Features
Leopards at Pilimagala and Kumana
by Walter R. Gooneratne
I have made frequent jungle trips over the past 50 years, and these covered most regions of the country. I have camped out on several occasions in the intermediate zones of both Ruhuna and Wilpattu National Parks, but however interesting and exciting these were, the first trip was the most memorable.
In this period about the 1950’s, which I write about, our jungles were teeming with wildlife, and in that unenlightened era, animals were referred to as game, and some such as the bear were officially called vermin. Shooting them was considered sport. Principles of conservation were just beginning to be understood. Attitudes towards conservation have changed now, and hopefully we should be able to save our dwindling species. At the beginning, when shooting was allowed on permits, I indulged in this so- called sport, but gave it up over the past 25 years or more and am now an ardent conservationist.
Leopards at Pilimagala
In June 1951 1 was transferred to General Hospital, Kandy as a house officer, and it was there that I met two kindred spirits, Dr.Mackie Ratwatte, who was also a house officer, and Dr. S. J. Lawrence, better known as Pervey, or Tango Lawrence, so named for his elegant performance of this dance. Pervey was an anaesthetist. We soon discovered that we had a common interest, namely that of nature, wildlife and adventure, and most of our “off’ week-ends were spent in the jungles in Dambulla, Inamaluwa, and Kibissa near Sigiriya.
When the new Department of Wildlife (as it was then called) was formed, areas around national parks were declared as buffer or intermediate zones. People were allowed, on permit, to enter and shoot a limited number of game in these zones. There being no bungalows to hire, only camping was available, and that too at any preferred spot. For the princely sum of ten rupees a party had the exclusive use of the whole block for ten days. The Yala Intermediate Zone was divided into two parts, north and east. The north was further divided into block one (Galge), block two (Warahana) and block three (Muduntalawa).
We decided that we should be more adventurous and go camping into an intermediate zone. Having made inquiries we decided to go to Galge. Fortunately for us, a friend of ours lent us an old war-model Willys Jeep, and another gave us a tarpaulin and a canvas ground sheet. Pervey’s armoury consisted of a 9.3mm Mauser rifle and a double-barrel shot-gun, and as for me, I had borrowed my father’s 7.9mm Mauser and his Stevens six shot repeater shot-gun. I also borrowed my brother’s 0.22 inch calibre Hornet rifle. Mackie had no weapons, for he did not shoot.
When news got around that we were going hunting, there was a special request from an old attendant of the hospital, Seetin Singho. He was a chronic asthmatic and wanted us to bring him some kara mus or flesh from the back of the leopard’s neck. There was a belief that the call of the leopard sounded like panting as in asthma, but it was unable to lick the back of its neck, and therefore eating kara mus was considered a cure for asthma.
Having loaded the jeep, we left Kandy early one morning in February 1952. In addition to the three of us we also took along a cook. The old jeep, groaning under its heavy load, brought us without further incident to Kataragama at about 11 am.
We now had to meet our tracker, Babun Appuhamy who was going to be our guide for the rest of the journey. He had informed us that he lived on the other side of Menik Ganga. Fortunately the river was at a low ebb, and the jeep, despite its heavy burden, had no problem getting across. Everybody at Kataragama seemed to know Babun, and we had no difficulty in finding his house. Our first meeting was a memorable one. He looked at us in surprise, for as he told us later, when he heard that the party consisted of three doctors, he had expected to see three staid middle-aged men. He changed his look of surprise to one of approval.
Babun was about five feet three inches in height and of a dark complexion. He did not seem to have an ounce of fat on his body, and his wiry muscles rippled under his dusky skin. His age was anybody’s guess. He inspected our weapons with the eye of a connoisseur and inquired closely about the Hornet. He said it would be the ideal weapon for small game such as jungle fowl and hare. When I told him that I could and would use it on larger game, he expressed his serious doubts. The Hornet, though of 0.22inch calibre had a muzzle velocity of 3,500 feet per second and fired a much heavier bullet than the ordinary rim fire weapon.
Camping at Pilimagala
Having had a lunch of rice and curry at a small eating house or buth kade in Kataragama, we started on the last lap of our journey to the campsite. The old Buttala-Kataragama road was a nightmare. The first three or four miles of the road were a drain four to five feet deep and just wide enough for our vehicle. Rainwater had gouged out deep channels on its floor, and when the jeep fell into these ruts it would tilt at crazy angles. We had therefore to dismantle the hood to prevent it from being damaged on the banks of the road.
At the sixth milepost, there was a shrine dedicated to Lord Ganesh. Babun hung a leaf at the shrine with a prayer to the deity for a safe journey. At this point we turned right on the track to Pilimagala, our campsite. After about four and a half miles we came to an open plain or eliya. This was Thalakola Wewa. The bund of this former tank or reservoir, as suggested by the name wewa, had breached many years ago and the resulting plain was lush and green after the recent rains. Here was a herd of about twenty deer. There were many does and a few bucks, which gazed at us in curiosity.
