Features
Life after A.F. Jones, marriage and separation

(Excerpted from the autobiography of Merrill. J. Fernando)
Having severed my connections with AF Jones, I gave myself a respite from an intense work life, literally a dawn to dusk grind, which I had sustained almost on a daily basis, over several years. In view of the nature of my disengagement from AFJ, I also took the precaution of advising all our customers around the world that I had dealt with, of the circumstances that led to my departure. Many responded to me, expressing their dissatisfaction with the manner in which they were being serviced after my exit.
There were also requests for me to return to AFJ with the assurance that I would be permitted to operate without any interference. However I did not consider that even for a moment,
During this rather troubled period, I was administered another shock, by a letter from the Inland Revenue Department, enclosing a punitive assessment for Rs. 50,000 in additional taxes coupled with a directive impounding my passport.
A close friend investigated the matter on my behalf and advised that the department had been sent a set of documents, relating to a personal investment of 600 pounds in shares in the UK; hence the assessment. I immediately realized how the file had got into the hands of the Inland Revenue.
A lady secretary at the American Embassy was the tenant of my ground floor flat and paid me a dollar rent, which I credited to a UK bank account.
From these funds I had invested in Ceylon tea estate company shares in the UK Stock Exchange. Joe Silva, a communist agitator who had created many problems at AFJ, had apparently, on the instructions of Nadesan, my supposed friend, sent an anonymous letter to the Exchange Controller, alleging that I had overseas investments. When the Exchange Controller requested me to submit details of such investment, I showed the documents to Nadesan, who drafted a reply on my behalf. He also kept in his custody the related file of documents – for safekeeping, he said – and it was that file which had found its way to the Inland Revenue.
However, Mr. Mithrasena, the Inland Revenue official who inquired into the matter, was quite satisfied with my explanation regarding the overseas account. He also assisted me in obtaining my statutory dues from the company, by ordering the company to immediately remit the relevant funds to the Inland Revenue, which he released to me soon thereafter.
During this period I had a couple of offers from companies overseas, including one in the United States of America, the latter through a friend of mine, to join his company as a partner. However, I was still passionate about the tea industry in Ceylon and, despite the disappointment with AFJ, I was determined to continue with the tea export business.
Another beginning – Merrill J. Fernando & Co. Ltd.
S_ I. Jafferjee of Jafferjee Brothers, an old and well-established family tea export company, was my good friend and had been very supportive at me during my disputes with the AFJ Board. No sooner I severed my active connection with AFJ, he invited me to join him in his business. I was grateful to him for his offer, but instead, in 1962, I launched a small company of my own, ‘Ceylon Tea Exports,’ operating out of the Jafferjee Brothers’ offices and also using their tea facilities.
The business grew steadily until a major strike by the workers of Jafferjee Brothers disrupted my operations as well. My personal appeals to the strike leaders failed to resolve the issues in contention, even though I went to the extent of visiting their homes to discuss the matter.
Finally, after discussion with “SI,” I moved out of the Jafferjee premises and set up my office at 188, Vauxhall Street, Colombo. At the same time, I also rented warehousing from S. H. Moosajee & Co, at Rs. 15 a square foot. That location is today Park Street Mews, home to a few upscale restaurants. The business of Ceylon Tea Exports was transferred to Merrill J. Fernando Company, which I had set up in 1962.
The beneficial impact of Mr. Gash’s (of National and Grindlays Bank) interventions in my business life were such that I always considered him to have been sent by God! He financed all my operations with the utmost confidence, even when business circumstances were unfavourable. In one instance, during a strike period which held up tea shipments, causing cash flows to dwindle, I visited the bank to seek temporary bridging finance, over and above the normal operational funding. However, his two assistants dissuaded me from going to Gash with my request as they were of the view that he would be placed in a difficult situation.
Seeking an alternative, I walked across to Eastern Bank — today Standard Chartered Bank — and submitted my request to its Head, Peter Bolander who, at our frequent social meetings, would solicit business from me. He asked for time to look up his rule book and then agreed to give me a substantial overdraft facility. When Gash’s assistants heard about my discussions with Bolander, they asked me not to mention my new relationship with the Eastern Bank as that would upset Gash!
Subsequently, I was compelled to take my business away from Grindlays, as its Head Office in Calcutta had taken up the position that I was over-trading and, hence, constituted a risk to the bank. Though Gash and his senior managers explained to their supervisors in Calcutta that I carried out a very efficient operation, in which the product was converted to cash much faster than in any other similar operation, the Calcutta office refused to change its view. By the time I reluctantly moved my business out of Grindlays Mr. Gash had also retired.
Messrs. Gunatilleke and Kularatne at People’s Bank solicited my business, even offering to finance the settling of my old debts, apparently a concession which they normally did not extend to other businessmen. However, I had to decline their kind offer as Grindlays arranged with Hatton National Bank to take over my account and its then Head, Mr. Dharmarajah, offered me the same generous terms extended to me by Grindlays. At Hatton National I dealt with L. S. D. “Bill” Peiris, a very sensible and fair-minded banker, with whom I enjoyed an excellent business relationship.
