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Monks’ march, in America and Sri Lanka

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Buddhist monks walking for peace travel through east Alabama into west Georgia

“Whoever here (in this dispensation) lives a holy life, transcending both merit and demerit, and walks with understanding in the world – he is truly called a monk… Just as a blade of (kusa) grass wrongly grasped cuts one’s hand, so does monkhood wrongly practiced drags one to hell.”The Buddha (Dhammapada – Niraya Vagga)

“Wonder forth, O bhikkus,” the Buddha advises the Sangha in Dutiyamârapâssa Sutta, “for the welfare of the multitude, for the happiness of the multitude, out of compassion for the world.” On October 26, 2025, 19 Buddhist monks of Vietnamese, Taiwanese, and Laotian origin (and their dog Aloka) began a 2,300-mile walk for peace from Texas to Washington. Their path lay through former Jim Crow and KKK territory, places scarred by lynching and segregation. Along the way, the monks led by Bhikku Pannakara (who made the entire trek barefoot) taught about mindfulness, forgiveness, and healing.

Their message touched men and women many of whom were probably seeing a monk for the first time. It is “beautiful how people have welcomed and hosted us in spite of not knowing who we are and what we believe,” Bhikku Pannakara commented. The reason was the conduct of the messengers as much as the nature of the message. The monks walked in scorching heat or freezing cold during the day and treated their blistered, swollen, and injured feet in the night, always soft-voiced, always kind, always mindful. A Christian priest in Alabama, Patrick Hitchman-Craig, who hosted the monks in his church on Christmas night, compared them to the Magi. “I looked into their eyes and saw peace,” Audrey Pearce from South Carolina said (https://apnews.com/article/buddhist-monks-peace-walk-dog-american-south-26cadee973657ef026ab2370d04b39c5). When they arrived in Washington, the DC secretary Kimberly Bassett stated, “Your pilgrimage has brought people together across cities, states, and communities…all of us together, united in the shared belief that we can chose healing over harm, understanding over division, and peace over conflict” (https://washingtonian.com/2026/02/10/thousands-welcome-buddhist-monks-in-dc-after-their-2300-mile-walk-for-peace).

In Sri Lanka too, monks are planning a march. 8,000 monks are supposed to congregate in Colombo on February 20. The purpose of this march is not peace, healing, or forgiveness. According to chief organiser Muruthethettuwe Ananda thero, the purpose is to protest against anti-monk statements by some ministers and the ‘growing disrespect toward Buddhist clergy’.

If the monk wants to know the reason for this ‘growing disrespect’, he should look in the mirror.

Or compare his conduct with that of the monks who walked for peace in America.

The birth of the political monk – of which Muruthethettuwe Ananda thero is an epitome – is a key reason for the degeneration of Lankan Sasana. In independent Ceylon/Sri Lanka, each wave of political Buddhism ended with a massive public backlash of anger, disenchantment, and disrespect.

The action-reaction began in 1956. Monks played a vanguard role in the victorious election campaign of SWRD Bandaranaike (Incidentally, the MEP’s national average vote was only 39.5%; the party’s victory was probably due more to the no-contest pacts with the left rather than to the monks.). The murder of PM Bandaranaike by a monk in 1959 resulted in a pubic backlash against all Sangha. In his political novel Peraliya (Transformation), TB Illangaratne writes that monks had to stop going in buses or on pindapatha for a while due to public anger.

A similar action-reaction happened in 2004, when the promise of a Dharma Rajya in six months by the JHU (led by Champaka Ranawaka and Udaya Gammanpila) ended in a kidnapping farce and an ugly parliamentary brawl. The final straw was the bomb attack on a musical show featuring Indian artistes in which several JHU stalwarts were implicated. During this time, the JHU symbol hakgediya (conch shell) became a popular slang word for a monk.

In Dhammapada, the Buddha says, “O bhikku! Censure yourself (for your misdeeds). Control yourself. The self-controlled wise bhikku experiences happiness” (Bhikku Vagga). If gaining public respect is what Muruthethettuwe Ananda thero and his fellow monks are truly after, they should cease meddling in politics and business and practice some basic dhamma.