Babun wanted me to shoot the big antlered buck both for food and as bait for the leopard. I decided to use the Hornet, but Babun admonished me saying that I would only injure the animal and thereby lose him. Ignoring Babun’s advice I shot the buck in the shoulder with a hollow-point bullet. At my shot the animal collapsed in its tracks. Total disbelief was written all over the tracker’s face. He examined the rifle closely to make sure that I had not deceived him about the calibre.
We arrived at the campsite at about six pm and got about setting up our camp, which was a very simple affair. A rope was tied between two trees and the tarpaulin slung over it. The four corners of the tarpaulin were tied to some pegs driven into the ground. The ground sheet was spread on the floor and our tent was complete.
Pilimagala was a huge slab of rock, about 300 yards long and 150 yards wide. At the base of the rock, where our camp was located, there was a water-hole or kema extending some distance into the rock. This provided what we considered pure water (except for a few frogs!) for drinking and cooking. Towards the left corner of the rock, was a cave about twenty yards long and ten feet deep. It had a drip-ledge on the overhanging rock above the opening, providing architectural proof that centuries ago it was part of a monastery. It would have been occupied by monks, who would have worshiped the statue and the vihare, the ruins of which still existed at the top.
The rock itself was two tiered. The lower and bigger part had a large water-hole (kema) about 30 feet long and eight feet wide. The upper part was smaller and at its summit was a smaller water-hole and the ruins of the statue and vihare. It is this statue that has given the rock the name Pilimagala. (pilima = statue; gala = rock).
We washed away our grime and fatigue of the journey in a cool bath with water drawn from the kema and lingered awhile to enjoy the cool breezes that blew over the green canopy. The view too was breathtaking, an unbroken sea of varying shades of green around us. Back in camp, we relaxed with a drink, and now that the cook had prepared the dinner, we had a delicious meal of venison curry, pol sambol and rice. We then had unbroken steep till next morning.
Baits for leopard
After breakfast the next day, we set about tying up baits for the leopards. The first was taken eastwards to a swampy plain called Unawa, which was about a mile from camp. The bait was in fact dragged along the track, as Babun said that when a leopard, in its nightly wanderings spots the drag mark, it follows it to the bait. The next bait was tied up at Thalakola Wewa close to the water-hole.
That evening we did a trek to the other side of Pilimagala, where there were large plains, interspersed with high forest. We kept to the edge of the forest so as not to disturb any animals in the glades. Suddenly there was an alarm call of a deer to our right and in front. Babun immediately signaled us to freeze. There were more hysterical calls warning the jungle folk that there was a leopard on the prowl. Pervey and I were ready with our rifles in case the leopard should show up. However, after a short while, the calls ceased, indicating that the leopard had most probably spotted us and moved away.
Clapping for jungle fowl
As we went further along, a jungle fowl called in the thicket to our right. Babun immediately motioned us to squat and whispered to me to be ready with the Hornet.
rolled up the lower part of his sarong into a ball and having placed it on the palm of his left hand, clapped on it with his right palm. One sharp clap was followed after a second by four or five rapid ones. Each series of claps was immediately followed by the crowing of the cock. This went on for some time, and each time the bird got closer and closer, and suddenly it dashed towards us.
However, on seeing us he immediately took flight. I took a quick shot, but missed completely. I learned two lessons, one being how to call up jungle fowl, and the other to use only a shot gun for shooting it. I have used this technique several times since then with spectacular success. I demonstrated this to Dr. Chris Uragoda recently at Malwariya Kema in Yala Block Five. The theory behind this technique is that every time a jungle fowl crows to announce its territory, it flaps its wings. The muffled clap on the sarong simulates the flapping of the wings of an intruder and he rushes in to meet his challenger.
Building hides
Early next morning we set out to inspect the baits. The one at Unawe had been attacked by a leopard as evidenced by the profusion of pug-marks around it. However, only a small amount of flesh had been eaten, but all internal organs had been carried to the edge of the jungle and devoured. Babun deduced that the leopard had found the bait only at day-break, and had therefore taken only the detachable parts and eaten them at the edge of the jungle. It would undoubtedly return to the feast. We now set about building a hide or kotuatte. It was sited about fifteen yards from the bait at the edge of the forest. Four stout saplings were cut from trees some distance away, so as not to disturb the area close to the bait. These saplings were now planted at the selected site to make a five-foot square. Thinner sticks were lashed to this frame to form a lattice. Strips of bark from the tree, maila were used as rope for this purpose. Next, small branches were threaded into the lattice until it was completely covered. In front were two holes or kapollas at eye level, one being for the tracker, and the other for the hunter to look and point his rifle through. These were covered with large leaves from the penera tree. At the back was an opening for the prospective occupants to get in, after which it was closed with a leafy branch. Finally, Babun inspected the contraption to make sure it was completely covered. He claimed that the leopard had such keen eyesight that it could spot even the batting of an eye-lid. Its hearing too was very acute.