At that time most banks employed a cumbersome system to lend funds against export orders. This did not suit my operational style and I proposed to the bank a different system which also provided adequate protection to the bank, in the case of non-performance on my part. I gave Bill Peiris a weekly statement of confirmed orders with the corresponding funding requirements and that was accepted by him.
However, whilst I diligently honoured all my commitments to the bank, I had serious disagreements with one executive, the late Gaston Gunawardene, who was in actual fact an administrator and not a banker. His criticism of and intrusion into my operations were so frequent and vexing that I finally moved out of Hatton National, despite Dharmarajah’s appeals for me to stay on. I had to explain to him that I found it impossible to work with Gunawardene.
This depressing reliance on institutional funding for one’s operations taught me another useful lesson, very early in my life as a single entrepreneur – to build a strong cash base which would minimize dependence on loan and overdraft assistance which, even at their most beneficial, are still exploitative. I became frugal in my expenditure, saved as much as possible, and exercised great selectivity in my investments.
As a result of prudent cash and investment management, within a couple of decades I was able to build up substantial savings. The latter, invested in gilt-edged securities, provided me the stability to view funding assistance for my operations as a matter of choice and gave me the ability to fund any new business initiative from the revenue generated by my own operations.
Marriage and family
In 1964, I married Devika Jayawickrema, who came from a politically-prominent southern family. Her father, Major Montague Jayawickrema, was a proprietary planter and land-owner in the south. He had also been an active politician since 1936 and had represented the Weligama electorate on several occasions, between 1952 and 1987. He had been the Minister of Transport and Public Works from 1952-1956 and, later, from 1977-1987, the Minister of Public Administration, Home Affairs, and Plantation Industries.
Devika had been raised in a family environment in which the main preoccupations were politics and public service. As a result, the deeply-entrenched family cohesiveness and religiosity, which were both the defining features and overarching influences of my upbringing, were absent from her persona. Her outlook and worldview had been fashioned in a family ambience in which interpersonal relationships, attachments, and obligations were not as deep as in mine. These sharply-contradictory features in our respective personalities and value systems had their impact later on in our relationship.
At the time of my marriage I was living in a comfortable apartment on Turret Road and I planned to continue to live there. However, my new father-in-law was very insistent that I move into a fully-furnished home he had built for his daughter. In fact, he went to the extent of sending a few of my friends, including Bennet Medonza, to persuade me to move into this house, which was located between his house and that of Kishani, his second daughter. Finally I conceded to his appeals and moved in, but surprisingly found that instead of the fully-furnished home I was told to expect, it had only a refrigerator. I furnished it very satisfactorily on my own though.
Children arrive
Our eldest, Malik, was born on February 6, 1966, followed by Dilhan on May 29, 1968. Very early on I found out that Devika’s concept of parenting was quite different from mine, the latter fashioned within a strict Catholic upbringing, a composite of dedicated parental care on the one hand and the equally compelling response by the child on the other. The dictates of the religion that they were born to governed every aspect of my parents’ lives, even in the home. Other distractions, whether social or professional and however attractive or demanding, were not permitted to affect those responsibilities.
Thus, I evaluated Devika’s handling of our two children against the backdrop of my personal childhood experiences. During this period I was also deeply involved in my growing business, which, despite my commitment in both time and effort, was still beset by a number of operational problems. Given those circumstances, perhaps I expected a greater contribution from Devika in regard to the children, to offset any possible limitations on my part on account of the demands of my business. In short, I expected our two sons to be brought up in the same way I was raised in my parents’ home.
Eventually, my decision to end the relationship was made on the basis that the raising of my children, according to my perceptions of what was best for them, was not possible within the context of my marriage.
Separation
I purchased a comfortable and modern two-storeyed house at 61, Jawatte Road, soon after which I made a quick business trip to Europe. I was quite surprised when Devika followed me to London, possibly at the urging of her parents with advice to mend fences. However, regretfully, I advised her that my mind was made up and that she needed to chart her own course for the future.
On my return to Sri Lanka I refurbished the new home and soon settled into it, accompanied by the two children, together with their two carers, personal furniture, and the ever-faithful Alice, the best chef I have ever known apart from my mother. Thus began a completely new existence which, with very few changes, continues to this day. When Devika and I separated, Malik was four and Dilhan two.
I was both surprised and grateful that the many friends I made during my marriage continued to be my friends even afterwards. They extended to me the same love and affection as before and were also extremely helpful to me in various ways. They gave me much-needed moral support at a difficult time and still remain my close friends.
Whilst there were many such, without detracting from their caring in any way, I must make special mention of Nordeen and Shirin Esufally, who were by my side on every step of a difficult journey and were my dear, lifelong friends until their departure from this world. They opened their hearts to me, providing me exceptional love and care, sent me meals frequently, and gave me unrestricted access to their home and staff. Nordeen was my tennis partner for many years. Their children continue to be equally close to me to this day.
