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Succession to DS, the Hartal and Dudley’s resignation

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(Excerpted from Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)

When D.S. fell off his horse on Galle Face, Lord Soulbury, Governor-General, was in England and Alan Rose, Chief Justice, was acting. He had all the powers of the Governor-General, but did not take the responsibility of appointing the new Prime Minister. Instead, the following communique was issued by the Governor-General’s office:

“His Excellency the Officer Administering the Government invited the Ministers to meet him this morning at Queen’s House. His Excellency informed the Ministers that a few days before Lord Soulbury’s departure from the Island he had discussed with His Excellency what should be done in the event of the office of Prime Minister falling vacant during Lord Soulbury’s absence.

“His Excellency stated that Lord Soulbury, had then expressed an intention of returning to Ceylon immediately in this eventuality.

“In view of this, His Excellency spoke last night on the telephone to Lord Soulbury who informed him that he would be arriving in the Island on Wednesday.

“Having regard to this, His Excellency stated that, in his opinion, it would be more appropriate to await Lord Soulbury’s arrival before a decision is made us to who should be invited to form an administration.”

Soulbury had a difficult task. It was his duty to ensure the continuance of a stable Government. Between the Premier’s death and the Governor-General’s arrival in the Island, there was considerable political and personal maneuvering, and Rose’s house in Bullers Road had a stream of callers all offering gratuitous advice as to who should be sent for. One person went as far as to send Rose some hot hoppers for breakfast.

Rose kept a diary of the events, the callers, the times they called, and the suggestions they made – a document which ought to make very interesting reading if it is ever published. The Times of Ceylon commented:

“There is at present very clear indication of the successor. The country expects the uncorrupted continuance of the peace and prosperity which the late Premier insured in the nation’s life. His principles of democratic fair play and progress are the nation’s watchword, and the new Prime Minister must be one who can foster those objectives.”

It is clear, reading between the lines, that Sir John Kotelawala was not too popular and was unacceptable. There was no reason to assume that he could not form a stable Government. But 19 members of the Government Parliamentary Party informed Dudley that in the event of his being called upon to form a government they would give their wholehearted support and co-operation. They also intimated their solemn determination not to support an administration formed by anyone else. The Tamil Congress informed the Governor-General that Sir John was not acceptable to their party and would support a government formed by Dudley.

The Governor-General, on his arrival, sent for Dudley and invited him to form a Government. He asked me to summon the Ministers to meet him in the Cabinet Room. It was not a Cabinet meeting as he (Dudley) had not accepted office. At this meeting all the Ministers were present except Sir John. Here, I must debunk a story which has been published in “The Premier Stakes, or Up the Garden Path”, which some persons thought was written by Sir John, but the authorship of which he has publicly denied.

In this book, it is stated “Even the Secretary to the Cabinet was against me and did not summon me to the meeting.” I have never refused or neglected to summon a Minister to a meeting. I cannot imagine any Secretary wilfully omitting to do so. I got all the Ministers on the telephone, but could not get Sir John. Seven Ministers were in my room while I was telephoning, with Minister Sittampalam seated right in front of me at my table. He saw and heard me telephoning.

I tried Sir John’s office, Kandawala, the Orient Club, the Sinhalese Sports Club, Sravasti, the M.Ps’ Hostel, his mother’s house and finally got his brother Justin to whom I gave the message. He was not to be found at any of these places. It was one minute to 2 p.m., the time fixed for the meeting and I gave it up. Immediately after the meeting, which lasted only a few minutes, Sittampalam phoned me from his own office and said, “Peiris, you said you couldn’t get Sir John: he’s in his office.” I merely asked him what the insinuation was. “You saw me telephoning all those members”, I said, and there was no further comment from him. There were a lot of undercurrents working at the time.

Now the gossips and the rumour-mongers started whispering. It was said that D.S. had advised Soulbury to send for Dudley in the event of his death. A more fantastic story, attacking the honour and memory of a dead man, is difficult to imagine. It is within my personal knowledge that D.S. never gave the Governor-General the advice attributed to him. I also know who concocted the story for reasons best known to them. I use the plural because there were two.

