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Pillayan talks of elections and the East, says Ranil is the best bet for the country

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Batticaloa District MP Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan

By Saman Indrajith

Forty-eight-year-old Batticaloa District MP Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, popularly known as Pillayan, has been shaping the Eastern Province’s political narrative since he was a teenager. He was just 16-years old when he joined the LTTE in 1990 as a child soldier. Since then, he continued to rise in the ranks of the LTTE until his immediate boss, Karuna Amman, decided to leave the outfit with his followers in 2004.

Since then Pillayan has relied on ballots instead of bullets to achieve his political goals. Today, he is the leader of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), which was formed in 2004. He polled the highest number of preferential votes in the Batticaloa District, at the provincial council election for the Eastern Province in 2008 and became the first ever Chief Minister of the province.

“We believe the people in the East have given us a mandate to give up the armed struggle and choose the way of democracy,” he says. Pillayan’s journey from a militant commander to a political leader saw him sport many party colours. Today he is the State Minister of Rural Road Development in the Wickremesinghe – Rajapaksa government.

In a recent interview with the Sunday Island, Pillayan talked about the upcoming elections and asserted that the Eastern Province would vote for a party or alliance led by President Ranil Wickremesinghe as they are convinced of the need to support the latter’s efforts at achieving economic recovery.

Excerpts:

Q: This is an elections year. Given your understanding of the Eastern Province and people there, how would you expect the East to vote in the coming elections?

A:Three days ago, it was announced that the Presidential elections would be held in mid-September this year. There will be parliamentary elections in January next year and the local government elections two months after that in March. This is what has been said about upcoming elections as of now. Having said that, let’s look at the Eastern Province and the way they’ll vote.

We see Tamil, Muslim, and Sinhala voters in the East. Given the situation prevailing in the country, it is sure that the Easterners will vote for anyone who they believe is capable of strengthening the national economy. They understand that the next president should be able to prevail with the IMF and the international community to steer the country out of its present crisis. My party, the TMVP, has not yet decided whom to support, but I am sure that we could deliver the highest number of votes from the Eastern Province. We’ll make the right decision at the right time.

Q: Are you saying that the East is undecided yet?

A: If you speak to people there, you will find that they do not prefer the JVP because, despite their high-volume rhetoric, they are yet to be recognized as leaders capable of governing. People in the East have no belief in them. On the other hand, there is the Opposition Leader’s SJB which has senior politicians, but he too is yet to prove himself as a leader. Eastern people do not see him as a person to whom they should entrust their future. I believe that the incumbent President, Ranil Wickremesinghe, will get the highest number of votes in the Eastern Province in a presidential election.

Q: This has been described as an ‘open season’ for crossovers. Are there any invitations for the TMVP to switch alliances?

A: We contested the last election as a member party of the Pohottuwa alliance. We are yet the governing party of the country. There are internal conflicts and splits within that alliance, which is a common occurrence in any alliance during an election period. A couple of days ago, an SJB MP resigned, citing the reason that he did not want to see his children being cursed by people because of his politics. The media showed some politicians joining the opposition. However, there is yet time for the major players to form alliances. We as a party which can deliver the numbers from the East are observing the developments.

Q: The voters abhor politicians who switch alliances for moneybags. We see in social media people cursing such politicians who betray the aspirations of their people for personal benefit. As a politician who held various positions under several governments, how do you expect this negative public opinion about politicians to influence the upcoming elections?

A: Young voters demand a system change. That was the main demand of the Aragalaya protests too. System change is something that is easier said than done. For example, look at the ongoing Yukthiya operation. If police do not arrest drug traffickers, people blame the police and government. When the arrests are made, they again blame the police and government.

Whatever said on social media, people at the end of the day know that this country needs a strong leadership to take us forward from the present crisis. Those who demand system change expect that there should be an environment for people to live happily in a secure country with a sound economy. For that, security is the number one concern.

Let’s take an example from the past. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had to leave the presidency. Why was that? There was an economic downfall. The first was the result of the Easter Sunday attacks which had negative impact on tourism industry. There was no foreign exchange and then came the COVID pandemic. President Gotabaya had a plan, but the intervention of other problems did not permit him to implement what he wanted to do. People know that plans and wishful thinking alone won’t help us but there should be decisive action with an understanding of the global developments and the country’s needs as well as its independence and the leaders’ ability to strike a balance.