On conclusion of the divorce proceedings, I was granted custody of our two sons with access for the mother once a fortnight. From what I gathered, that too was not a satisfactory experience for them, but did not pursue it or try to change it, apprehensive of the impact it would have on them.
A few months later I was fortunate in being able to purchase a beautiful home in Gower Street, an old-fashioned house set in a sprawling garden with large trees and flowering plants. Both Malik and Dilhan loved its spaciousness; within, they had separate bedrooms with attached baths, toilets and a playroom and outside, the extensive shaded space where they were able to play various games with friends. Every weekend the house was full of my sons’ friends.
I recall that Malik preferred to read books in his room rather than play. Whilst playing cricket, Dilhan would display his resentment at being dismissed whilst batting, sometimes breaking his wicket, a demonstration of temperament he fortunately outgrew!
Features
After Anura, Namal?

“…if this isn’t happening, what is?” Carolina De Robertis (The President and the Frog)
José Mujica, the poorest president in the world, died this week. As a young activist he had joined the Marxist Tupamaros guerrilla movement and was imprisoned for 14 years, most of it in a hole in a ground where he befriended ants and a frog to stay sane. During his five years as Uruguay’s president, he continued to live in his ramshackle farmhouse-home with his wife and three-legged dog Manuela, went about driving his old Volkswagen car, and donated most of his salary to charities.
Since the Uruguayan constitution does not permit consecutive presidential terms, Mr. Mujica bowed out in 2015. Despite a 70% popularity rate, he didn’t consider another presidential run. In one of his final interviews, he criticised left-wing presidents of Nicaragua and Venezuela for clinging to power and wondered at comeback attempts by Cristian Kirchner of Argentina and Evo Morales of Bolivia. “How hard it is for them to let go of the cake,” he marvelled ((https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20241129-we-re-messing-up-uruguay-icon-mujica-on-strongman-rule-in-latin-america).
Not wanting to ‘let go of the cake,’ is a political norm in today’s Sri Lanka. “Politicians never retire from politics,” Mahinda Rajapaksa said in 2024 (https://www.instagram.com/dailymirrorlk/reel/DBLMDBtsP82/). ). He had done more than most to set that trend in motion. Up until 2005, presidents retired after completing their two terms. President Rajapaksa removed the two-term provision in 2010, contested for a third term in 2015, lost, and, instead of retiring, contested the general election becoming an ordinary parliamentarian.
Anything to keep even a sliver of the cake.
“Attachment is the root of suffering,” The Buddha warned (https://suttacentral.net/mn105/en/sujato?lang=en&layout=plain&reference=none¬es=asterisk&highlight=false&script=latin). When political leaders become attached to power, the suffering becomes nationalised. For instance, had JR Jayewardene not been so intent on maintaining power, there would have been no 1982 Referendum and all the ills which followed.
Mr. Jayewardene wanted power for himself and his party. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s attachment to power is dynastic. He wants power, if not for himself, then for an immediate family member. In 2019, this gave us Gotabaya Rajapaksa. In 2029, it might give us Namal Rajapaksa.
Namal Rajapaksa replacing his father and uncles as the public face of the SLPP doesn’t mean any change in the feudal ethos underlying Rajapaksa politics. The party remains a fief and its activists continue to be vassals. A short You Tube video shot at a local government election meeting in Moneragala symbolises this continuity. In it, young Namal, dressed like his father, descends a long flight of stairs to be worshipped by two young men (possibly candidates). Their backs and heads are bent, their hands pressed together. Mr Rajapaksa is unembarrassed by this display of servility. On the contrary, he seems to be accepting it as his due, a crown prince being venerated by his future subjects (https://www.youtube.com/shorts/_BsTCv6H-bY).
Commenting on our economic prospects, the World Bank said, “Despite the recovery in 2024, medium-term growth is expected to remain modest, reflecting the scarring effects of the crisis…” (Sri Lanka Development Update 2025). That unprecedented crisis birthed two unimaginable outcomes, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Anura Kumara Dissanayake presidencies. Both outcomes were impossible under normal circumstances. At the 2020 general election, Ranil Wickremesinghe had lost his own seat and the NPP/JVP had gained just 3% of the vote. Without President Gotabaya, there wouldn’t have been a President Ranil or a President Anura.
Will the ineptitude of the Dissanayake administration open the door to another unthinkable – a Namal Rajapaksa presidency?
Underwhelming governance
The NPP/JVP administration is yet to spawn a major scandal on par with the innumerable Rajapaksa outrages or the bond scam. Most of its wrongs are of a relatively minor order, more peccadillos than crimes. Yet these delinquencies, together with an absolute genius for sloppiness, are earning for it a reputation of bumbling ineptitude.