In view of the highly controversial nature of the whole transaction, I beg the reader’s pardon if, after tickling his curiosity in this mysterious way, I say “Thus far and no further. My lips must continue to remain under seal.” D.S. might have been ignorant of Constitutional Law, but he was no ignoramus. He knew that, in the matter of the succession to the Premiership, he could not exercise a right similar to that exercised in Buddhist Ecclesiastical Law under the rule of Sisyanu Sisya Paramparawa. The Constitutional position is set out by Winston Churchill in his War Memoirs:

“It is not customary for a Prime Minister to advice the Sovereign officially upon his successor unless he is asked to do so. As it was war time, I sent the King, in response to a request he had made to me in conversation at our last weekly interview, the following letter [He was going to cross the submarine-infested Atlantic for discussions with President Roosevelt].

10 Downing Street
Whitehall
June 16, 1942
Sir,

In case of my death on this journey I undertake, I avail myself of Your Majesty’s gracious permission to advise that you should entrust the formation of a new government to Mr Anthony Eden, the Secretary of State for Foreign affairs, who is in my mind the outstanding Minister in the largest political party in the House of Commons and in the National Government over which I have the honour to preside, and who I am sure will be found capable of conducting Your Majesty’s affairs with the resolution, experience and capacity which these grievous times require.

I have the honour to remain,

Your Majesty’s faithful and devoted servant and subject,

Winston S. Churchill

Dudley was punctual at the meeting of Ministers he had summoned. No record was kept. He informed the Ministers that he had been asked to form a Government and inquired whether the Ministers would serve under him in the same capacities. All said “Aye”. He then reported back to Queen’s House and was appointed Prime Minister on March 27, 1952.

Sir John, who has always been an officer and a gentleman and who has never been vindictive, issued the following statement:

“I have been associated with the late Prime Minister for over 22 years in the task on building a free nation and should be the last man to wish the freedom we have gained to be overcome by the destructive forces which threaten to overrun our land. I congratulate the new Prime Minister on his appointment. Every right-thinking man will wish him well in the task that lies ahead of him. I am steadfastly of the opinion that the United National Party is the only political party that can save the country and I call upon all my countrymen to rally round the new Prime Minister with the same measure of support they gave his father. My own support will always be available to serve the cause of democracy in my Motherland.”

The new Prime Minister, in his first broadcast talk to the nation, said:

“If there is any lesson that I have learnt from my father, it is that no task, however difficult, should be shirked if it is in the country’s interest that it should be discharged.” He added the following words, significant in the context of present day politics: “I pledge that the administration of this country will be so carried that every one amongst you, whatever the language he speaks, whatever the religion he professes, whatever the race to which he belongs, may live and move on terms of absolute equality.”

On April 4, the Prime Minister decided to dissolve Parliament and go to the country. He stated that though he had the promise of co-operation from a majority of the country, he felt it was his duty to obtain a mandate from the people at the earliest opportunity to work for the ideals for which his father had worked during his lifetime. In a talk to the nation, the Prime Minister said:

“Barely a week has passed since I accepted the invitation of His Excellency the Governor-General to form a government on the death of my revered father. The promises of co-operation which I received from my colleagues in Parliament, as well as from representatives of all sections of the community gave me strength to undertake this task. To my fellow-citizens throughout the Island, I give my heartfelt thanks for the assurance of help and co-operation which 1 have received.

“When I undertook the important responsibilities that my late father bore so well, in my message to the nation, I pledged myself to tread the path he wished us to follow.

“We know very well that my father bent all his energies to achieve the ideal of a free Lanka. Once that freedom was attained, he spent himself, in spite of his health, without any thought of his own comfort or of his personal interests, to preserve that freedom, to realize the concept of a united nation and to establish a stable government.

“The striking demonstration of national feeling shown at his death made it clear to me that my father had become a symbol, not only of the ideals I have mentioned, but of the new Lanka which he hoped to build upon these foundations; the new Lanka whose people, free from want, from sickness and ignorance, through the functioning of democratic institutions, could take their place once again in the comity of the free and happy peoples of the world.

“I have thought very deeply during the last few days of the duty I owe to the people of Lanka. Only some of the ideals for which my father worked have been achieved. In the achievement of these, I have no doubt he gave his life. I have been invited to carry on the work interrupted by his death. If I am to be finally chosen to do so, I feel that I should give the people an opportunity, at this most important moment in Lanka’s history, of expressing their own wish through the exercise of the right which belongs to every citizen of electing those who will administer the affairs of the country on their behalf.