As luck would have it, the bait or kuna at Thalakola Wewa had also been eaten. We built a kotuatte here too and returned to camp for a bath at the kema and lunch.
Mistaken identity
At 5 pm. we left for our respective hides. Pervey and Babun went walking to Unawe as it was not far, and Mackie and I took the jeep to Thalakola Wewa. Babun gave us strict instructions on how to conduct ourselves in the hide. We were to stay absolutely motionless, even if we were being drained of our blood by the hordes of mosquitoes that abounded there. Only when we heard the sound of the leopard eating the bait were we to open the kapolla and shoot.
At about 6 pm. we heard the alarm call of langur, a species of monkey, to the front of us but some distance away. A short while later a sambhur called, warning the animals that a leopard was on the prowl. For quite some time the jungle fell silent, except for the raucous calls of some Malabar pied hornbills from a tree behind us. It was now growing dark, and we thought that the leopard had spotted us and gone away. We were about to abandon our hide and get back to camp when a whole herd of spotted deer called from the track on our right and crashed away into the jungle.
The leopard was near at hand, but still no sounds of feeding were heard. Swarms of mosquitoes blanketed us, and it was quite dark by now. The moon had risen but was still covered by the wall of tall trees. Suddenly there was the sound of tearing of flesh and the simultaneous growl of the leopard. The growling and tearing of flesh continued for some minutes. We assumed that the leopard had spotted us and was trying to frighten us or maybe attack us.
By now the moon had just crested the trees and there was some light. We had to act fast before the leopard was on us. I exchanged the rifle for the shot-gun. I signaled Mackie to open his kapolla, and I did likewise. I then saw in the faint light what I thought was a gray head as it tore away the flesh. Taking careful aim I fired. At my shot, the animal crashed away and fell into the water-hole nearby. We, in our ignorance, had assumed that the leopard had been mortally wounded, and we could come the next day and recover the body.
When we got back to camp, the others had not returned yet. Half an hour later they were back. Their leopard had, for some reason not turned up. When I told Babun what had happened to us, he had a hearty laugh. He explained that it was a crocodile from the nearby water hole that was feeding, on the kill, and leopard in the thicket was trying to drive it away. No self-respecting leopard, he said, would jump into a water hole. It was not the leopard I had shot but the crocodile. Sure enough, the next morning Babun probed the water-hole with a pole and fished out the dead crocodile.
Another night’s vigil
In the evening we left early as Babun predicted that the leopard would come to the bait early to thwart the crocodile. He explained that the sound of gunfire, as long as the leopard was not injured, would be attributed by it to the sound of thunder. I can now confirm this, based on what happened to two of my friends on later occasions. The late Mr. Simon Gunewardene at Galge, and again the late Dr Ivor Obeyesekera at Kumana each had fired at and missed a leopard. On both occasions the leopards returned to the kill a short while later.
At 5.40 pm we were alerted by the numerous alarm calls of peafowl, langur and spotted deer from quite a distance away. Obviously the animal had no reason for stealth, as he knew that a ready-made feast was awaiting him. A few minutes later there was the welcome sound of tearing of flesh and crunching of bone. Our leopard had come and was feeding. This was the moment we were waiting for. I signaled Mackie to look through his kapolla and simultaneously looked through mine. There was the leopard quite oblivious to his surroundings, gorging away at the meat.
I took the Mauser and fired at its head at that short range. At my shot the raised head came down and rested on its paws, and a shudder went through its whole body. All was now still. However, going on the old adage ‘never trust a leopard until he’s skinned’, we got out of the hide with the shot gun cocked. I asked Mackie to throw clumps of earth from a termite mound that lay nearby. Nothing happened. The leopard was dead.
The jeep was brought and the carcass hauled onto the bonnet in triumph. When we arrived at the camp, the others had not returned yet. A few minutes later, there was the sound of gun-fire. However, Babun had warned, that should we hear gun shots, we should stay put. In case the leopard should be injured, we would be blundering into an infuriated animal. An hour later they returned. Pervey had also got his prize. The jeep was taken and the leopard brought back.
After a bath in the kema, we drank the rest of the liquor in celebration. Then dinner and bed were most welcome The whole of the next morning was spent skinning the two leopards. At about 10 am, Pervey and I walked to Unawe. There we surprised a huge lone wild boar with prominent Lushes wallowing in the mud. We both got our rifles up, but it was too quick for us and crashed away into the nearby jungle.
In the evening, we walked towards Muduntalawa. About four miles from camp was a huge rock, with a long kema at ground level. The rock overhung the kema. Its surface was adorned with a pale green water weed in the shape of a rose petal. This was Banawelkema. On the way back, there were large numbers of spotted deer, but we did not shoot any, as it was getting late and we were in no mood to carry carcasses. The place was a paradise for leopard, and the track was riddled with their pug marks. A bear had also walked towards Muduntalawa.