Think of that monkey census. Or those May Day buses illegally parked on the Southern Highway. Or the silly sayings of Nalin Hewage, Chatura Abeysinghe, and Nilanthi Kottahachchi.
The Asoka Ranwala saga is emblematic of the aura of maladroitness that is plaguing the NPP/JVP administration. Five months after that needless (indeed infantile) doctorate affair, Mr. Ranwala is yet to produce his PhD certificate from his supposed alma mater. His silence on the matter is understandable. Not so the silence of the government. He continues to be not just a parliamentarian but also a member of the NPP’s executive committee. In fact, the official NPP website continues to list him as Dr Asoka Ranwala! (https://www.npp.lk/en/about). If the NPP cannot update its own website, how can it change a system, let alone create a New Man who embodies civic virtues and humanitarian values?
From l’affaire Ranwala to the chaotic scenes at the Tooth Relic exposition, the missteps of the NPP/JVP government become magnified because of the glaring difference between the party’s promise and the administration’s reality. In its desire to win, the NPP/JVP generated unrealistic and unrealisable expectations, building a pedestal for itself high to the point of perfection. Its inability to live up to those expectations, to remain on that pedestal is causing immense damage to its credibility. Going by the government’s dismal performance at the LG polls so soon after its soaring victory at the parliamentary election, voters feel disillusioned, even cheated. For a six-month old government, that is not a good place to be.
Add to this the government’s inexplicable inefficiency on matters large and small, despite having both the presidency and more than a two-thirds majority in parliament. The rice crisis is an obvious case in point. President Dissanayake went so far as to threaten rice oligopolists in public, on TV. Yet the oligopolists continue to retain the upper hand. Minister Saroja Paulraj’s insensitive attitude to the suicide of a 16-year old student is atrocious; even more unforgivable is the government’s inability to take any action against the tuition class owner (and NPP member) whose alleged public shaming was, reportedly, the immediate cause of that young girl’s suicide.
The missteps continue to multiply, from the prime minister’s intemperate remarks about breaking election laws ‘shape eke’ to limiting government’s weekly media briefings to those journalists registered with the Media Ministry (that ban kept out Shantha Wijesooriya despite his accreditations from the International Federation of Journalists and the Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association).
None of these needed to happen since they were not necessary for the government to maintain power. All of these could have been quenched with a few simple acts, starting with an apology. But they remain unattended and continue to fester, causing government serious reputational damage.
Little wonder the NPP/JVP lost 2.3million votes in under six months. Vote-haemorrhaging on such a scale is probably unprecedented in Lankan electoral history. The NPP/JVP not only lost the 1.2million votes it gained between presidential and parliamentary election; it also lost 1.1million votes from its presidential election score. If not staunched soon, this sort of bleeding cannot but lead to a dismal electoral death in 2029.
Perhaps the NPP/JVP’s greatest defeat is the stunning loss of confidence it suffered among Tamil and Muslim voters. Both communities abandoned the NPP/JVP and gravitated to their traditional parties in substantial numbers at the LG polls.
The government’s insensitivity and arrogance would have played a seminal role in this fall from electoral grace. Take, for instance, the March 2025 gazette stating that close to 6,000 acres of land in the Northern province will be taken over by the government if ownership is not confirmed within three months. The injustice and the discrimination of this proposed measure are palpable. The population in the Northern districts suffered grievously from the war, including destruction of property and displacement. Giving such a people just three months to prove ownership of land is a violation of natural justice. And such an unjust gazette targeting the Sinhala majority is unlikely to be issued by this or any other government. Little wonder Tamils felt disenchanted and a substantial number of them reverted to their traditional party loyalties.
The persecution of Muslims for opposing the war in Gaza was probably a key reason for the erosion of Muslim support. The arrest of 21-year-old Mohammad Rusdi for pasting an anti-Israeli sticker was obviously not an isolated incident. According to SJB parliamentarian Mujibur Rahman, a 31-year-old Muslim man in Eravur has been questioned for writing, Allah will protect Palestine, in a poem. And in Colombo, the police had gone to the house of an organiser of an anti-Israel demonstration, a Muslim, and asked him such question as why do you call Netanyahu a terrorist (he is worse, a genocider) and why demonstrate here when Palestinian children are killed? (Perhaps the new head of SL-Palestine Parliamentary Friendship Association Dr Sunil Senevi can give the police a brief lecture as to why the murder of children in their tens of thousands in Palestine or elsewhere touches us all?).
The government’s only remaining advantage is the opposition’s weakness. That weakness will enable the government to complete its five years. But it will not save the government from defeat in 2029.
Renaissance for the Rajapaksas?
According to the IHP’s SLOTS poll, electoral support for Gotabaya Rajapaksa began to diminish in January 2022. Initially, the beneficiary of this disenchantment was Sajith Premadasa, as the leader of the largest opposition party. By June, public opinion began to shift again, in the NPP’s favour. At first, a party with a mere 3% base beating the main opposition to win presidential and parliamentary polls seemed hardly credible. But as the NPP continued to shore up its support, that outcome began to look inevitable.
