Features
Proposed CEB Tariff Increase: Is it sensible?
by Romesh Bandaranaike, Ph.D.
A few months ago, the CEB tariff was increased for all consumers. The average increase was approximately 75%. The Minister of Power and Energy has recently stated that there needs to be a further large increase in tariff in January, around 65%, if the CEB is to provide continuous power to the public. Without the increase, he says, there is likely to be eight-hour power cuts.
There were numerous protests relating to the original tariff increase. These protests have come from many different types of consumers including hoteliers, industrialists, temples and residential consumers. Hoteliers and industrialists have gone so far as to say that the increase will have serious negative impacts on the viability of their businesses. They now claim that a further increase as mentioned by the minister would push them to insolvency.
Is the tariff increase mentioned by the minister sensible? Is there any other alternative? Based on my wide experience, there are two reasons why a further CEB tariff increase is necessary. First, not increasing tariffs will adversely impact renewable energy generation growth in the country. Second, it is the fairest and most efficient way to fund power generation cost in the current economic context.
Let me start with my credentials. My dealings with the CEB go back over 20 years, as CEO of the then largest private company building small hydro power plants (40 MW connected to the grid) and later as the executive chairman of a company which built and operated a four MW biomass plant, all selling power to the CEB grid. I have also worked for many years in the policy sphere, primarily in the Ministry of Finance, originally as the CEO of the Plantation Restructuring Unit and later as the Director General, Economic Affairs.
What are the adverse impacts on future renewable energy?
One of the key policy proposals of the Government relating to the power sector is to substantially increase the share of power generated through renewable energy (RE), mainly, small-hydro, wind and solar. The capital cost of RE plants is high, running into hundreds of millions of Rupees per MW. In spite of this, they are financially viable to build and operate because their fuel — wind, sun and water flow in rivers – is free. The policy is to have the private sector undertake the large capital investments in these power generation technologies and sell their generated power to the CEB grid.
The levelized average cost of power generated by RE power plants, even after including their large capital costs, is lower than that of power plants based on fossil fuel, such as coal and oil. RE plants are also much better for the environment compared with fossil fuel-based plants and, increasing their share of power generation will also substantially reduce foreign exchange requirements to import coal and oil.
In spite of the last large increase in tariffs, the CEB is still experiencing major financial difficulties. Faced with these difficulties, the CEB has saved cash for purchasing coal and other fossil fuels and for other expenses such as salaries, by not paying the amounts due to private RE producers who have entered into contracts with the CEB to supply power. The CEB owes a staggering Rs 22 billion to these producers. In many of the cases, invoices going back for over a year have yet to be paid. These producers have continued to supply power to the CEB in spite of the payment delays, primarily because in the case of wind, hydro and solar, there is no fuel cost and these producers have only to pay their operating costs and their bank loans.
To handle their cash flows and to keep going, these producers have begged their bankers for support. How long they can keep it up is anybody’s guess. Biomass and private thermal power producers who have not been paid by the CEB have mostly shut down because they simply cannot afford to pay for fuel. Small-hydro and wind power producers may also close down if the CEB payment delays continue and the developers do not have the financial resources to pay their operating costs and bank loans.
The present grid connected RE plants were almost all built at a time when the CEB was paying the invoices submitted by these plants on a regular basis, with maximum delays of one to two months. In its present financial situation, the CEB is not paying the large arrears owed to these power producers. Clearly, no sensible private sector investor will want to undertake future large investments in RE plants under such circumstances. The only way for the CEB to return to timely payments for power supplied by private RE plants is with a further tariff increase as proposed by the Minister. Without such payments, it will be the end of the Government’s plans for substantial private sector led increases in RE’s share of the grid, along with their attendant benefits enumerated earlier.
How should the cost of CEB’s generation be funded?
We are stuck today with an inefficient CEB with monopoly power. Even if it were possible, it will take years to reduce these inefficiencies. As a result, power costs are higher than they could be with a more efficient operation. The question is, who should bear the cost of the inefficiency today? From an economic policy perspective, there is only one answer. It should be electricity consumers. The alternative is for the tariff not to be raised and the CEB’s losses to be met by the Ministry of Finance (MoF).
MoF, in turn, can raise the funds by either printing money or taxing people. Even printed money is not free, as we have found out recently. It results in everyone having to pay large price increases in the future. In practice, the Government subsidies of the CEB come in small bits and pieces which the CEB has to beg for. In the interim, faced with severe cash flow issues, the CEB reacts by cutting power and not paying RE power suppliers. The cost to the economy of power cuts is also much higher than the adverse effects on businesses and consumers of a further raising of the tariff.
As I indicated at the start of this article, numerous commercial parties, including hoteliers and industrialists have claimed that a further increase in tariff will push them to insolvency.
However, this statement cannot be sustained. In 2022 the Sri Lanka rupee exchange rate vis-a-vis the US dollar depreciated by around 80% and inflation as per the NCPI was around 70%. As a result, the rupee prices of every item in the country increased by at least this amount. This includes the price of items sold by hotels (room rates) and items locally produced by industry and farmers, whether it be cement, rice, eggs, fish, vegetables, chocolates, cleaning supplies, toiletries, and so on.