“As you are all aware, Parliament need not be dissolved till the end of this year. Though I have the promise of co-operation from a majority of the members of Parliament as well as the good wishes of the country, I feel it my duty to obtain a mandate from the people at the earliest opportunity.

I have therefore advised His Excellency the Governor-General to dissolve Parliament and to announce a day for the nomination of candidates for election to a new Parliament.

“If it be your wish that I should act as the first servant of the people, I pledge myself to honour, to the best of my ability, just as my father did when he was entrusted with similar duties, the trust reposed in me.”

Dudley was returned at the general election. His first Cabinet meeting after the election was on June 5, 1952. There were some of his father’s Ministers, but there were new faces also. Bulankulame Dissawa was Minister of Lands, Dr M. C. M. Kaleel, Minister of Labour, Mr C. W. W. Kannangara in charge of Local Government, V. V. Nalliah in charge of Posts, and the Prime Minister’s cousin, R. G. Senanayake, was given Commerce and Trade.

My draft of the Speech from the Throne was approved with amendments and on the following day, the Cabinet met to consider the estimates for the next financial year. They came to an important decision regarding the salaries of the judges of the Supreme Court. The salary was increased to Rs 36,000 a year with a corresponding increase in the salary of the Chief Justice, and the then prevailing difference in salary between old-entrant and new-entrant judges was abolished.

Henceforth, all judges would be equal and their salaries would not depend on the date of their appointment. This was a most welcome change; but the decision was rescinded a month later, for what reasons I cannot remember. There is no salary distinction today as there are no longer any old-entrant judges.

The question now arose whether, in view of the complexity of our laws and the increasing number of appeals to the Privy Council, a Ceylonese should not be appointed to the Judicial Committee. The request had been made by the Judicial Committee itself, and the proposal was acceptable to the Ceylon Government. Mr L. M. D. de Silva, a former Judge of the Supreme Court was willing to accept the post if it was offered to him. Mr de Silva was accordingly appointed a Privy Councillor.

August 12, 1953, has been called the day of the hartal. I was asked at noon to summon an emergency meeting of the Cabinet for 1.15 pm. Disturbances had occurred in the city of Colombo and in some of the outstations. Trains had stopped running; trains had been stopped and passengers, guards and engine drivers assaulted; railway wagons had been damaged; road transport had been completely disorganized and no omnibuses were running; communications had been interfered with; public officers had been attacked in the performance of their duties; shops had been broken into and shopkeepers intimidated; there was general intimidation on a large scale; the Pettah Police Barracks had been stoned; the Manning Market had been set on fire; the Dompe Police Station had been attacked; there was complete lawlessness at Hanwella; and in one or two places the Police had been compelled to use their firearms.

Essential services had been disrupted. There was no traffic at all on the roads and I got to my office in the Fort from my house in Havelock Road (where I had come for lunch) within five minutes, carrying in my car, for the first time in my life, my loaded revolver in the door-pocket. The Inspector-General of Police who was summoned asked that the Police and the Military, who had been stretched to the maximum, be given adequate powers to preserve law and order. He did not mince matters. He asked for power to shoot.

Shoot whom? Your own people? I saw a gentlemanly pipe-smoking Prime Minister hesitate. The order was not given. Instead there was a declaration of a State of Emergency and the provisions of the Public Security Ordinance were brought into operation and the necessary regulations promulgated.

A legal flaw was now noticed. The provisions of the Public Security Ordinance could only be brought into operation when a state of public emergency in fact existed. The Cabinet thought that the law should be amended to enable the necessary Proclamation to be issued where a state of emergency was apprehended and before it had actually arisen. The Legal Draftsman was directed to examine the legislative powers that had been taken in other Commonwealth countries, particularly India, to meet any emergency and to prepare the draft legislation.

It was decided that our Ordinance should be amended on the lines of section 352 of the Constitution of India to enable a Proclamation of emergency to be issued before the actual occurrence of the emergency, if the Governor-General was satisfied that there was imminent danger thereof. The subject of Civil Defence was allocated to Sir Oliver Goonetilleke who had handled the subject expertly under Admiral Layton.