The possibility of a repeat performance in 2029 cannot be ruled out. Not with the SLPP more than tripling its vote haul and nearing the one million mark at the local government election in under six months.
The SLPP that might win in 2029 would be not just a Rajapaksa party but also a party which normalises corruption, again. Corruption was not a Rajapaksa creation. Far from it. But it was under Rajapaksa rule that corruption became accepted as an integral part of development itself, an acceptable price we citizens pay for development. Going by a recent public statement by SLPP heavyweight Janaka Tissakuttiarachchi, development through corruption would become a signature trait of a Namal Rajapaksa administration just as it was of Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa administrations. “There is nothing to hide,” Mr Tissakuttiarachchi told a campaign meeting proudly. “Some local government members would build a road with their friends and would take a profit of 5,000, 10,000 from those contractors. They didn’t buy a packet of milk for their children with that 5,000, 10,000. They took that 5,000, 10,000 to the funeral and the wedding in the village. And that person built himself. He used the development work given by Mr. Mahinda to build himself up, contest the next election, and win.”
As Canadian-American political commentator (and one-time speech-writer for the second President Bush) said of the Trump administration, bad character will become a job qualification under a president Namal just as it was under presidents Mahinda and Gotabaya.
According to the Democracy Perception Index 2025, Sri Lankans believe that the main purpose of democracy is to improve living standards ((https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_nypzC0gt5c). This is a test the NPP government seems to be failing. If it cannot prevent a salt shortage and the skyrocketing of salt prices, there’s not much chance it can cause a real improvement in the living standards of ordinary Lankans. The promise to bring corrupt politicians to justice is beginning to seem like empty words, as does the boast to suppress underworld gangs and end the drug menace. If the government fails to upgrade its performance substantially by September, its image as ‘incompetent Tarzans’ (weda beri Tarzanla) will become set in stone.
When disenchantment leads to anger (and desire to teach the government a lesson for its false promises), the pendulum will swing as wildly as it did in 2024. It will stop not with Sajith Premadasa (whose verbosity conceals rather than reveals what he actually stands for) but move past him towards the anti-New Man and the natural guardian of the old system, Namal Rajapaksa.
by Tisaranee Gunasekara
Features
Trump accepts gift (grift) of $400 million flying palace from QATAR to replace “dilapidated” Air Force One

China calls Trump’s bluff on tariffs
At a recent interview with Kristen Walker on NBC’s Meet the Press, President Trump was asked, when the subject of due process was being discussed, “Don’t you, as the President of the United States, need to uphold its constitution?”
Trump, who had taken the oath to uphold the constitution on two presidential inaugurations, said, amazingly, “I don’t know”.
The foreign emoluments clause of Article 1, Section 9, Paragraph 8 of the Constitution states: “No title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the consent of Congress, accept any present, emolument, office, or any title, of any kind whatsoever, from any King, Prince or foreign state”.
Trump is at present on the first overseas trip of his second term, covering Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, nations where he has significant private business interests worth billions of dollars, in Trump Towers, golf courses and cryptocurrency deals; where the necessity of personally maintaining the geopolitical balance of these corrupt business deals, which have more than tripled since his first presidential term, takes precedence over any matters of national interest.
Matters of national interest like the pursuit of a peace process which will bring about the cessation of hostilities between Israel and the terrorist groups of Hamas and the Houthis, ending the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza. A humanitarian crisis surely of more urgency than meetings with sponsors of international corruption and terrorism, or a gift of a palace in the sky.
On the eve of the first overseas trip of his second term, Trump confirmed, once again, his apathy towards the constitution, when he decided to accept a $400 million luxury airplane as a gift from the Qatari royal family. A 13-year-old plane, hitherto used by the Emir of Qatar, touted as a palace in the sky. A palace, though considered not good enough for the Qatar royalty, and gifted basically as a 13-year-old hand-me-down to the President of the United States of America.
The gift is from Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al Thani, a scion of the same royal family of Qatar Trump denounced in 2017 as the largest funder of terrorism in the middle east. Qatar has been a key supporter of terrorist groups, the Houthis and Hamas, giving them political and financial aid in excess of an estimated $1.8 billion during the past decade.
Trump justified the White House decision to accept the gift of the Jumbo Jet, to be used in place of the United States Air Force One, on the ingenuous argument that the gift was made to the United States Air Force, and not personally to him. Converting the Qatar-owned 747 Jet into a new Air Force One for President Trump would involve, according to aviation experts, stripping the plane to its foundations to ensure that it is security-bug free, and the installation of multiple top-secret security systems, that will cost the American taxpayer over one billion dollars and take years to complete. The installation of these new systems will cost far more than the estimated value of the “gift” of $400 million, and probably will not be completed before the end of Trump’s final, presidential term.
