across a dud one. The clip was there, the six sheets were there but the subject matter contained in the six sheets had nothing to do with the subject matter of the memorandum. What was I to do? My brain was befuddled. I was in charge of 15 copies, and now I had 14 and the press had published the memorandum verbatim.
What could have been more easy than for me to have released the fifteenth copy to the Times and say. “I don’t know how it could have happened. I was so tired and it was such a rush, I only counted the clips and there’s a dud set of papers in one clip.” I knew that would not go down with Dudley. The country had accepted him as a gentleman. He and I were colleagues at the Bar amid friends and, if a third person was not present, we addressed each other by our Christian names.
But the most gentlemanly Prime Minister would not tolerate a crook as his Cabinet Secretary. I went to him in trepidation. “What is this about a dud set?” Dudley asked and I gave him the six sheets of paper with the clip. He read the papers line by line and came across two words altered in ink and initialled in the margin. He asked me whose initials they were and I said I did not know.
He called his Secretary Atukorale who identified the initials as being those of Jayaratne. My heart was palpitating. “Golly, old boy, you’re lucky” I thought. So this was a Ministry Paper, and Minister R. G. had most inadvertently and most carelessly given me the wrong papers and taken the right ones away! Now that I was on a safe wicket, I turned round to Dudley and, in Atukorale’s presence said something for which he might have turned me out of his office, but did not. I said, “Sir, it is a pity that you don’t
get the co-operation of your colleagues that Atu and I get from our staffs.” All he said, deep in thought and with bowed head was “Yes, I know.
A Cabinet Secretary’s life is not all beer and skittles. I had just had a lucky and a narrow shave.In October 1953, Dudley resigned his office for reasons of health and Sir John Kotelawala was appointed Prime Minister.
Features
The significance of “Control” in foreign relations
Foreign Relations are all about “Control” particularly in the context of Relations between Major Powers such as the USA, China and India and small sovereign States such as Sri Lanka. While in the case of such relations, benefits to both parties are inevitable, the need to do so is invariably driven by the national interests of the Major Powers because their interests far outweigh those of small States. This mismatch of interests is what calls for “Control” of relations by Major Powers
The advice to Sri Lanka by Foreign Relations experts thus far has been to balance challenges arising from such Relations, not realising that the compulsions driven by the interests of Major Powers are such that balancing by itself does not have the needed capabilities to overcome the consequences arising from Major Power Rivalries; a fact evidenced by the recent Middle East war.
For instance, the need for the USA to strengthen the capabilities of the Sri Lankan Navy is driven by the strategic location of Sri Lanka since it is the gateway to the Indo-Pacific. Notwithstanding such motivations, it cannot be denied that the infrastructure provided to Sri Lanka’s Navy was handy to meet internal challenges as it was during the final stages of the Armed Conflict to destroy arsenals of the LTTE out at sea and the capacity to meet both external and internal threats to and within Sri Lanka.
Similarly, one of China’s primary interests is its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end, China has established a solid foot print in Sri Lanka by building and owning solid infrastructure projects for 99 years and more, if it is in China’s interest. However, although benefits from such projects cannot be denied, the open question is whether their scale was established to suit China’s interests or sought by Sri Lanka to suit Sri Lanka’s interests. For instance, the offer to build a 200,000 barrels a day Refinery by Sinopec of China has more to do with serving China’s interests, in view of the decision by the Sri Lankan Government to expand the Refinery at Sapugaskanda to 100,000 barrels a day.
In the case of India, the issues are more complex arising from Sri Lanka’s proximity to India, the cultural and historical heritage shared by both and the presence of the Tamil community in both countries. Consequently, India is extremely conscious of the need to keep a sharp eye and “Control” developments taking place in Sri Lanka in respect of Sri Lanka’s relations with Major Powers. This concern is driven by the notion that the territorial security of India is dependent on Sri Lanka’s Relations with Major Powers; a concern that arises from India’s past territorial history where the territory of India was transformed from a motley group of Princely States into one unified sub-continent and then partitioned into two Nation States under the British Raj. Consequently, the present territory of India has been in existence only since its independence from Colonial Rule in 1947. Hence, the fear of history repeating itself is driven by internal compulsions and by external interventions.
