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Reform or mutiny at Ceylon Electricity Board?

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CEB workers protesting

The standoff between the Government of Sri Lanka and what I would call the ‘union government’ of the Ceylon Electricity Board is now entering its fourth week. The standoff has been created by the seemingly mutinous Engineers of the CEB against the government’s restructuring of the institution and the electricity sector itself. The Sunday Island’s editorial last week called the standoff a game of chicken. In the game theory model of conflict between two parties, it is the union government that seems to be chickening out. The NPP government is the one that seems to be driving through without yielding to what is patently professional blackmail.

The government first kickstarted the reform or restructuring of the CEB in accordance with the Electricity (Amendment) Act that it passed earlier in the year, and which provides for unbundling CEB into six separate state-owned holding companies. Four of the six companies are now being established that will respectively take over the current functional divisions in the CEB, viz., Power Generation, Power Distribution, National Grid Control, and National Transmission and Network Services. The two dealing with CEB’s assets and the management of employee provident funds are to be set up later.

Although the government claimed that the reform launch has been well received by employees, CEB union leadership counter-launched a multi-phased protest starting with the work to rule format and the ultimatum that there would be a full-blown strike if the government would not agree to union demands. The demands are not very specific and have been spelt out mostly in rhetorical terms.

In my reading of the union rhetoric, there are two improbable commandments: 1) there shall be a new collective agreement between the government of Sri Lanka and the union government of the CEB that will bind the government of Sri Lanka in perpetuity to the union government demands under not only the present CEB structure but also in all the six different companies that the CEB reform process is legislated to create; and 2) there shall be a parallel oversight of the entire reform process as well as the post-reform electricity sector, and this parallel oversight shall be provided by the present union government and its successors created through the aforesaid new collective agreement.

In short, the current crop of Electrical Engineers at the CEB would appear to be arguing that electricity is so important to the country that there must be a parallel electrical government run by Electrical Engineers at CEB in addition to the country’s elected government. These claims have nothing to do with professional obligations or revolutionary trade unionism. They are simply mafia blackmail. My indictment here is not intended to bad-brush every Electrical Engineer at CEB. Not at all. There are good engineers who are also good people. But they are helpless against the behemoth of a union that the bloated CEB has institutionally created.

Essential Service

On the two main reform contentions, viz., the status of current CEB employees in the new companies, and the public ownership of the new companies, both President Dissanayake and Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody have confirmed that the four new companies will remain state-owned, and that the current CEB employees will be protected either through continuation of employment or voluntary retirement with compensation.

On September 21, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake issued a gazette order declaring electricity services as essential services, thereby rendering any strike action to disrupt them to be deemed illegal. Almost immediately the President’s declaration was endorsed by Parliament without debate, which virtually makes it unanimous. There is no authority higher than that – when the executive and the entire legislature without division act in unison to declare electricity an essential service. But not so for the union government of the CEB. So, it seemed.

There was muttering that the CEB union government was going to challenge the declaration of electricity services as essential services. “The gloves are off,” shouted one observer and went on to warn that if the union government were to orchestrate extended power cuts, the NPP government might be inviting another Aragalaya for its own overthrow. The “president and his men” were advised to “regain the confidence of the working class”! This fear mongering would appear to have waned in the wake of news reports that “several trade unions”, out of the 28 that are at CEB, are backing out of the strike that had been planned for September 25, while continuing with the work-to-rule protest format that they were on from early September.

Some of the unions have reportedly indicated that they welcome the current “restructuring as an opportunity to finally break what they call the engineers’ monopoly at the CEB.” Even Human Resources are apparently managed by Engineers, one of whom, as has been reported, ventured to provide the bizarre rationale that “[T]he CEB is a technical institute. For instance, tariff filing is a highly technical area involving formulas, mathematical equations, and parameters, so it naturally falls to engineers. Also, reforms could allow HR professionals to take charge in a new system, but under the current setup, an HR professional without technical knowledge cannot survive even one week.” That says it all!