So why should Trump act against the constitution and accept a gift of a plane he probably will not be able use during his final presidential term? Because, according to the terms of this gift, the plane will be presented as an exhibit to the yet-to-be-built Trump Presidential Library at the end of his presidency. It will then be available for his personal use until his long-awaited demise, after which it will revert to the possession of the Trump family, ad infinitum.
Unlike the current Air Force One presidential plane, which will be used by his successor, if and when he leaves the White House.
White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt, who follows her boss in thumbing her nose at the constitution, said that “any gift given by a foreign government is always accepted in full compliance with all applicable laws. President Trump’s administration is committed to full transparency!” Attorney General Pam Bondi agrees, confirming that the Qatar gift is “legally permissible and not a bribe, because President Trump is not giving Qatar anything in return”.
Both Leavitt, Bondi and their boss do not seem to understand the significance of that age-old truism – “There’s nothing called a free lunch”. When a sponsor of terrorism gifts the United States a $400 million airplane, he surely would expect more than a sandwich in return!
However, there are rumblings of complaints from even the usually sycophantic Republican members of the House and Senate that may make Trump’s dream of owning a personal palace in the sky after his presidency most unlikely to result in a happy ending.
Prescription drugs
Trump has also decided to reduce the cost of prescription drugs to the levels of prices in every other developed nation. The idea came to him after a telephone call from London from a seriously overweight and highly neurotic business friend, a billionaire, who complained, “What the hell is going on, Mr. President? I am in London, and I just took my ‘fat-shot drug’, as he called it; and it cost me just $88. I pay $1,300 for the same drug in New York – same box, made at the same plant by the same manufacturer. You have to do something about it, Sir”.
Blessed with the svelte six-foot-three, 210-pounds figure of his dreams, Trump nevertheless shared the pain of his neurotic and obese friend. He decided to immediately address the issue, which he was surprised no one had thought of before. Only Trump pretended to be ignorant of the efforts of Democratic Senators Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and a host of progressive “woke” political leaders before them, who have been demanding the reform of the nation’s healthcare system, including the lowering of pricing of prescription drugs, for decades.
“I called the CEOs of some of the top drug companies, and asked them why drug prices are so high. They said, ‘Sir, it’s all the costs of research and development on which only American companies spend, and marketing costs; that’s why drugs cost so much in America’.
“So I told them – I suddenly thought of the word “equalization” – I bet no one has thought of this word before – I told them “You have to keep drug prices equal to those paid in other developed countries, get them to share in these research and development costs. I don’t care how you do it, but you have to sell these drugs at the same prices they are sold in other developed nations”.
Last Monday, Trump signed, with much fanfare, an Executive Order, instructing drug manufacturers to cut prices of their drugs from 58% to 90%, within six months. Unfortunately, although Trump is already calling this a fait accompli, a big win for an administration desperate for a win, there is no “or else” to this Executive Order. At the end of six months, nothing would have changed, no penalty levied.
Trump is fully aware that other administrations have made similar efforts to reduce drug prices, that the pharmaceutical companies will never reduce their prices – in six month or six years – as long as their lobbyists maintain control of the Republican politicians, who enjoy the majority in both the House and the Senate. Who, in turn, are controlled by Trump and the MAGA (Make America Great Again) cult.
In six months, Trump would have manufactured hundreds of new lies, addressing new scandals, and the public would have forgotten all about the lie of reduced drug prices. They would continue to pay the same high prices for drugs. And so the tried and proven Trump game of Deny, Distract and Delay will continue, until Americans wake up to the 21st century.
Citizens in other developed nations, who do live in the 21st century, often pay less than a tenth of the prices paid for the exact same drugs in the United States, because their governments manage universal healthcare systems. These governments negotiate the cost of drugs directly with the manufacturers, without having to contend with the enormous profits of the middlemen, the insurance and pharmaceutical companies, and, of course, bribes to crooked politicians.
Trump announces triumph in trade war by repudiating tariffs he had himself imposed on “Liberation Day”
Trump claimed yet another big win after his team led by Scott Bessent, Treasury Secretary, held negotiations with officials of the Chinese government over the weekend in Geneva, Switzerland. Secretary Bessent said. “We have reached agreement on a 90-day pause and substantially moved down tariff levels; both sides will move their reciprocal tariffs down by a whopping 115%”.
Given Trump’s mercurial personality, no one can be sure what new trade policies he will conjure up in 90 days.
The Chinese government has successfully called Trump’s “Liberation Day” bluff when he increased tariffs on Chinese imports to 145%. They have done so by ignoring Trump’s unilateral announcements of increased tariffs, but threatening retaliation to the bitter end. The Chinese do not make empty bluffs. The largest American retailers like Walmart and Target took the defiant attitude of the Chinese most seriously, and warned Trump that they will be facing empty shelves within weeks; smaller retailers were already consulting with bankruptcy lawyers in the full knowledge that they would have to close down their businesses by Christmas, if not sooner. Economists were predicting a 60% possibility of a recession within six months, entirely caused by the declaration of Trump’s trade war on April 2, now generally recognized as the “dumbest economic policy in decades”.