Imported and domestically sourced inputs into industry, hotels, farming, and so on also increased. Power supplied by the CEB is one such input, and the cost to the CEB of producing this power has also increased. It is only rational that the price charged for electricity should also be increased. In the case of industry and commerce, the recent performance figures published by quoted companies show very large increases in rupee profits. Of course, these are devalued rupees. A further increase in electricity price, will reduce these rupee profits somewhat, but, by how much depends on what the electricity cost share is of total input costs. (None of the industries and commercial establishments that are objecting to the past or proposed future tariff increases, has provided any hard financial analyses on the impact on their bottom line of such increases.) It may well be that hotels will go under because there are no tourists. If the Government wants to provide relief to such hotels, this should be done directly, not by subsidizing the price of electricity.
An added benefit of charging electricity consumers the CEB’s inefficiency cost is that a further increase in electricity price will result in a reduction in demand, which will, in turn, reduce the requirement for more costly imported fossil fuels to run the CEB’s power plants. A clear example of such an impact is the recent large increases in transportation fuel costs, which, as reported in the press, has resulted in a 50% reduction in the demand for fuel.
One last point on the social impact of tariff increases. Electricity is fundamental to modern life. Everyone should be able to afford some minimum level of electricity consumption. A further increase in tariffs may put electricity out of reach of the poorest consumers who are struggling to survive today. To protect such consumers, it would be best that those who consume only a small amount of electricity each month be given a special lower tariff. The CEB already has such a tariff for residences consuming less that 60 units (kWh) a month.
A household consuming 30 units in a month only pays Rs 360 under the present tariff, and those consuming 60 units pay a monthly bill of Rs 900. With the latest proposed increases, their respective bills would increase to Rs 1,300 and to Rs 2,960. These increases look large if expressed as a percentage. In absolute rupee terms they are not, compared to the present official poverty line income threshold of Rs 55,000 – 60,000 per month for a family of four. The additional Rs 940 for those consuming 30 units in a month, would be about the same as one meal for a family of four. If the Government wishes to reduce the special tariff for consumption from 30-60 units, the impact on CEB revenue of any such adjustment could be covered by slight increases in the tariff revision to other consumer categories.
What of the longer-term prospects?
The CEB is a mammoth organization, an order of magnitude larger than the largest private sector companies in Sri Lanka. It is abundantly clear that the CEB, like most Government ventures, is not the most efficient of organizations. There is much that can be done to improve its efficiency, but this can only be achieved in the long-term. The minister has proposed the first step, the “unbundling” of the CEB, where the generation, transmission, and distribution parts of the CEB are divided into separate entities. In the case of generation and distribution, these could be divided even further. The idea is that these smaller entities could be better managed, and more importantly, that it should be possible to bring in private sector management into some portions, or even privatize them completely.
The minister’s proposal is not new. Several past attempts were made to do just such an unbundling; one during the time I worked in the Ministry of Finance, around 20 years ago. The engineers who run the CEB, fully aware of the loss of their monopoly control of the entire power supply of the country with such unbundling, blocked these attempts. The present minister thinks he can easily get it through this time. The CEB engineers, who are very smart about looking after their own interests, are biding their time and, I predict, they will put up a fight, and may well succeed in blocking the break up, as they have done in the past.
Politicians across the board, even those who are part of the Government, have been reported in the press as objecting to a further tariff increase by the CEB. None of them have any alternate proposals for how the revenue shortfall of the CEB can be met, other than to make glib comments like “reduce the inefficiency of the CEB,” “recover the money stolen in the sugar scam,” “cut Government waste,” and so on. These things are not going to happen in the coming year or two. The problem is here now. No politician has highlighted the serious adverse impact of no tariff increase on the Government policy to substantially increases RE’s share of the grid which I have highlighted here.
Government has to bite the bullet and take the hard decision to increase CEB’s tariffs now. Becoming current and staying current with payments due to RE producers should also be a condition of the tariff increase. If possible, it should leverage the decision with a mutually acceptable agreement with the CEB’s engineers to support the unbundling of the CEB towards improved efficiency.
The author has extensive work experience in renewable energy in private industry, and in policy formulation and implementation in the Ministry of Finance of the GOSL.
Features
Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?
The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.
Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.
Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory
Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.
Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.
I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.
It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.
The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.
Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable
On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.
The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.
Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.
Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.
We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!
The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.
by Rajan Philips ✍️
Features
‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt
A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.
Athsara Wijegunawardena
Neha Thirumavalavan
Dillai Joseph
Wasantha Siriwardena
Champika Dias
Nipun Dias
Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena
Kalhari Perera
Siromi Samarasinghe
Chandana Illankone
All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.
Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.
- Nipun Dias
- Wasantha Siriwardena
Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.
The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.
Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.
Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.
Features
Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving
“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.
Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.
These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).
Vipassana and modern science
Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.
An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.
The process of perception: five aggregates
Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.
The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.
The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.
Evolution and emotion
The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.
The biochemistry of craving
Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.
Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.
Breaking the cycle
This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).
Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation
While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.
The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.
The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.
by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️
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