A most unusual thing happened at about this time. The Cabinet was to meet at two in the afternoon to discuss our rice stocks which were at a dangerously low level. The relevant Cabinet paper was not prepared in my office; it was not roneoed; it was typed, four copies at a time, in the Ministry of Commerce and Trade. The Minister, R. G. Senanayake, had M. F. de S. Jayaratne as his Permanent Secretary. Twelve of the Ministers had assembled at two but Jayaratne had not sent me any papers by then.

Ministers were becoming impatient. Forty-five minutes had elapsed before Jayaratne came panting into the Cabinet Lobby and put a bundle of papers in my hand saying “Here are 15 copies”. The Ministers’ impatience had turned to anger by this time. There was no time for me to check the draft. Each copy consisted of six pages of typewritten matter fastened by a clip. I counted the clips and there were 15.

I distributed 12 copies to the Ministers, one to Ranasinha (the Secretary) and kept one for myself. The one extra copy was on my table when the discussion began. The meeting which began in the afternoon ended after 3 a.m. the next day, with a short break for dinner, Dudley asked the Ministers to return their copies to the Secretary. I came back to my room far too tired to do anything except to dictate the minutes.

I again counted the clips – there were 15 – and locked the papers up in my steel cupboard. The next day’s Times of Ceylon carried the entire memorandum, including the appendices, in the middle page. Dudley had warned the Ministers to keep the matter a top secret. Soon after the Times was out, Sir Oliver asked me over the telephone how this had happened. I told him that the Ministers all returned their copies to me and that these were at that moment in my steel locker. Dudley then got on to me and said, “Percy, this is a very serious matter. I want you to check on each one of the returned copies. See me in the office in half an hour.”

As was to be expected, there were the fifteen clips, each holding six sheets of foolscap. But the Prime Minister had asked me to check on each copy and, in doing so, I came across a dud one. The clip was there, the six sheets were there but the subject matter contained in the six sheets had nothing to do with the subject matter of the memorandum. What was I to do? My brain was befuddled. I was in charge of 15 copies, and now I had 14 and the press had published the memorandum verbatim.

What could have been more easy than for me to have released the fifteenth copy to the Times and say. “I don’t know how it could have happened. I was so tired and it was such a rush, I only counted the clips and there’s a dud set of papers in one clip.” I knew that would not go down with Dudley. The country had accepted him as a gentleman. He and I were colleagues at the Bar amid friends and, if a third person was not present, we addressed each other by our Christian names.

But the most gentlemanly Prime Minister would not tolerate a crook as his Cabinet Secretary. I went to him in trepidation. “What is this about a dud set?” Dudley asked and I gave him the six sheets of paper with the clip. He read the papers line by line and came across two words altered in ink and initialled in the margin. He asked me whose initials they were and I said I did not know.

He called his Secretary Atukorale who identified the initials as being those of Jayaratne. My heart was palpitating. “Golly, old boy, you’re lucky” I thought. So this was a Ministry Paper, and Minister R. G. had most inadvertently and most carelessly given me the wrong papers and taken the right ones away! Now that I was on a safe wicket, I turned round to Dudley and, in Atukorale’s presence said something for which he might have turned me out of his office, but did not. I said, “Sir, it is a pity that you don’t

get the co-operation of your colleagues that Atu and I get from our staffs.” All he said, deep in thought and with bowed head was “Yes, I know.

A Cabinet Secretary’s life is not all beer and skittles. I had just had a lucky and a narrow shave.In October 1953, Dudley resigned his office for reasons of health and Sir John Kotelawala was appointed Prime Minister.



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Tusker Kavantissa’s death exposes Sri Lanka’s wildlife conservation crisis

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Kavantissa

by Prof. Ranjith Bandara,
Emeritus Professor, University of Colombo

This article examines why community exclusion, excessive bureaucratic control, unequal distribution of conservation benefits, weak institutional accountability, and short-sighted political leadership continue to undermine wildlife conservation in Sri Lanka.

The death of Tusker Kavantissa is more than the loss of one of Sri Lanka’s most remarkable wild elephants. It exposes uncomfortable questions about how we protect our natural heritage, how conservation decisions are made, and why repeated warnings have failed to produce meaningful reforms. His death should compel us to examine not only what happened to one extraordinary animal, but also the deeper weaknesses in our wildlife conservation system.