So Trump is now renegotiating tariffs, many at a disadvantage to the US from the rates that existed before Trump’s Liberation Day, when he announced the beginning of “trade independence that would make America rich again”. He is touting the reversal of his tariffs, a return to the status quo, having caused immense losses in the stock markets in the interim, as a tremendous win for his unparalleled excellence in the Art of the Deal.
Which takes us back to the tale of political satirist, Jon Stewart’s dog, who poops all over the carpet, and returns after a few days and eats the poop, leaving an indelible stain and a noisome stink. But he looks proudly at Stewart, as if to say, “Haven’t I been a good dog, the greatest dog you have ever seen?” This pathologically narcissistic, triumphant expression on the face of Jon Stewart’s dog, having partially cleaned up a mess of his own making, is the expression I see on Trump’s face whenever he announces his phony “accomplishments” on TV.
In a mere 100 days, Trump has transformed the economy he inherited from the Biden administration, headlined by The Economist of October 2024 as “The Envy of the World” to an economy of increased prices and rising rates of inflation, teetering on the brink of a recession.
by Kumar de Silva
Features
Ajahn Brahmavamso now in Sri Lanka

Ajahn Brahmavamso makes us feel he prefers we use this shortened name – Ajahn Brahm, so that’s the name I use in this article. The abbreviated second name is extra meaningful since the five letters in it are the first letters of the major religions of the world – Buddhism, Roman Catholicism and A for Anglican, Hinduism and Muslim. (I hope I am right).
Ajahn Brahm is now in Sri Lanka to give of himself to a crowded agenda planned by the Ajahn Brahm Society of Sri Lanka, given leadership by Ven Metthavihari Thera. This is a short visit but Ajahn Brahm will be going through a rigorous program of helping people mentally and emotionally, which help promotes physical well-being too.
Ajahn Brahm (British) and one of his pupils – Ajahn Brahmali (Norwegian) who reside in Bodhinyana Monastery in Serpentine, Perth, have been on several teaching visits to our country. The monastery was built by Ajahn Jagaro and Ajahn Brahm after they left Thailand and decided to live in Australia, invited to do so by the Buddhist Society of Western Australia. The monastery was completed in 1983 and named Bodhinyana in remembrance and to honour Ajahn Cha whose monastic title was Phra Bodhinana Thera.
An aside is that all building of extensions and renovations to the monastery are undertaken by the resident monks themselves. Thus an anecdote related by Ajahn Brahm is relevant here. He was all dusty and dirty from building when a well dressed Lankan woman came to the monastery and asked him whether she could meet Ajahn Brahm. He directed her to a waiting room and said that Ajahn Brahm would be with her in 15 minutes. Bathed and in a fresh set of robes he came and spoke with her. At the end of the interview she conspiratorially asked him as Head Abbot to control the monks better as she met a very untidy, very dirty monk when she entered the monastery. Bad image, she said.
Ajahn Brahm, a Theoretical Physics graduate from Cambridge University after one year of teaching went to Thailand to meditate and was a forest monk with teacher Ajahn Cha, considered the best Theravada meditation teacher in the last century. Ajahn Brahmali, after earning degrees in engineering and finance, left Norway in his 20s for Western Australia to be ordained a Buddhist monk under Ajahn Brahm. They both travel globally, spreading the Dhamma and conducting meditation sessions.
The crowded Agenda Public addresses:
The main addresses will be today, Sunday May 18, 2025, from 7:00 am to 11:00 am, at the BMICH Main and Sirimavo Halls; Ajahn Brahm moving from one hall to another so the entire audience sees him. Each hall will be equipped with audio and video presentation. The first address: Copying with life transitions and emotional challenges, is designed for all, age notwithstanding, offering wisdom and practical insights for a fulfilling life. The last time he spoke to the public 5000 plus people were comfortably accommodated at the BMICH.
The second address: The art of meaningful life, is a special session for teens and young adults, addressing key challenges faced by them in today’s fast-paced, competitive world. This will be translated from English to Sinhala by Ven Damita Thera.
Exclusive Forums
On Saturday, May 17, 2025, two exclusive forums were held at the BMICH Committee Room, Jasmine Hall. The first session had eighty invited Sri Lankan academics and scientists engaged in research on meditation at the Centre for Meditation Research of the University of Colombo. This was followed in the evening by an interactive session for a hundred invited senior professionals and business leaders, featuring a talk on leadership followed by a Q&A session.
Meditation Retreat
The most significant item on Ajahn Brahm’s programme will be a week-long meditation retreat at the Barberyn Waves Ayurveda Resort in Weligama from 18 to 24 May. Focus is on members of the Sangha. A limited number of experienced lay meditators will also have the opportunity to participate. And then Ven Ajahn Brahm will leave this country which I have heard him refer to in his videoed tapes as a country that warmly welcomes him.