Protesting Buddhist monks photo (courtesy Al Jazeera)

They won’t, because the actual purpose of the planned protest is political. The monks want to regain not public respect but political clout. For that purpose, they want to replace the NPP/JVP government with an administration more likely to heap patronage on them and accord them a greater degree of (indirect) political power. They are not dupes, but willing simians of a tried-and-tested organ grinder.

Their master’s voice

In 2012, when the Rajapaksas needed a replacement for Tamil Enemy, the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) appeared, as if by magic, with the Halal issue and the Muslim Enemy.

In late 2015/early 2016, the ‘Sinha Le’ (Blood of the Lion) movement sprouted with equal suddenness when the Rajapaksas were ratcheting up its opposition to the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government. Sinha Le was a reference to the Mahawamsa myth about the origin of the Sinhala people via cohabitation between a real lion and a human princess. The ‘Sinha Le’ movement’s purpose was to incite minority phobia among Sinhala-Buddhists and use that as a pathway to power for the Rajapaksas. The journey thus begun would end with the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa as president, via the Easter Sunday Massacre.

The blood-and-faith nationalism invoked by Sinha Le is a part of global and historical phenomenon which advocates government of, by and for the ‘chosen people’, chosen on the basis of ethnicity or religion. The adherents of this ideology believe in a land which is pure, which is the exclusive preserve of their own ethnic/religious community. Historically, this ideology has been used to commit/justify atrocities, the genocide of Jews by Nazi Germany and the genocidal war against Gaza by Zionist Israel being prime cases in point.

Now political monks are planning a fresh round of weaponisation of Buddhism. This latest round began, predictably, in the multi-ethnic, multi-religious East, with the Trincomalee Buddha statue drama. According to media reports, there was a dhamma school in the contested land until it was destroyed by the 2004 tsunami. For the next 21 years it laid bare, possibly because it fell within a coastal buffer zone set up under the Tsunami (Special Provisions) Act, No 16 of 2005. Instead, the temple which owned the land leased it to a private individual to start a café. Then, suddenly, in November 2025, the reconstruction of the dhamma school was mooted. As a prelude, a Buddha statue was installed under cover of darkness by a group of monks and lay people, including Balangoda Kassapa thero. Acting on a complaint by the Coast Conservation Department, the police took the statue away (and returned it the next day). Within 24 hours, the likes of Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana descended on Trinco while the Trinco monks arrived in Colombo to meet Namal Rajapaksa and seek his help.

The eventual arrest of Balangoda Kassapa thero and several other monks for violating the Coast Conservation Act gave rise to cries of persecution and demands for impunity. During a court appearance, Balangoda Kassapa thero proclaimed that the Buddha’s law was higher than the law of the land, implying that as a monk he should be above the law. He was lying, knowingly or unknowingly. When he obtained higher ordination, the ritual would have included a question, Na ci rajabato (Are you a soldier of a king?); higher ordination would have been granted only after he answered, Natthi Bhante, meaning no.

Prof. Sucharitha Gamlath, in his erudite biography of the Buddha, gives the back history of this question-and-answer ritual. According to Mahavagga (Vinaya Pitakaya), warriors serving in King Bimbisara’s army became concerned about the sins they were committing as part of their military duties. They deserted and entered Sasana. The generals complained to the king about this ‘act of insubordination’. The king sought judicial opinion about the appropriate punishment for those who ordain a person engaged in royal service. The judges pronounced that such persons deserve a tortuous death. Armed with this ‘verdict’ the King approached the Buddha and asked him to stop ordaining serving soldiers. The Buddha granted the request. By doing so, he drew a clear line of demarcation between religion and secular power, (not unlike Jesus’s dictum, ‘Give to Caesar what is Caesar’s and to God what is God’s’). What the political monk is demanding is effacing of this necessary line of demarcation and the placing of monks above secular power.