It was getting quite dark when returning to camp, and had to walk with much caution as we had forgotten to bring a torch, for we had not expected to get so late. However, we sang at the top of our voices to warn any prowlers that some tough guys were on their way. When we got back to camp, the cook informed us that a leopard had called from the rock. Late at night the leopard called again, and Pervey and Babun went to investigate, but as there was bright moonlight the creature must have spotted them and moved away.
The next morning was cloudy and there was a drizzle. Though we had planned to stay two more days, we were compelled to leave the next day as our food supply was running out. We had misjudged the appetites of Babun and the cook, who could and did eat double of what we did.
(To be continued)
Features
From Windrush to Brexit: Redrawing Britain’s Migration Map
For much of its modern history, Britain was an imperial power connected to every corner of the globe, yet it was not a major destination for large-scale international migration. Different waves of newcomers arrived over the centuries, but the overall foreign-born population remained relatively small by contemporary standards. The 1901 Census recorded 82,844 people from Eastern Europe living in Britain, while the Chinese population numbered just 387. Even at the beginning of the 20th century, migrants from Asia and other parts of the world constituted only a tiny fraction of the country’s population. Britain was a nation shaped by migration, but not yet one transformed by it. That would begin to change dramatically in the aftermath of the Second World War.
One of the most significant changes in Britain’s migration patterns after World War II came from the former colonies of the British Empire. Faced with acute labour shortages and the demands of post-war reconstruction, the government introduced the British Nationality Act of 1948, granting citizens of the Commonwealth the right to live and work in the United Kingdom. Although immigration controls were tightened through legislation, such as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962, migration from former colonies continued. Many of those who arrived belonged to the educated middle classes of their home countries. Having passed through education systems established by Britain during the colonial period, they were already familiar with the English language, British institutions and aspects of British culture. For them, Britain represented a land of opportunity, professional advancement and social mobility.
A different set of motivations drove migration from continental Europe, particularly from Eastern European countries. For these migrants, the United Kingdom offered significantly higher wages, stronger labour markets and living standards that often exceeded those available in their countries of origin. This trend accelerated further after Britain joined the European Economic Community in 1973, initiating a period in which citizens of member states gradually acquired rights to move, work, study and establish businesses across national borders. The expansion of the European Union in the early 21st century, particularly the accession of several Eastern European states in 2004, would later transform these flows on an unprecedented scale.
Immigration has rarely been determined solely by economic forces; it has also reflected the priorities of governments in power. During the period between 1997 and 2010, when the Labour Party was in power, immigration policies became comparatively more open in several key areas. Combined with economic growth and labour demand, these policies contributed to a substantial increase in migration, with net migration reaching levels that had few historical precedents in modern Britain. The debate over whether this growth was an economic necessity, a policy success or a political miscalculation continues to influence British politics to this day.
The next major turning point came with the Brexit referendum of 2016 and Britain’s eventual departure from the European Union. For decades, European citizens had enjoyed relatively unrestricted access to the British labour market through the principle of free movement. As the post-Brexit immigration system took shape, that privilege largely disappeared. The result was not the end of migration, but a significant shift in its composition. Labour shortages remained across sectors, ranging from healthcare and social care to information technology, logistics and higher education. As European migration declined, employers increasingly turned to other parts of the world to meet these demands.
This created new opportunities for migrants from countries such as India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and several other Asian nations. In many respects, these arrivals filled a vacuum left by the reduction in European labour mobility. The overall pattern suggests that Britain’s economy continued to require migrant labour even as its immigration framework underwent fundamental change. Migration flows did not disappear; rather, they were redirected.
Yet this shift has done little to calm public anxieties surrounding immigration. If anything, concerns over migration have remained a central feature of British political debate. Governments of different political persuasions, including those that once defended relatively liberal immigration policies, have increasingly adopted tougher rhetoric and stricter measures aimed at reducing migration levels. Across the political spectrum, there is growing pressure to demonstrate greater control over borders, tighten visa pathways and, in some cases, encourage or require migrants to leave once their economic or educational purpose has ended.
This pressure has translated into a series of policy changes. In 2025, the government announced new restrictions designed to reduce migration and increase employer reliance on the domestic workforce. Among the most significant measures were plans to shorten the list of occupations for which employers could sponsor workers from overseas and to introduce tougher compliance requirements for sponsoring organisations. Social care, a sector that had become heavily dependent on international recruitment, was particularly affected, with employers facing tighter limitations on recruiting care workers from abroad. These changes reflected a broader political commitment to lowering migration numbers, even as many sectors continued to report persistent staffing shortages.
The higher education sector has also found itself at the centre of this debate. International students have become one of the most important contributors to Britain’s universities and local economies. They pay tuition fees that help sustain institutions, support jobs in university towns and cities, and contribute billions of pounds annually through spending on housing, transport and everyday living expenses. For many students, however, studying in Britain is not merely an educational experience but a substantial personal and financial investment made with the expectation that it will open pathways to professional opportunities.