US – SRI LANKA RELATIONS
Against the background of Geopolitical interests presented above, Sri Lanka adopted the Policy of Neutrality in 2019 and this Government continues to exercise and live by its Internationally recognised principles, as it did when Sri Lanka denied landing rights to US Aircraft during the Middle East conflict. Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister stated that Sri Lanka was “always neutral” when he met the US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs to convey Sri Lanka’s appreciation for the assistance rendered to procure fuel during the Middle East crisis and for the maritime vessels and aircraft gifted to Sri Lanka (Daily News, June 23, 2026).
In the meantime, The Island has reported that the “US declares SLN its Indo-Pacific Partner” (June 25, 2026). A statement issued by the US Embassy in Colombo quotes the Assistant Secretary of State as having stated: “Today, we announced the delivery of US satellite communication technology to the Sri Lankan Navy, our Indo-Pacific partner: This secure, real-time connection—representing a transformational upgrade for the Sri Lankan Navy-– will be available aboard their entire fleet of offshore patrol vessels…” (Ibid).
There is no doubt whatsoever that these assets would collectively boost the capabilities of the SL Navy to “strengthen maritime domain awareness, improve operational coordination, support emergency response, help interdict vessels engaged in illicit trafficking etc.” (Ibid). However, the unilateral declaration by US that the SL Navy is a “Indo-Pacific Partner” of the US has NO validity unless such a declaration has the approval of the SL Government. Furthermore, such an approval by the SL Government would compromise its Policy of Neutrality to which the country has pledged.
Therefore, the declaration should be accompanied with a caveat, that being, that the partnership should NOT extend to the entirety of the Indo-Pacific but be limited to Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEC). It is only then that the SL Government is Internationally entitled to exercise its rights as a Neutral State, namely, to protect its territory under the UN Law of the Sea. Furthermore, considering the extent of Sri Lanka’s EEC in relation to the extent of the Indian Ocean, the Partnership would be proportionate.
CHINA – SRI LANKA RELATIONS
China’s interest is to consolidate its interests in its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end it has attempted to exercise “Control” over Sri Lanka by offering infrastructure projects of a scale that benefits China rather than Sri Lanka as evidenced by the example of the offer by Sinopec Refinery cited above. This example demonstrate that Sri Lanka should be faulted for accepting projects offered without question and when questioned, based on local evaluations of scale to meet Sri Lankan needs as in the case of the existing Refinery at Sapugaskanda, the scale of projects become significantly less. The lesson to be learnt from this experience is that no project offered should be accepted without question in respect of its suitability to Sri Lanka in all respects, if Sri Lanka is not to become a victim of self-inflicted debt traps.
INDIA –SRI LANKA RELATIONS
How India “Controls” Sri Lanka is by making Sri Lanka politically and economically vulnerable and dependent on India, not only through physical connectivity, but also by being a handmaiden in internal political arrangements where power is devolved to Provinces that are a threat to Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity (13th Amendment) and also by focusing development that benefit the Tamil community in Sri Lanka. The end result is to keep relations between communities in Sri Lanka on the “boil”, much against the interests of Sri Lanka to function as a united Nation State.
The proposal to connect Sri Lanka with India with under-water pipelines to transfer petroleum products from the Middle East and Power Grids would make Sri Lanka vulnerable and dependent on India as Germany was with Natural Gas from Russia when Nord-Stream I and II were sabotaged. Similarly, the road access through a Land Bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka would legalize access between the two countries that today takes place illegally because of the disparity in wages and livelihoods.
