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Lalith and Premadasa assassinated,I make my first foray in politics

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Sarath Amunugama and Gamini Dissanayake fter their victory at the Central Provincial Council election

Were wires crossed on intercepted LTTE communications?

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)
“On the 14th November 1987 Parliament passed
the 13th amendment to the constitution
and the Provincial Councils Act of 1987
to establish Provincial Councils”
Wikipedia

The DUNF entered the provincial council elections with much hope. We had outstanding leaders in many of the districts that we contested. Lalith contested the Colombo district and his campaign entered high gear though we were constantly warned that he was in danger of an attack by Premadasa’s goons. Premachandra contested Kurunegala and Gamini moved to Kandy with his wife Sirima leading our Nuwara Eliya contingent.

I too decided to contest from Kandy district and was confident of being returned because of the splendid response from my voters. I chose Harispattuwa which was an electorate with a large number of voters though it was equally segmented by Goigama, other caste and Muslim voters. The Buddhist priests in the electorate backed me which worried Hameed who used to gather their votes as a supplementary to his Muslim votes which put him easily over the top.

Then tragedy struck. Lalith who was an indefatigable campaigner was assassinated while addressing a meeting at Kirulapone. Our fears were about his earlier meeting which was held in Hulftsdorp close to Sucharitha – the home of the President. He had worn a bulletproof vest for this meeting but had relaxed after an uneventful finale and had taken it off for the last ill organized meeting at Kirulapone, which was held under lights as it was already dusk when it began. A moving assassin had shot him in the chest and Lalith’s bodyguard had returned fire and wounded him.

But the shooter had disappeared in the melee. As soon as I heard of this disaster I abandoned my campaigning and returned to Colombo to find our party in a state of shock and convinced that the dirty work was the work of the President and his supporters. Our Central Committee met and issued a statement which virtually accused the President of the murder of our leader. This obviously worried Premadasa who denied the charge and at a public meeting soon after made a heartfelt plea to the nation to absolve him. Little did we know that he would, within days, meet a similar fate himself

Lalith’s funeral

Lalith’s funeral shook up the city. There was a massive gathering which followed the cortege to Kanatte. This included a large number of grieving young men and women who had benefitted from his Mahapola scheme. The security forces were lined up along the road to prevent any incidents but there were several skirmishes on the way and the Police fired tear gas at those in the procession. The atmosphere was electric when we entered the cemetery with thousands of sorrowing people crowding round the coffin. Then there was a sight which is engraved in the minds of those who were present that day. High above on the sky was a lone eagle gliding along the clouds and circling the massive crowd that had assembled below.

We were not unaware that our party symbol was a “Rajaliya” or eagle and this dramatic sight added to the highly charged atmosphere when Gamini gave the funeral oration on behalf of the party. We then retired to lick our wounds and plan our next moves in the light of this crippling blow. Gamini had to take over the leadership and we found that Mrs. Bandaranaike was fully supportive of this move. We decided to go back to our districts and keep up the momentum because the election was drawing near. Lalith’s death was particularly poignant for us in Kandy because he was billed to have spent several days in our electorates as our leader supporting DUNF candidates. He was much in demand as an able orator and we were sure that our campaign would get a big boost with his presence. But that was not to be. We were in shellshock and did not really recover in the short time left to election day.

Murder of a President

Little did we know that the election campaign would be again interrupted by a murder. On May Day 1993 President Premadasa was to lead a rally of the UNP which was to climax with his speech at the Galle Face green. No effort was spared to make it a grand occasion. The “buzz” in Colombo was that he was going to clear his name by identifying the real killers of Lalith, thereby putting an end to the feverish speculation of organized murder that was being promoted by Ravaya and Yukthiya weeklies which had a special relationship with Lalith.

Since the DUNF had lost its leader we were not participating in May Day celebrations. The other opposition parties had their token meetings but they were overshadowed by the UNP juggernaut organized by Sirisena Cooray under the personal supervision of the President. As was his wont Premadasa had arranged to flag off the Colombo Central procession from near the Armour street junction. He ignored the warnings of the police and his soothsayers to stay away from such gatherings on that day.

I was campaigning in a village in Udunuwara electorate in the afternoon of May 1 when the DIG of Kandy district sent a police car with a message that the President had been injured. He requested me to terminate the meeting and go home to await further information because there were contradictory reports coming from Colombo and the state TV and radio remained silent.

By the time I reached Nugawela it became clear that the President had been killed by a LTTE bomber named Babu who had been part of his entourage and had even accompanied him on his visits to Kandy. I was deeply grieved by President Premadasa’s death because, despite political differences, he had been fond of me as I had been of him.

Indeed he had been instrumental in fashioning my destiny when he had me transferred to Colombo as the Director of Information as described in Volume One of my autobiography. He was a sincere and deeply committed “man of the people” and the fate of Sri Lanka would have been different had he lived. He was easily the most hard working political leader that I have been privileged to serve.