Q: So it’s your opinion that the incumbent President is the only solution, is it?

A: Yes. There could be hundreds of thousands of facebook posts and social media campaign. But the fact remains that people have sovereignty and they elect their MPs. After that, the leader of the MPs should understand that he must make decisions to protect people. Our primary duty is to the people. The incumbent president knows this responsibility.

What would have happened if there was another crisis after the first? The MPs could not even get on to the roads. The country was sliding fast towards anarchy. Anyone can imagine what will happens when there is mob rule. The Ranil Wickremesighe stood up to the challenge and now here we are where we are. We know that there are price hikes, but we no longer have long queues and lines for essentials, fuel and food. We must respect him for saving this nation from anarchy. I do not think any of our other leaders could do better.

Q: The Eastern Province has the attention of all superpower players in geopolitics. How do you predict the immediate future of the Eastern Province?

A: Eastern Province with its potential and endowments could be the key to development of this country. The superpowers always had an eye on Trincomalee harbor even during the times of the Cold War. When we started politics there were two superpowers – Russia and the US. Now, the superpowers have changed from Russia and the US to different groups. India too is a superpower when it comes to regional politics. The current situation in regional politics is fast changing.

The Islamic State organization has its operations, the Israel conflict is there, Red Sea is fast becoming a war zone, the China-India struggle continues. As you know any of these players would like to get a hold of the Trincomalee harbour which can decisively influence geopolitics. That is why all foreign envoys have their attention on the East. What we need is a leader with a vision to manage all these for the benefit of this country. That is what the East needs as its future.

Q: How does the TMVP prevail in the province?

A: As you know, we are a regional party. We are limited to three districts – Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Amapara. We have many votes in Batticaloa. And you also know that we started our politics after leaving the LTTE. We broke ranks with the LTTE due to internal conflicts and continued to represent the political aspirations of the Eastern Tamil people. Our position is that we cannot divide this country. To live as a united nation, we need to think of power-sharing. This is in line with the power sharing mechanism granted to us in the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

Now the President too has expressed quite a same opinion. We as a party are happy to live with powers given to us by the 13th amendment. We believe that powers given to the Provincial Councils should be increased at least to the level promised in the Constitution. People in the East are happy with this. We join with governments because when working with governments we can help our people.

After the war, the youth in the East were thinking of leaving this country for good. We pointed out to them that we could work to better our lot and bring about the changes we need. We instilled that confidence in people. They now understand that we were right. I am sure and confident that in the coming elections we can retain our position as the most popular party in the Eastern Province.

Q: You had been a regional commander of the LTTE. You held very high posts of the LTTE was strong and had a big following. Now you have transformed to a different role of a civil leader. If you view this metamorphosis in retrospect, what do you see? What is the present situation of those who followed your orders?

A: Most of those other leaders who had been below me joined politics and others remain. They support the party. They work with us. There are some others who are disabled owing to the injuries they received in the battlefield. Some have lost eyes, others their limbs. I do as much as I can to help them. I help them to gain government support for their livelihood.

It is sad when I see some of them because I can give them anything, but they cannot get back their limbs. I can give them anything and everything but can a person who had lost his eye regain it? Some parents come and ask me whether I know the whereabouts of their son or daughter who had been fighting with us. Have they died in battle? In what way I could assist them to mitigate their losses, I cannot bring them back.

I talk to them and tell them that there had been many other leaders – there was Prabhakaran and then Karuna Amman. Now only I am there. I did not leave them and won’t leave them. Today only I am there to work for them. I continue to serve them and look after their interests.

Q: Is there anything else you want to tell our readers?

A: Criticism is easy. Complaining is easy. Work is hard. This does not mean we should stop working and keep on complaining and blaming the governments for the crisis we are in. There had been other factors beyond anybody’s control such as COVID that contributed to this. We all know where we are. This is the time that we must understand the responsibility of each of us and work hard as a single nation.

Instead, what do we see? You see that when the doctors’ allowances were increased nurses and other health workers started to strike. The government could have easily dealt with that but that would add to the misery. Who suffers because of this strike? Is it the president, the health minister, the MPs or the people who could afford to obtain services of private hospitals? No, it is the poor who are affected badly. I think we must understand this truth and we must each do our duty to get out of this crisis as a single nation. That is the way for system change. There is no other way.



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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