Despite such possible outcomes, there is a concerted effort by individuals and a body of NGOs who are of the opinion that it is in the best interests of Sri Lanka for Sri Lanka to hitch its wagons to the rising star of India. Others are grateful to India as the first responder to Sri Lanka at times of need, mindless of the weekly destruction of Sri Lanka’s marine resources etc. caused by thousands of fishing boats from India resorting to illegal fishing practices whose value over the years are beyond assessment.
CONCLUSIION
The reason for the recent conflict in the Middle East is all about “Control” of Nation States by Major Powers in pursuit of their Geopolitical interests. The need to “Control” Sri Lanka by the US is because of Sri Lanka’s location to the Indo-Pacific and by China because Sri Lanka is a vital link to its Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, Relations with India are influenced and guided by India’s obsession with the sustainability of its territorial integrity because that is what makes India a Major Power. The survival of Sri Lanka in such a complex background depends on how astutely Sri Lanka protects its Policy of Neutrality.
By Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
“Sir”: A prefix or a suffix in Sri Lanka?
The word “Sir” is classically and linguistically associated with Great Britain and His Majesty’s English Language. As an esteemed prefix, it generally refers to a Knight, but very strictly speaking, that is perhaps a rather narrow and restricted synonym. While a Knight of the British Empire is the most common type of knight people encounter today, Great Britain actually has several different orders of knighthood, as well as an ancient rank that does not belong to any such order at all.
When someone is dubbed a knight in Britain and referred to as “Sir” X, Y or Z, they generally fall into one of three categories. The first is a Knight Bachelor, undoubtedly the oldest rank. This is the most common form of knighthood awarded for public service, arts, or science. In that context, one should think of Sir Elton John, Sir Paul McCartney, or Sir Ian McKellen. It is not a part of an explicit “Order”, like that of the British Empire. It is the oldest mechanical form of knighthood, dating back to the 13th century under King Henry III. The recipients are simply styled as Sir, followed by the first name, such as Sir Ian, without any post-nominal letters like KBE or OBE attached to the end of their name.
The second is a Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (KBE). This is a specific group, established relatively recently in 1917 by King George V, to fill a gap for rewarding civilian and military effort during World War I. To qualify to be called “Sir” within this specific order, a man must be appointed as a Knight Commander (KBE) or a Knight Grand Cross (GBE).
The third is a group of Chivalric Orders, the so-called Elite and Ancient Orders. Several highly exclusive, ancient orders of knighthood sit much higher in precedence than the Order of the British Empire. These include the Most Noble Order of the Garter, the pinnacle of British honours founded in 1348, and scrupulously limited to the Monarch, the Prince of Wales, and only 24 other companion members. Then there is the Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle, the highest chivalric honour in Scotland. The last of this group is the Most Honourable Order of the Bath; typically awarded to high-ranking military officers and senior civil servants.
The Summary Rule of this entire scenario is that every Knight of the British Empire (KBE) is a British Knight, but not every British Knight is a Knight of the British Empire. If you see a modern British knight who does not have military or diplomatic ties, odds are high that they are actually a Knight Bachelor.
With reference to the title of this presentation, now for the flip side of this, as we see things in our region of the globe. In Great Britain, it is the standard form of address to refer to a Knight as Sir John, Sir Ian etc. However, in Sri Lanka, as well as in the Indian sub-continent, very often people use the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix to honour someone and frequently use “X Sir”; the name followed by the word “Sir” as a suffix or postfix.
It is a fascinating linguistic oddity, and Sri Lanka is definitely not alone in this, and most definitely, we are second to none in that outlook. While using “Sir” as a suffix or postfix (e. g., De Silva Sir, Nihal Sir) completely cartwheels over the standard British etiquette, where “Sir” must strictly prefix a first name. This charming practice of using it as a suffix is actually widespread across South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia. It is a classic example of dialectal crossbreeding, where local grammatical structures and cultural norms go to the extent of rewriting even the rules of the standard English as a language.