Against this backdrop, proposals to reduce the standard length of the graduate visa have generated considerable concern. The graduate route has allowed international students to remain in the United Kingdom after completing their studies in order to gain work experience and establish careers. Supporters of restrictions argue that student visas should not become a long-term migration pathway. Critics counter that reducing post-study opportunities risks making Britain less attractive in an increasingly competitive global market for talent. Countries such as Canada, Australia and Germany continue to compete aggressively for skilled international graduates, and students weighing their options may choose destinations that offer clearer prospects after graduation.
These debates often frame migration as a problem to be solved through numerical reductions. Yet, what should be noted here is that many of the pressures commonly attributed to immigration are connected to wider economic and political challenges. The decade following Britain’s departure from the European Union has been marked by an unusual degree of political instability. Since the Brexit referendum, the country has seen seven prime ministers, with governments frequently changing direction on economic strategy, public spending and immigration policy. Such instability has contributed to uncertainty about Britain’s long-term trajectory and has complicated efforts to build a consistent approach to migration.
Public concerns about immigration are real and cannot simply be dismissed. Anti-immigration demonstrations and calls for stricter border controls continue to attract significant support in some parts of the country. At the same time, these concerns often become a focal point through which broader anxieties about housing, public services, economic stagnation and national identity are expressed. Immigration is therefore not merely a migration issue; it is also a lens through which deeper social and political tensions are debated.
The increasingly restrictive tone of migration policy has also raised questions about community cohesion and the treatment of migrants already living in Britain.
While much public attention focuses on new arrivals, long-term residents can also find themselves affected by changing rules and enforcement practices. Earlier proposals such as the Rwanda asylum plan, announced in 2022, sought to relocate certain asylum seekers to Rwanda for the processing of their claims, though the policy was never ultimately implemented. More recently, cases involving migrants being instructed to leave the country despite having established families, employment and community ties have generated public debate. One widely discussed example involved Chamila Dilrukshi, a Sri Lankan mother, who was instructed by the Home Office to leave the United Kingdom with her three children while her husband remained in Britain. Cases such as these illustrate how immigration policy extends beyond statistics and labour markets, affecting family life, community relationships and the sense of belonging experienced by migrants who have built their lives in the country.
This raises a more fundamental question than the familiar debate over whether immigration numbers should rise or fall. If Britain continues to face an ageing population, labour shortages in critical sectors and increasing competition for global talent, can it realistically sustain economic growth while simultaneously reducing its reliance on migrants? Equally important, can successive governments build a migration system that balances economic necessity, public confidence and social cohesion at a time of continuing political uncertainty? The answer may prove decisive not only for Britain’s future migration policy, but for the broader question of what kind of society, economy and national identity the United Kingdom hopes to shape in the decades ahead.
by Viran Maddumage
Assistant Lecturer & PhD(Reading) Department of Human Geography and Migration, Macquarie University, Australia
and Sanduni Rathnayake
Lecturer (Probationary) Faculty of Law, General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University
Features
Tolerance and Diversity
Today all the major religions of the world must respond to a double challenge. On one side is the challenge of secularism, a trend which has swept across the globe, battering against the most ancient strongholds of the sacred and turning all man’s movements towards the Beyond into a forlorn gesture, poignant but devoid of sense. On the other side is the meeting of the great religions with each other. As the most far-flung nations and cultures merge into a single global community, the representatives of humankind’s spiritual quest have been brought together in an encounter of unprecedented intimacy, an encounter so close that it leaves no room for retreat. Thus, at one and the same time each major religion faces, in the amphitheater of world opinion, all the other religions of the earth, as well as the vast numbers of people who regard all claims to possess the Great Answer with a skeptical frown or an indifferent yawn.
In this situation, any religion which is to emerge as more than a relic from humanity’s adolescence must be able to deal, in a convincing and meaningful manner, with both sides of the challenge. On the one hand it must contain the swelling tide of secularism, by keeping alive the intuition that no amount of technological mastery over external nature, no degree of proficiency in providing for humanity’s mundane needs, can bring complete repose to the human spirit, can still the thirst for a truth and value that transcends the boundaries of contingency. On the other hand, each religion must find some way of disentangling the conflicting claims that all religions make to understand our place in the grand scheme of things and to hold the key to our salvation. While remaining faithful to its own most fundamental principles, a religion must be able to address the striking differences between its own tenets and those of other creeds, doing so in a manner that is at once honest yet humble, perspicacious yet unimposing.
In this brief essay, I wish to sketch the outline of an appropriate Buddhist response to the second challenge. Since Buddhism has always professed to offer a “middle way” in resolving the intellectual and ethical dilemmas of the spiritual life, we may find that the key to our present problematic also lies in discovering the response that best exemplifies the middle way. As has often been noted, the middle way is not a compromise between the extremes but a way that rises above them, avoiding the pitfalls into which they lead. Therefore, in seeking the proper Buddhist approach to the problem of the diversity of creeds, we might begin by pinpointing the extremes which the middle way must avoid.