Tusker Kavantissa, one of Sri Lanka’s most prominent wild tuskers, died on 16 October, 2026, after receiving veterinary treatment for an injury, reportedly caused by gunfire. Although the wound had shown some improvement, his health subsequently deteriorated. The precise cause of death requires confirmation through a proper post-mortem examination. Nevertheless, the circumstances raise serious questions about preventive protection, wildlife management, and institutional preparedness.

The wider picture is equally disturbing. According to recently reported figures, Sri Lanka has lost an average of approximately 402 elephants and 138 people annually, since 2019, due to human–elephant conflict. These figures reflect a continuing national tragedy affecting both wildlife and rural communities.

What Sri Lanka faces today is not merely a wildlife conservation problem. It is also a crisis of environmental governance, shaped by institutional weaknesses, political decisions, and the failure to recognise the economic and social realities of conservation.

Conservation without communities

One of the fundamental weaknesses of our conservation approach is that local communities are often treated as subjects of regulation rather than partners in conservation. They are expected to bear the risks, respect restrictions, and cooperate with government programmes, yet their influence over decisions affecting their lives remains limited.

For rural families living alongside wild elephants, conservation is not an abstract environmental objective. It directly affects their safety, agricultural income, property, and everyday lives.

Farmers frequently possess valuable knowledge about elephant movements, vulnerable locations, seasonal changes, and practical protection measures. Yet conservation interventions are sometimes designed without adequately considering this experience.

When decisions are imposed from above, communities may feel excluded from programmes they are expected to support. This weakens trust, reduces cooperation, and ultimately undermines conservation outcomes.

We must recognise that protecting elephants and protecting farmers are not conflicting objectives. Both are essential. A conservation policy that safeguards wildlife while neglecting human security cannot be considered successful.

The real challenge is to replace conservation imposed on communities with conservation undertaken alongside them. Meaningful participation requires more than consultation meetings. Communities must have a genuine role in planning, implementing, monitoring, and evaluating conservation activities.

Bureaucratic authority versus public accountability

Wildlife conservation requires strong institutions, professional expertise, and effective regulations. However, excessive bureaucratic control can become an obstacle when administrative authority takes precedence over practical outcomes.

Decision-making in Sri Lanka’s conservation system remains heavily dependent on central institutions. Administrative procedures, overlapping responsibilities, and limited coordination can delay responses to urgent problems.

More importantly, excessive centralisation can discourage local innovation and prevent communities from contributing practical solutions.

When administrative authority becomes more important than results, conservation risks becoming an exercise in controlling people rather than protecting nature.

This criticism should not be confused with questioning the dedication of frontline wildlife officers and veterinarians. Many work under difficult conditions with limited resources. The efforts undertaken to save Tusker Kavantissa deserve recognition.

However, individual commitment cannot compensate indefinitely for institutional weaknesses.

We must ask whether our conservation institutions have the capacity to identify risks early, protect vulnerable animals, coordinate emergency responses, and evaluate the effectiveness of their interventions.

Public accountability should, therefore, extend beyond compliance with administrative procedures to measurable conservation outcomes.

Who bears costs, and who receives benefits?

Perhaps the most neglected dimension of wildlife conservation in Sri Lanka is the unequal distribution of its economic costs and benefits.

Wild elephants contribute substantially to tourism, biodiversity, cultural heritage, and the country’s international image. Their conservation generates benefits enjoyed by society as a whole.

Yet the financial and personal costs are concentrated among rural communities living within elephant habitats.

A study published in 2023, involving 300 farming households in southern Sri Lanka, revealed a striking imbalance. Although these households lived near two national parks, none received economic benefits from tourism. Meanwhile, 57 percent had experienced elephant-related crop damage.

The findings raise a fundamental economic question: if the entire country benefits from elephant conservation, why should a relatively small and vulnerable section of society bear a disproportionate share of its costs?

Conservation cannot remain economically sustainable when its benefits are widely enjoyed but its costs are concentrated among those least able to bear them.

A separate study, published in 2024, involving 439 affected farming households, examined the possibility of financing compensation through tourism revenue. It demonstrated the potential for tourism-based financial mechanisms to support human–elephant coexistence.

The policy implications are significant

A proportion of wildlife tourism revenue could be directed towards affected communities through transparent benefit-sharing arrangements. Such measures could support compensation, village protection, local employment, community enterprises, and agricultural improvements.