In a very broad sense, this phenomenon is very definitely seen in the Indian Subcontinent (E.g. Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan). This is arguably where the “Name + Sir” phenomenon is largest and perhaps even the strongest. Across Sri Lanka, India and Bangladesh, you will constantly hear people refer to superiors, teachers, or public figures as Karu Sir, Vijay Sir, Sachin Sir, Shahrukh Sir, or Ahmad Sir, etc.
Then there is the Indian “Ji” Factor: In Indian languages like Hindi or Punjabi, it is a strict cultural taboo to call an elder or a superior by their bare name. People naturally append the respectful suffix “Ji” (e. g., Gandhi-ji, Sharma-ji). It is then no surprise at all that when switching to English, the Indian mind seamlessly swaps the local suffix Ji for the English honorific Sir, thereby turning Vijay-ji into Vijay Sir.
In Hong Kong, a very specific variation of this exists within the police force and civil service. Influenced by decades of British administration, mixed with Cantonese naming customs, junior officers and the public address superiors by their surname followed by “Sir”, such as “Wong-Sir” or “Chan-Sir“. There is even a universal colloquial generic term, “Ah-Sir“, used commonly to address male police officers or teachers.
In the Philippines, while the syntax is slightly different, the sheer density of “Sir/Madam, Ma’am” usage matches that of Sri Lanka. Filipinos deeply value hierarchical courtesy. While they might say “Sir Jason“, it is incredibly common to use “Sir” almost like a pronoun or a mid-sentence suffix punctuation mark when addressing superiors, bosses, or clients, to ensure that respect is suitably maintained conscientiously.
The mismatch between British English and South/Southeast Asian English comes down to how different native cultures view status and intimacy. In South Asia, especially in Sri Lanka, there is the Linguistic Tradition of the suffix, where an extension in the nation’s own language is inserted into a word to enhance its status. In languages like Sinhala (-thuma / –mahathmaya), in Tamil (-ayyah / –avargal), and in Hindi (-ji), respect is always attached to the end of a name. It simply means that forcefully bringing a sleek word that implies social deference to the front, like Sir John, feels syntactically peculiar or even inappropriate to a native speaker of these local languages.
The “First Name Dilemma” is another type of rather quaint occurrence. In the West, calling your boss simply “John” is seen as a gesture that is egalitarian, free and open. In South Asia, calling an elder or superior by their first name feels somewhat jarringly rude. Conversely, using just “Mr Perera” can also feel too cold, official and even distant. “Perera Sir” or “Silva Sir” strikes the perfect culturally mitigatory concession, as it maintains a warm, personal connection by using the surname while also overtly and safely conveying a layer of professional public respect by adding the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix.
Yet for all that, it is worth noting that fundamentally, all languages are symbolic expressions of human thought and human intelligence. Whether expressed as spoken, written or sign language, all dialects are means of human communication. The type of words like “Sir” that we use in the English Language and the real context in which they are used indicate our thoughts in our human intellect. When they are used appropriately, they reflect our commitment to uninhibited respect and even admiration. While the British people and even their Monarch might feel quite a bit confused to hear someone called “Perera Sir”, right across Sri Lanka and its neighbouring nations. Yet for all that, it is simply the most natural and fusion technique to bridge and integrate traditional deference and admiration with modern expressive English.
by Dr B. J. C. Perera
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance correspondent.
Features
The Murder Room
Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 8
The Murder Room gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.
I took several books with me when I went to England earlier this year, but as usual I read hardly any of them, finding enough and more of interest in the shelves of those I stayed with. My first stop was at New College, where, as on several previous occasions I stayed in what is known as the Bishop’s Room, on the topmost storey of the Warden’s Lodgings. Sadly, I shall not stay there again, for my friend who has been Warden there for a decade now, Miles Young, retires this year.