The first extreme is a retreat into fundamentalism, the adoption of an aggressive affirmation of one’s own beliefs coupled with a proselytizing zeal towards those who still stand outside the chosen circle of one’s co-religionists. While this response to the challenge of diversity has assumed alarming proportions in the folds of the great monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam, it is not one towards which Buddhism has a ready affinity, for the ethical guidelines of the Dhamma naturally tend to foster an attitude of benign tolerance towards other religions and their followers. Though there is no guarantee against the rise of a militant fundamentalism from within Buddhism’s own ranks, the Buddha’s teachings can offer no sanctification, not even a remote one, for such a malignant development.
For Buddhists the more alluring alternative is the second extreme. This extreme, which purchases tolerance at the price of integrity, might be called the thesis of spiritual universalism: the view that all the great religions, at their core, espouse essentially the same truth, clothed merely in different modes of expression. Such a thesis could not, of course, be maintained in regard to the formal creeds of the major religions, which differ so widely that it would require a strenuous exercise in word-twisting to bring them into accord. The universalist position is arrived at instead by an indirect route. Its advocates argue that we must distinguish between the outward face of a religion — its explicit beliefs and exoteric practices — and its inner nucleus of experiential realisation. On the basis of this distinction, they then insist, we will find that beneath the markedly different outward faces of the great religions, at their heart — in respect of the spiritual experiences from which they emerge and the ultimate goal to which they lead — they are substantially identical. Thus, the major religions differ simply in so far as they are different means, different expedients, to the same liberative experience, which may be indiscriminately designated “enlightenment,” or “redemption,” or “God-realization,” since these different terms merely highlight different aspects of the same goal. As the famous maxim puts it: the roads up the mountain are many, but the moonlight at the top is one. From this point of view, the Buddha Dhamma is only one more variant on the “perennial philosophy” underlying all the mature expressions of man’s spiritual quest. It may stand out by its elegant simplicity, its clarity and directness; but a unique and unrepeated revelation of truth it harbors not.
On first consideration the adoption of such a view may seem to be an indispensable stepping-stone to religious tolerance, and to insist that doctrinal differences are not merely verbal but real and important may appear to border on bigotry. Thus, those who embrace Buddhism in reaction against the doctrinaire narrowness of the monotheistic religions may find in such a view — so soft and accommodating — a welcome respite from the insistence on privileged access to truth typical of those religions. However, an unbiased study of the Buddha’s own discourses would show quite plainly that the universalist thesis does not have the endorsement of the Awakened One himself. To the contrary, the Buddha repeatedly proclaims that the path to the supreme goal of the holy life is made known only in his own teaching, and therefore that the attainment of that goal — final deliverance from suffering — can be achieved only from within his own dispensation. The best known instance of this claim is the Buddha’s assertion, on the eve of his Parinibbana, that only in his dispensation are the four grades of enlightened persons to be found, that the other sects are devoid of true ascetics, those who have reached the planes of liberation.
The Buddha’s restriction of final emancipation to his own dispensation does not spring from a narrow dogmatism or a lack of good will, but rests upon an utterly precise determination of the nature of the final goal and of the means that must be implemented to reach it. This goal is neither an everlasting afterlife in a heaven nor some nebulously conceived state of spiritual illumination, but the Nibbana element with no residue remaining, release from the cycle of repeated birth and death. This goal is effected by the utter destruction of the mind’s defilements — greed, aversion and delusion — all the way down to their subtlest levels of latency. The eradication of the defilements can be achieved only by insight into the true nature of phenomena, which means that the attainment of Nibbana depends upon the direct experiential insight into all conditioned phenomena, internal and external, as stamped with the “three characteristics of existence”: impermanence, suffering, and non-selfness. What the Buddha maintains, as the ground for his assertion that his teaching offers the sole means to final release from suffering, is that the knowledge of the true nature of phenomena, in its exactitude and completeness, is accessible only in his teaching. This is so because, theoretically, the principles that define this knowledge are unique to his teaching and contradictory in vital respects to the basic tenets of other creeds; and because, practically, this teaching alone reveals, in its perfection and purity, the means of generating this liberative knowledge as a matter of immediate personal experience. This means is the Noble Eightfold Path which, as an integrated system of spiritual training, cannot be found outside the dispensation of a Fully Enlightened One.
Surprisingly, this exclusivistic stance of Buddhism in regard to the prospects for final emancipation has never engendered a policy of intolerance on the part of Buddhists towards the adherents of other religions. To the contrary, throughout its long history, Buddhism has displayed a thoroughgoing tolerance and genial good will towards the many religions with which it has come into contact. It has maintained this tolerance simultaneously with its deep conviction that the doctrine of the Buddha offers the unique and unsurpassable way to release from the ills inherent in conditioned existence. For Buddhism, religious tolerance is not achieved by reducing all religions to a common denominator, nor by explaining away formidable differences in thought and practice as accidents of historical development. From the Buddhist point of view, to make tolerance contingent upon whitewashing discrepancies would not be to exercise genuine tolerance at all; for such an approach can “tolerate” differences only by diluting them so completely that they no longer make a difference. True tolerance in religion involves the capacity to admit differences as real and fundamental, even as profound and unbridgeable, yet at the same time to respect the rights of those who follow a religion different from one’s own (or no religion at all) to continue to do so without resentment, disadvantage or hindrance.