However, financial compensation alone is insufficient. The 2023 study also indicated that fear of elephants and concerns about crop damage strongly influenced community attitudes. People must feel safe in their homes and farms, not merely receive payment after suffering losses.

Equitable benefit-sharing is, therefore, more than an act of generosity. It is an economic and social requirement for sustainable conservation.

Political decisions and absence of long-term vision

The weaknesses in wildlife conservation cannot be attributed solely to public officials. Political leadership must accept its share of responsibility.

Poor land-use planning, habitat fragmentation, obstruction of elephant movement corridors, and development decisions that inadequately consider environmental consequences have contributed to human–elephant conflict.

Political decisions made for immediate gains can create environmental and economic costs lasting for decades.

Another weakness is the preference for visible, short-term interventions.

Constructing electric fences, relocating elephants, and launching emergency operations can attract considerable publicity. However, such interventions should be evaluated according to their effectiveness, not their visibility.

Political leadership should be judged not by the number of conservation programmes announced, but by the lives protected, conflicts prevented, and long-term improvements achieved.

There is also a serious problem of policy continuity. Conservation cannot be governed according to electoral cycles or changing political priorities.

Elephant habitats, migration patterns, and ecological processes do not change with governments. Successful conservation, therefore, requires consistent national commitments extending beyond individual political administrations.

Without such continuity, public investment may be wasted while the underlying problems remain unresolved.

Problem is not always a lack of policy

Sri Lanka’s conservation crisis cannot be explained simply by a shortage of scientific knowledge or policy recommendations.

In many instances, the greater challenge lies in translating available knowledge into coordinated, adequately funded, and politically supported action.

The National Action Plan for the Mitigation of Human–Elephant Conflict, prepared in 2020, proposed a science-based approach that emphasised community participation, protection of villages and agricultural land, and more effective conflict-management strategies.

Yet an important question remains: how much of this plan has been implemented successfully?

Have implementation difficulties arisen from inadequate resources, weak institutional coordination, administrative resistance, or insufficient political commitment?

An independent assessment of the plan’s implementation would help identify these obstacles and establish clear responsibilities.

We must also recognise that a substantial proportion of Sri Lanka’s wild elephants live outside protected areas. Attempting to confine all elephants within national parks and forest reserves is, therefore, neither realistic nor sustainable.

Effective conservation requires land-use policies informed by elephant ecology, settlement patterns, agricultural needs, and the practical realities of human–wildlife coexistence.

A sound policy that remains largely unimplemented offers little protection to either elephants or people.

Towards more responsible conservation system

Sri Lanka needs a fundamental change in how wildlife conservation is governed.

Four priorities deserve immediate attention.

First, local communities must become genuine partners in conservation management, with meaningful responsibilities and decision-making opportunities.

Second, conservation benefits must be distributed more fairly. Wildlife tourism should contribute directly to protecting the livelihoods and safety of communities that bear conservation costs.

Third, existing national conservation plans should be independently reviewed to identify implementation gaps and establish a realistic timetable for corrective action.

Fourth, conservation institutions must become more accountable for measurable outcomes, including reductions in human deaths, elephant mortality, crop losses, and property damage.

These reforms require cooperation among wildlife, forestry, agriculture, land, irrigation, and local government institutions.

They also demand political leadership willing to prioritise long-term results over short-term publicity.

For exceptional animals, such as Tusker Kavantissa, improved risk monitoring, preventive protection, and timely veterinary responses are particularly important. However, conservation should not be limited to protecting a few well-known animals.

Every wild elephant has ecological value, just as every person living alongside elephants has an equal right to safety.

The objective must be a system that protects both.

Lesson tusker Kavantissa leaves behind

The death of Tusker Kavantissa should not become another moment of national sorrow that gradually fades from public memory. It should mark a turning point in how Sri Lanka approaches wildlife conservation.

A proper investigation into his death is essential. Equally important is an honest examination of the conservation system within which such tragedies continue to occur.

The real challenge is not choosing between people and elephants. It is creating a system in which both can coexist safely, and where the responsibilities, costs, and benefits of conservation are shared fairly.

This requires more than scientific expertise and stronger regulations. It demands accountable institutions, meaningful community participation, economic fairness, and political leadership guided by a clear long-term vision.