In my view, it is unfortunate that the government did not engage the CEB union leaders in a televised public forum to hear and respond to their ‘grievances.’ Everyone in the country would have been able to see who is being reasonable and who is bluffing. More importantly, people would have seen how the facts are aligned and who is making things up. A public encounter would have given the government the opportunity to explain to the people, the purposes of reform and its processes in non-technical language. In my view, the government of Sri Lanka has a strong case on the facts as we know them. In fact, a very strong case both politically and technically. The main weakness of the government is that it has not been presenting its case to the people with clarity and consistency. On the other hand, the union government of the CEB has no case at all.

Reform and Renewables

Whichever way the current controversy plays out, the current reform process by itself will not address the CEB’s crisis or the country’s energy predicament. At present over 50% of power generation is provided by non-renewable sources, i.e., coal (43%) and thermal (11%). Of the renewable sources of power, hydro accounts for 43% and wind for 3%. The CEB’s Long Term Generation Expansion Plan – a 20-year plan from 2025 to 2045, is committed to achieving the national objective of 70% power generation using renewable sources.

The Plan envisages that “solar power will be the prime driver of this expansion.” In addition, the plan expects the conversion of the West Coast and the Kelanithissa power plants to using natural gas as a relatively cleaner new source, and includes a roadmap for introducing nuclear power toward the end of the planning period.

The progressive expansion of non-renewable sources of power is imperative not only for environmental reasons, but also and more importantly for reducing the high generation costs of the non-renewable, thermal and coal, sources. But the development of solar and wind power generation requires curtailment and storage capacities in the system, as well as pricing mechanisms, to cope with the temporal variability of the two sources and the associated supply/demand fluctuations.

For all the talk about expanding solar and wind energy sources, there has been little discussion about the total non-development of storage capacities either through a battery system and/or through a pumped power plant storage system. According to Electrical Engineers of my vintage, the non development of storage capacities to accommodate the expansion of wind and solar sources is a longstanding problem that has been aggravated owing to inaction by previous governments over several decades. It is the lack of storage capacities that forces power system operators to limit purchasing solar/wind powers and/or call for shutting them off at source during low demand periods. The so-called diesel generation mafia is not a technical explanation, unless the mafia has been a factor in delaying the development of storage capacities.

Now, as with every other problem, the NPP government is left having to answer for the shortcomings of its predecessors. The NPP has not been helping itself either by its inability to explain the issues involved and how it is addressing them. There has not been much publicity given to the CEB’s own program to establish Battery Storage Systems at 16 Grid Substations in the country. International tenders have been called for implementing ten of them on a build-operate-own basis. The deadline for tenders, which were announced in August, has been extended to October 14, and it is not clear if the process will be frustrated by CEB Engineers refusing to be part of the tender process in their current work-to-rule mode.

Earlier in February, the CEB announced its plans for the Maha Oya Pumped Storage Hydropower Project, which would be the island’s first-ever ‘water battery.’ Located in Aranayake and Nawalapitiya, the water-battery scheme will include two ponds or reservoirs at different heights; during high supplies of solar/wind power, water will be pumped from the lower to the upper pond and will be released down to operate the generators during periods of power demand. The project is estimated to cost around $ 1 billion, and is expected to be completed by 2031.

A feasibility study has been completed, but no design work can be started without securing international funding, which in turn will not be possible without the restructuring of the CEB. In the CEB’s 20-year Expansion Plan, the battery storage system is slated to start in 2025 and the pump storage scheme after 2028. Neither can be delayed and both should be expedited if the country is to have a sustainable system of electricity at affordable costs. The government has its work cut out in the electricity sector as in every other sector. CEB Engineers can play their part by reforming themselves instead of insisting on being a parallel government.

by Rajan Philips ✍️



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Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

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Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

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“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

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‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

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A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

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