The bookshelves there have much of interest though on the last couple of occasions I have concentrated on the detective stories, which Miles says are not his, but came with the house. The second I read this time was by the generally workmanlike P. D. James, whose Adam Dalgliesh is in the long line of whimsical but efficient detectives that has Hercule Poirot at its head. Though I had not been impressed by the one novel I read, featuring James’ female detective, Dalgliesh, I liked it, and this novel confirmed my affection.
The Murder Room
gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.
The other two trustees, his brother and his sister, obviously benefited from his death, for they promptly renewed the lease. The employees of the museum also clearly benefited, for they had all found some sort of refuge here. These included the caretaker/cleaner, who lived in a cottage on the premises, a manager who was unpaid but used the place for his research, the receptionist, who also looked after the flat at the museum which was used by the sister, and two volunteers plus a gardener’s boy.
The caretaker, Tally, came across the fire before discovery had been intended, for an evening class everyone knew she went to on Fridays had been cancelled. On her way in she was knocked off her bicycle by a speeding car, the driver of which stopped to make sure she was safe, before speeding off again. She manages then to summon everyone else, including Dalgliesh, who had visited the museum for the first time a few days earlier, brought by a friend who relished its strange attractions.
The museum has to be closed for a few days while investigations are carried out, but in the course of them the friend brings some transatlantic visitors, and when they are in the Murder Room a chest (in which a body had been supposed to have been hidden in Victorian times) is opened, and a body found there. That murder, the autopsy indicated, had taken place around the time of the first murder.
The body was that of a girl who had attended a finishing school part-owned by the Dupayne sister. When Tally, by chance, sees the man who had knocked her down, and identifies him as a Lord who was known for his philanthropy, Dalgliesh realises that there are wheels within wheels here. The Lord confesses that he belonged to a group that met for promiscuous sex in the flat, and that he had planned to meet the girl there but she had not turned up.
Lord Martlesham, when the girl failed to appear, thought he should get away after the fire broke out. It was then that he had bumped into Tally, and his stopping to make sure she was all right indicated that he could not have been the murderer. Dalgliesh then deduced that the murderer had seen the girl at the window of the murder room, from which she must have seen the preparations for the murder. That was why she too had been killed.
Dalgliesh then has a fair idea of who the murderer was, but in waiting for proof, he leaves room for yet another murder to happen. For Tally, who had been mulling over something said on the night of the murder, asking about the petrol that caused the fire, realized that she had not mentioned petrol herself. This happened on her way back to her cottage, and not having a phone herself she goes into the museum to call, and then gets back to her cottage and locks herself in.
But then she hears her cat howling and goes out to find him strung up. She cuts him down, but when she goes back to the cottage the murderer is waiting and knocks her down. That happens in the section called The Third Victim, but this is in fact a boy on a motorbike knocked down by the speeding car of the escaping murderer. So Dalgliesh is able to effect an arrest when he turns up as summoned, and fortunately is in time to resuscitate Tally and send her to hospital.
The reason for the murder and the identity of its perpetrator are then fairly straightforward, though the background to the second murder introduces an element of loose living that contrasts with the Victorian age, or at least the image it projected – undercut though that is by the murders highlighted in the Murder Room with their sexual overtones.
And there is another louche element in the adventures of the gardener’s boy, who lives with a Major who is homosexual, though he declares, truthfully it seems, that he was not attracted at all to the boy but had given him shelter because of his vulnerability. He is generally charming, but capable of rages, in one of which he knocked down the major, though he was forgiven. He had taken shelter with Tally, who was fond of him but decided she preferred to live alone, which was why she had sent him away the day before she was attacked.
The murdered brother was a psychiatrist, and it turns out that the mysterious weekends he spent away from his London home were spent at country inns, where he took long walks to clear his mind of the demons his practice kept bringing into it. His profession also contributed to his death, in addition to his standing in the way of the museum continuing to exist, for one of his patients, connected to the murderer, had set fire to herself.
Solid plotting, with all the loose ends tied up, of incidents and the bizarre cast of characters.
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