Our greatest failure would not be the loss of Tusker Kavantissa alone. It would be allowing the same weaknesses in our conservation system to claim more lives while we continue to avoid the reforms that could prevent them.

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Equality before the Law as foundation of Sri Lanka’s recovery

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Gnanasara Thera brought to court, dressed in lay attire

by Jehan Perera

The government appears set to overcome the first major challenge to one of its foundational principles. It has faced down demands from sections of the Buddhist clergy and opposition parties to release Ven. Galagodaatte Gnanasara from his prison sentence for contempt of court.

Ven Gnanasara is best known as the general secretary of the Bodu Bala Sena, a nationalist Sinhala grouping. The government seemed unfazed by a protest march organised by Buddhist monks and the opposition parties and its supporters organised an even bigger march to support the government’s position. It is notable that the general population did not get involved in either march in any substantial number. The issue has now become a test of whether the government will uphold its commitment to apply the law equally, irrespective of a person’s position or status, even when doing so brings it into conflict with a powerful constituency.

The case has a specific legal history. Ven. Gnanasara was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment by the Court of Appeal in 2018 for contempt of court in a case involving former military personnel where he disrupted the proceedings. The Supreme Court rejected his appeal in 2018. Former President Maithripala Sirisena subsequently granted him a presidential pardon in 2019. Last month, the Supreme Court invalidated that pardon. The initial demand by Buddhist monks and their lay supporters was that Ven. Gnanasara should be permitted to wear his Buddhist robes when appearing in public before the courts. The government has indicated its willingness to examine the procedures governing the treatment of Buddhist monks in prison, in consultation with the relevant religious authorities. However, the initial demand has now been escalated into a demand for a presidential pardon.

One of the central promises of the National People’s Power (NPP) during its election campaign two years ago was to apply the law equally to all. This commitment has shaped the government’s approach to allegations of corruption and criminality involving individuals who previously wielded political power. The NPP government was swept into power on a wave of antipathy towards those in previous governments who were perceived to have abused their positions for private gain. The economic collapse Sri Lanka experienced in 2022, and the hardships endured across society, remain vivid in the public memory. The past two years have seen the government pursuing those accused of corruption and other offences. Several high-ranking members of previous governments have faced arrest and legal proceedings and been sentenced to jail.

Religious Concerns

The ability of opposition parties to mobilise widespread resistance against proceedings involving their leaders has been limited, as much of the general population continues to favour accountability for past financial crimes. However, the case of Ven. Gnanasara is different. It does not concern allegations of financial corruption, but the relationship between religious authority, the courts and the law of the land. This is where the distinction between respecting religious traditions and upholding the law becomes crucial. There is a sense among sections of the general population that Buddhist monks should not be treated on a par with others and that requiring Ven. Gnanasara to appear in court without his robes was unjust and contrary to the national ethos. Such sentiments reflect the special place Buddhism occupies in Sri Lanka’s history and society. Sinhala Buddhist nationalism has been a potent political force throughout the country’s history, drawing on a heritage that extends back more than two millennia. The question is whether respect for Buddhism needs to also entail the exemption of individual monks from the ordinary requirements of the law and thereby treat them differently.

The challenge would be to accommodate legitimate religious concerns through rational and lawful procedures without allowing religious status to become a source of legal privilege. The government has been amenable to addressing the issue of monastic robes, but has so far resisted the demand to release Ven. Gnanasara through a new pardon. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and government members have made it clear that the government would not bend the law to accommodate any individual. They have taken the position that any shortcomings in existing rules should be addressed by changing the rules through proper procedures, rather than by making an exception for a particular individual. If the government holds its position, it will demonstrate that its commitment to the rule of law extends even to constituencies that have historically enjoyed considerable political influence.

This is important not only for the country’s democratic institutions but also for its economic future. Sri Lanka is seeking to recover from its economic collapse and establish the foundations for sustained growth. The International Monetary Fund’s analysis of Sri Lanka’s governance weaknesses has repeatedly emphasised the economic costs of corruption and institutional deficiencies. Its 2024 analysis of governance and growth concluded that comprehensive and coherent reforms could bring significant macroeconomic benefits. The IMF’s 2025 assessment also highlighted the importance of sustained governance reforms in unlocking the country’s growth potential. Investors, both domestic and foreign, need confidence that public institutions function according to predictable rules, that contracts and property rights are protected, and that political connections or social status will not determine how the law is applied.