Basic suggestions for meditation
Almost every night I listen to a video tape with either Ajahn Brahm or Ajahn Brahmali speaking about various aspects of the Dhamma; suttas, and practical ways to greater spirituality and of course making meditation less arduous and readily attainable. Ven Mettavihari sent me a text of a talk by Ajahn Brahm some time ago. I pick up some salient facts/hints/suggestions and include them in this article. One thing insisted on is that if one is attempting meditation to better one’s living and success in life, or to enhance concentration and so one’s job, or to avoid depression or raise one’s spirits. it is a sharp NO from both bhikkhus. Meditation should be undertaken as an essential adjunct in following the Path expounded by the Buddha to end samsaric existences.
Strongly advocated is mindfulness. “At the beginning that awareness of your body is just very superficial. When it gets strong enough by itself, you actually start to perceive tensions and tight spots in your body. You learn to relax those spots. It’s like looking at your speed gauge when driving. This gauge of mindfulness will indicate to you whether you are tensing more or getting relaxed. With the feedback given, you relax more and more until you feel really relaxed. You then start to experience what I call delight in relaxation.” And added is one of Ajahn Brahm’s typical examples –tongue in cheek perhaps, but sharply apt. “People spend thousands of dollars going to Bali to sit on a chair near the ocean and get relaxed. But you achieve this with no hassle of airports, flight delays, losing baggage and great spending – in meditation.”
“Experiencing delight the mind wants more, so you relax to the max until your body feels continuous delight. The duration of your delight varies, depending on situation, time of year, day, your well-being. So no fixed rules; you adapt. That’s what mindfulness does; gives you feedback and you relax.”
He then deals with obstacles like an unfortunate incident that morning, or someone being nasty to you. “You find it difficult to get the ache out of your body, just saying ‘get out’ will not help. You have to deal with this, tend it, care for your mind and with kindness, induce relaxation. The body will relax, the mind will follow. Awareness is not enough, we need to add these other wonderful qualities: compassion, kindness, softness.
“When you are kind to something, you find there is a softening. If it is a memory of the past, kindness will soften your mind and the hurt or pain or resentment will vanish. In the same way you may be worried about the future. Maybe your biopsy result will be given you the next day or your kid is facing a tough exam which affects his future. You cannot force the thought out of your mind nor not take notice. Accept it and like an ache in the body, loosen it. Be kind to your mind dwelling on the future, soften it and the pain too will disappear.”
We who try to meditate know how thoughts come to the mind and upset our relaxation and one-pointedness. Ajahn Brahm advices getting away from past and present by relaxing and dwelling in the present moment. “As I say, be a friend to the present moment. Don’t be an owner, controller, boss. Don’t be a mind control freak. Be a friend, have a relationship of friendliness with your mental world, you’ve lived with it your whole life.”
He then touches on the Buddhist concept of rebirth and suggests we have gone through many lives with this same mind. So we are stuck with our minds. Thus we’d better learn to be kind to it, no escape from the mind. This was a concept that came to me worded simply by Ajahn Brahmali who says when we die we take our minds with us to the next birth. We’ve been told we take the chuthi sitha, which Sampath the three wheeler driver who spins me around explains as – chuthi means leaves. Using the term ‘mind departing’ explains rebirth in a friendlier manner.
Ajahn Brahm is considerate too about our human frailties. He advises: “If you want to adjust your body, wiggle your bottom, have a scratch, a nose blow, please do it out of respect for your bodily peace. Once that coarse relaxation of the body through bodily movement is complete, now relax the body even further. If you feel any tension or irritation, be fully aware of it. Do not try to get rid of it. Like a barking dog if you try to chase it, it will come at you and bite! By watching the dial of mindfulness, you’ll find it is kindness, love, acceptance, embracing, caring which relaxes your body deeper and deeper. Just as a mother comforts her child when it is sick and takes away the pain, be aware of the delight of relaxation.”
“All the problems of the past or the future, be kind to them, soften them. See if you can do the same with your mental world, relaxing it until all that is left is this moment called now. Look at it as your best friend. Don’t try to hold this moment with force, don’t use will power, use kindness.”
I am sure you reader will agree it all sounds very easy while meditation is not easy. The crux of Ajahn Brahm’s advice is to make it as easy and pleasurable as possible and the key is relaxation of both body and mind. Also metta (loving kindness) and karuna (compassion). All is not suffering. Meditation brings joy; finally release from unsatisfactoriness and end of samsaric rebirths.
So far, in Sri Lanka at least, Buddhists have been concentrating more on rites and rituals; worship in temples and relics. Enough of this ‘old Buddhism.’ Here in the preaching of Ajahn Brahm and our own monks, is what we really need to do: follow the Buddha’s teaching and get on the Path he showed all humanity, which leads ultimately to deliverance from suffering.
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