Buddhist tolerance springs from the recognition that the dispositions and spiritual needs of human beings are too vastly diverse to be encompassed by any single teaching, and thus that these needs will naturally find expression in a wide variety of religious forms. The non-Buddhist systems will not be able to lead their adherents to the final goal of the Buddha’s Dhamma, but that they never proposed to do in the first place. For Buddhism, acceptance of the idea of the beginningless round of rebirths implies that it would be utterly unrealistic to expect more than a small number of people to be drawn towards a spiritual path aimed at complete liberation. The overwhelming majority, even of those who seek deliverance from earthly woes, will aim at securing a favorable mode of existence within the round, even while misconceiving this to be the ultimate goal of the religious quest.
To the extent that a religion proposes sound ethical principles and can promote to some degree the development of wholesome qualities such as love, generosity, detachment and compassion, it will merit in this respect the approbation of Buddhists. These principles advocated by outside religious systems will also conduce to rebirth in the realms of bliss — the heavens and the divine abodes.
Buddhism by no means claims to have unique access to these realms, but holds that the paths that lead to them have been articulated, with varying degrees of clarity, in many of the great spiritual traditions of humanity. While the Buddhist will disagree with the belief structures of other religions to the extent that they deviate from the Buddha’s Dhamma, he will respect them to the extent that they enjoin virtues and standards of conduct that promote spiritual development and the harmonious integration of human beings with each other and with the world. (Courtesy Buddhist Publication Society.)
by Bhikkhu Bodhi
Features
Seeing things as they truly are
Buddhism offers a profound moral and philosophical framework aimed at guiding individuals toward enlightenment and alleviating suffering. A key aspect of this journey is understanding reality through the lens of the Three Marks of Existence, a concept deeply rooted in Buddhist scriptures and teachings. This understanding can often become obscured by delusion and ignorance, hindering our ability to perceive the true nature of reality and trapping us in cycles of suffering.
The Three Marks of Existence, also known as the Three Universal Truths, are (1) impermanence (Anicca), (2) suffering or unsatisfactoriness (Dukkha), and (3) non-self or insubstantiality (Anatta). These principles, articulated by the Buddha over 2,500 years ago, reveal universal truths applicable to all beings and serve as a foundation for deeper insights into life. They emphasise that all phenomena are transient, that lasting happiness is elusive, and that the notion of a fixed self is fundamentally illusory.
In the Pali Canon, teachings highlight that all conditioned phenomena (saṅkhārāā) are subject to Anicca and Dukkha, while Anatta extends even further, applying to all dhammas. As stated in the Anatta-lakkhana Sutta, the Buddha underscores the reality that there is no enduring self within the five aggregates, indicating that the belief in “I” or “mine” is a source of Dukkha that must be relinquished. Understanding Anatta encourages practitioners to recognise the emptiness of the self and to understand how clinging to identity leads to suffering.
These three characteristics are incontrovertible facts that apply to both animate and inanimate things. Whether Buddhas arise or not, these truths exist in the world. In Buddhism, to see things as they truly are means to consistently view them through the lens of the Three Marks. Failing to do so, or deceiving oneself about their reality and range of application, is the defining mark of ignorance (avijja). This ignorance of our true nature and the true nature of our surroundings leads to actions based on delusions, accumulating karma that keeps us bound to the cycle of rebirth and death.
Dissolving that ignorance through direct insight into the Three Marks is said to bring an end to samsara and the resulting suffering (dukkha nirodha or nirodha sacca, as described in the third of the Four Noble Truths). To perceive things as they truly are, one must cultivate an understanding of these truths—not merely through intellectual contemplation but also through insights gained from personal experiences. A deeper comprehension of the Three Universal Truths fosters wisdom and leads to liberation from the cycle of rebirth, culminating in Nibbana, the ultimate goal of Buddhism.
Recognising the interplay of these three characteristics in our lives is essential. Ignorance of these truths breeds delusion and results in actions that generate karma, confining us to a persistent cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Gaining direct insight into the Three Marks of Existence enables us to transcend suffering (Dukkha Nirodha), aligning with the third of the Four Noble Truths.
Moreover, a lack of understanding regarding these universal truths can lead to frustration and despair. Conversely, a clear grasp of the Three Marks equips us to navigate life’s complexities, allowing for realistic expectations, resilient acceptance of suffering, and protection against misleading beliefs.