Sensitive Issue

Sri Lanka has long sought the leap towards prosperity that has proved elusive under successive governments. Economic reform alone will not achieve it. The connection between the rule of law and economic prosperity is direct. Businesses are more likely to invest when they can expect disputes to be resolved fairly, public resources to be managed transparently and regulatory decisions to be made on rational grounds. No country can achieve a durable economic take-off if its institutions are perceived to operate according to political favour, inherited privilege or communal pressure. Sri Lanka cannot afford to return to a political culture in which powerful interests are shielded from accountability while ordinary citizens bear the costs.

Changing a political culture that has evolved over the decades if not centuries is a difficult undertaking, particularly in a country where political leaders have long relied on religious and communal identities to consolidate their support. It requires not only firmness but also sensitivity, dialogue and a willingness to reform laws and institutions where genuine deficiencies exist. The present controversy offers an opportunity to demonstrate that these objectives need not be in conflict. The government can respect the Buddhist clergy’s concerns about the treatment of monks in prison while refusing to grant an individual an exemption from a judicial sentence. It can recognise the importance of Buddhism to the country while maintaining that no religious or political authority stands above the law.

The question is whether national traditions and ethos are interpreted in ways that strengthen justice, responsibility and social harmony, or invoked to defend privileges that undermine them. The country needs a transformation in public expectations from privilege to accountability, from communal claims to equal citizenship, and from personal discretion to institutions governed by law.

The government’s handling of the case involving Ven. Gnanasara is therefore about more than one monk or one sentence. This particular case will determine whether the government can build a system in which no government, religious authority or politically influential individuals can place themselves beyond the law. A just society must be able to honour both its traditions and its commitment to equality before the law.

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Lure of old hometown too hard to resist

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Highly adaptive one-man band / At Broadway Dehiwela on 24th October

Lanka was his homeland, and now it’s Australia, based in Sydney. But for legendary performer Roger Menezes, the lure of his old hometown is just too hard to resist — and he keeps coming this way, ever so often!

Roger is in town at the moment — his fourth trip for this year alone! In fact, for the last few years, he has been checking out Sri Lanka on a very frequent basis.

This time, he says, he will be here for just two weeks, as he has heavy commitments, Down Under, as a performer.

On the 24th of this month, he will be seen in action at Broadway Dehiwela, celebrating their second anniversary. It’s a homecoming of sorts, as he was the very first artiste to perform live at this venue, on their opening night!

He goes back to Sydney in November for an early Christmas party, and will be back, in Colombo, in December, for more performances, with a pre-New Year’s Eve party at the Broadway, on 30th December.

Roger says he also takes the opportunity, whenever he visits Sri Lanka, to soak in the beauty of our country, especially the serene scenes away from the hustle and bustle of Colombo!

Roger Menezes: Fourth trip for this year

Roger Menezes is truly a remarkable talent, and it is always a sheer pleasure to look into the careers of musicians who have left such a lasting, indelible mark on Sri Lanka’s rich musical heritage.

Known for his signature “hits and memories” performance style — a nostalgic, heart-warming blend of jazz, pop, and classic rock — he remains a foundational figure of Sri Lanka’s golden era of music.

He was deeply integrated into Colombo’s swinging 1960s and 70s music scene.

He played drums for iconic groups like The Savages, Thunderbirds, and Fireflies, played guitar for Sam the Man, and joined the legendary band The Jetliners as their keyboardist, saxophonist, and guitarist (additionally recording bass guitar tracks). He also fronted his own much-loved ensemble, Roger and the Webs.

He migrated to Sydney, Australia, in the early ’70s and the legend only grew.

In Australia, he founded the highly successful corporate and event bands Eastern Spice and Stay Tuned (alongside his wife Cheryl and family). Under his leadership, Stay Tuned was heavily involved in providing entertainment for corporate functions, organised by the Sydney 2000 Olympic Committee. The group also headlined the New Year’s Eve festivities at Sydney’s iconic Centrepoint Tower for five consecutive years!

Today, he is widely celebrated as a highly adaptive one-man band, simultaneously navigating vocals, keyboards, guitar, saxophone, and drums — a one-man orchestra who truly does it all!

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