Monks invoke historical precedent as the justification for this demand. But actual history tells us that Lankan Sasana existed under secular power and that kings didn’t hesitate to punish those monks who engaged in hostile political activities. From King Coranaga (3BCE to 9CE) who destroyed 18 viharas because monks refused to give refuge to him and King Kanirajanu-Tissa (89-92CE) who ordered about 60 monks to be thrown down Cetiya-pabba (Mihintale) for rejecting his decision in a monastic dispute case and plotting to commit regicide to King Vira Parakrama Narendra Sinha (1707-1739) who executed Suriyagoda Rajaguru thero (the mentor-teacher of the famous Velivita Sri Saranankara thera), Lankan kings didn’t spare monks who crossed the line. The inclusion of caste in Sasana, a clear violation of the Buddha’s teaching, resulted from a royal decree.

Thanks to the democratic nature of the Lankan state, monks have the same right to engage in politics as any other citizen. In fact, monks today have far more indirect political power and a say over secular affairs than their predecessors did when Lanka was a monarchy. Their current demand for impunity is against not just the law of the land but also the law of the Buddha. If granted, it will help establish the lunatic fringe in the political centre, again.

Perversions

Ellawala Medhananda thero was the founder-leader of the JHU. In an interview with ‘The Nation’ on July 22, 2007, he was asked, “As compensation for defamation you have requested Rs. 2.5 billion. Why such an exorbitant amount? Wouldn’t a public apology suffice?” The monk replied, “If they come with sword, we answer with sword. If they come with kindness, we answer with kindness. Otherwise you cannot live in this world. Even Lord Buddha approved of this and said that you should not remain silent in the face of provocation…”

In Good Hope Georgia, a small group of extremist Christians protested against the monks on the peace march. The only one to respond in kind to their insults was Aloka, the dog, who barked once and was gently shushed by a monk. As the words of hate swirled around him, Bhikku Pannakara said, “We are not here to fight anybody. We are here to fight ourselves. The biggest enemies in the world are not the people outside. The biggest enemy in the world is our inner self, our minds, out thoughts” ().

In Maha Parinibbana Sutta, the Buddha teaches monks about the Four Great References, how to identify whether a statement is in accord with his teaching. The statement should be studied to see if the words “fit in the discourse and are exhibited in the training. If they do not fit in the discourse and are not exhibited in the training, you should draw the conclusion: ‘Clearly this is not the word of the Buddha…” Going by the Buddha’s own given method, it is clear that what is in accordance of his teaching is not Medhananda thero’s blood-thirsty words but the words and the conduct of Bhikku Pannakara.

All organised religions have ‘split personalities’. The effect a religion has on a society depends on the relative power/influence of its antipodal characteristics. When the violent intolerant aspects of an organised religion gain the upper hand, that religion becomes a source of societal bloodletting. Unfortunately, it is the un-Buddhist words and conduct of the likes of Medhananda thero which passes for Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Most Buddhists might deplore the shenanigans of Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara, but he is still considered (and worshipped as) a monk. The resultant perversion of Buddhism played a fundamental role in many of the disasters which befell us, including 1956 and 1958, Black July, Aluthgama and Digana riots, long Eelam War and Easter Sunday Massacre.

“Whoever dons the saffron robe with mind purged of all defilements, restrained and truthful, he indeed is worthy of the saffron robe,” the Buddha says (Dhammapada -Yamaka Vagga). But when Buddhism is weaponised for political purposes, those who are defiled, unrestrained, and untruthful, those who are unworthy of the saffron robe become the public face of Buddhism, tainting it with their own reek.

That is what is being attempted with the Trinco Buddha statue drama. Get ordinary Sinhala-Buddhists worked up, create a Tamil threat, to shift the political centre to the right, towards extremism and intolerance. It is a recipe for a new disaster, for losing a possible better future to an all too well-known bloody past.

by Tisaranee Gunasekara



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Features

Cricket and the National Interest

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The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

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From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

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Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

 

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh 

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Dubai scene … opening up

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Seven Notes: Operating in Dubai

According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!

After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.

The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.

On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.

These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.

With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist

What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.

With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.

Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.

Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.

Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes

According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.

“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.

He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.

“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”

No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.

However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.

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