The Satipatthana Sutta highlights mindfulness as a vital tool for engaging with reality as it is. By observing our thoughts, feelings, and sensations without attachment or aversion, we cultivate a clearer perception of impermanence, suffering, and non-self. The realisation that all phenomena are fleeting allows us to develop a compassionate response to ourselves and others, breaking the cycle of craving and clinging that fuels suffering.
Rev. Nyanapoke further articulates that the Three Marks are observable in every facet of existence—physical, emotional, mental, and social. He notes that natural cycles, shifts in emotions, evolving thoughts, and changing relationships epitomise the transient nature of life. Even when contemplating minute aspects of life, we encounter an immense variety of living forms, from microbes to humans, demonstrating that these three basic features are common to everything that possesses animate existence. Through this comprehensive understanding, we can better navigate the complexities of life and deepen our connection to the essence of existence.
By reflecting on the first of the Three Marks of Existence, the universal truth of impermanence, we come to understand the stark reality that everything we acquire and hold dear—possessions, achievements, cherished relationships, and loved ones—will ultimately succumb to time and cease to exist. This notion is poignantly captured by the philosopher Heraclitus, who famously remarked, “No man ever steps in the same river twice,” underscoring the idea that both the river and the man are in constant flux, the transient nature of existence.
This idea of impermanence also resonates with the biblical acknowledgement, “Why do you not even know what will happen tomorrow? What is your life? You are but a mist that appears for a little while and then vanishes” (James 4:14). The first truth, impermanence, is intricately connected to all aspects of our existence.
The second characteristic. Dukkha is an important concept in Buddhism, commonly referred to as suffering. It is the first of the Four Noble Truths. Suffering is an inescapable part of life, and it can come in many forms. It refers to the habitual experience of mundane life as fundamentally unsatisfactory and painful. There are many times in our lives when we feel overwhelmed by our suffering and wonder how we can overcome it. Dukkha refers to the inherent unsatisfactoriness and suffering present in life. It encompasses a broad range of experiences, including physical pain, emotional distress, and existential dissatisfaction. In other words, dukkha can vary from minor irritations to profound suffering, and it is not limited to overt suffering. It also highlights the subtle discomfort that arises from life’s impermanence and the transient nature of happiness. Even moments of joy are often tinged with the knowledge that they are fleeting, leading to a perpetual sense of longing or fear of loss. The Buddha applies the characteristic of suffering to all conditioned things in the sense that for living beings, everything conditioned is a potential cause of experienced suffering and is, at any rate, incapable of giving lasting satisfaction.
Buddha says, “The world is established on suffering, is founded on suffering” (Dukkha loko patitthito). His whole doctrine rests on the pivot of suffering. He perceived the universality of suffering and propounded a remedy (Noble Eightfold Path) for the universal sickness of humanity. By that, Buddhism does not denote an attitude of hopelessness and pessimism toward life. Buddha did not expect his adherents to be constantly brooding over the ills of life and so make their lives unhappy.
If you look at the world with dispassionate discernment, it becomes abundantly clear that there is only one problem in the world, which is suffering, dukkha. Today, people all over the world suffer untold suffering and agony, and there is so much misery all around us. People’s lives are plucked at a young age. Many people suffer from incurable diseases and tragic deaths. Humanity is continuously grappling with many natural disasters and destruction. Yet, through ignorance, people go chasing after shadows, dwelling in delusion, unable to confront the adversities that life brings. Suffering appears and passes away, only to reappear in other forms. All forms of suffering are either physical or psychological. All is in a whirl; nothing escapes this inexorable, unceasing change.
Understanding Dukkha is crucial for practitioners, as it invites introspection about the nature of existence and our responses to experiences. Instead of viewing suffering as something to be avoided, Buddhism encourages us to confront it, recognize its roots, and understand its universal presence in human life. This acknowledgement allows us to cultivate compassion for ourselves and others who are also caught in this cycle of suffering. By facing Dukkha with awareness, we can begin to unravel the causes of our suffering and start the journey toward alleviation.
The third truth, Anatta, embraces the concept of non-self or insubstantiality, suggesting that there is no permanent, unchanging self within us. This realisation challenges the deeply ingrained belief in a fixed identity or essence. Instead, Buddhism teaches that what we consider the “self” is actually a collection of ever-changing physical and mental components, known as the five aggregates: form, sensation, perception, mental formations, and consciousness.
Understanding Anatta is liberating in that it encourages us to let go of attachments to our identities, beliefs, and notions of self. When we cling to a fixed identity, we create suffering through desires and fears related to maintaining that identity. By recognising that the self is contingent and fluid, we can reduce suffering and anxiety associated with self-identity and experience greater freedom. Embracing Anatta allows individuals to break free from the confines of ego, leading to a deeper connection with the world and others.
Together, the truths of Dukkha and Anatta highlight the importance of understanding suffering and the illusion of self in the journey toward enlightenment. By facing these truths, practitioners can cultivate wisdom, compassion, and ultimately find liberation from the cycles of rebirth and suffering.
by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara
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