Inside story

I have often wondered about the “inside story” of Premadasa’s assassination. There were several loose ends which have to be tied up. The most significant are statements by several senior government officials who later interacted with the LTTE. They insist that they were told that the LTTE had nothing to do with the killing.

Another important factor was that by this time Premadasa had antagonized most of the top secret services of the world. He hated RAW and had made many disparaging remarks about India and her leaders. He displeased MI5 by declaring Gladstone – the British High Commissioner “persona non grata” and expelling him from the country. He antagonized Mossad by publicly accusing Israel of supporting Lalith and Gamini and appointing a Commission of Inquiry hoping to dig up some dirt. Even if these agencies were in the know of conspiracies against Premadasa it is unlikely that they would have blown the whistle or gone out of their way to warn their local counterparts.

But perhaps I could now divulge some information which was conveyed to me by Sirisena Cooray which can add to the conundrum of the Premadasa murder. Since we were good friends I asked Siri to tell me of this event since the Ravaya, and other weeklies accused him of planning Lalith’s murder and had itemized circumstantial evidence which they freely disseminated week after week.

Insisting that both murders were planned and executed by the LTTE, Cooray told me that they had intercepted LTTE communications soon after Lalith’s death. One such message said that target number one [Lalith] had been hit and they would now immediately go for target number two. According to Cooray they assumed that target number two was Gamini. Perhaps that was the “secret” that Premadasa alluded to and was planning to divulge on Galle Face green.

Only later after Premadasa’s death did they wise up to the fact that target number two was the President himself. His confidence in appearing nonchalantly in Armour street, despite pleas not to expose himself to danger, may have been because he thought he knew who target number two was [He thought it was Gamini] and that he was safe. [I must digress here to divulge that both Lakshman Kadirgamar and Jeyaraj Fernandopulle who were killed by the LTTE had similarly believed that they were not LTTE targets because they had got assurances from sources close to the LTTE leadership that they would be spared.]

Though we continued with our electoral campaigning the two recent assassinations completely changed the nature of the election. It had unexpected consequences for the DUNF, Gamini and me.

The aftermath

With the death of Premadasa the UNP had to reorient itself in the absence of its charismatic and ruthless leader. DB Wijetunga, my friend and former minister, who was a “stop gap” PM in Premadasa’s designs was unanimously elected President for the rest of the late President’s term of office. Though many expected Sirisena Cooray to succeed as PM that position went to Ranil Wickremesinghe who had been the Leader of the House. Cooray, who attributed his reluctance to be the PM to his shock at his late leaders demise, may have later regretted it because he was systematically maneuvered out of his office and position in the party by Wickremesinghe and Wijetunga.

It must be stated here that Ranil displayed great skill in effecting a smooth transition. He secured Wijetunga’s position as the new President who in turn appointed Ranil as the Prime Minister. The Premadasa faction which was led by the ambitious widow Hema Premadasa was outmaneuvered as Ranil was determined to be the leader of Colombo district notwithstanding the Premadasa voting machine which dominated Colombo Central and thereby the district as a whole.

What could have led to a dogfight for UNP leadership was averted and Wijetunga’s simplicity and early decision to dismantle some of his predecessors draconian laws made him popular among the Colombo elite who approved of the journalistic description of him as “Dearly Beloved”. He had the support of the UNPs steamroller majority of MPs who were now relieved of their fear of Premadasa’s frequent wrath.

The ascent of Wijetunga helped the UNP to win the Central Provincial Council election comfortably. The Kandy district results were as follows;

UNP: 16 seats

SLFP: 09 seats

DUNF: 05 seats

The provincial councillors elected from DUNF on the basis of proportional representation were;

1. Gamini Dissanayake

2. Sarath Amunugama

3. Keheliya Rambukwella

4. D Samaratunga

5. “Samanala” Shafie

On analyzing the results of this election we of the DUNF had to come to several political conclusions. With the elevation of Wijetunga to the Presidency the hill country remained anchored to the UNP. WB Dissanayake, a former acolyte of Gamini, led the UNP to victory and became the Chief Minister. In other provinces the verdict was not so clear. In the Western and North Western provinces the combined strength of the SLFP and DUNF gave them a majority.

Accordingly we threw our support to CBK to be the Chief Minister of the Western Province. She thereby entered national politics with a bang leading to her achieving much higher office later on in her career. In exchange we negotiated with Mrs. B to get SLFP support for Premachandra of the DUNF to be Chief Minister of the NWP, even though they had more seats in the council.

CBK’s appointment again threw the SLFP into confusion leading to the exit of Anura from his mother’s party. He accepted the invitation from the UNP to join its Cabinet as Minister of Higher Education. The background to Anura’s volte face” was the plot hatched by the new leaders of the party – Ranil, Cooray and Wijetunga – to prevent Gamini from returning to the UNP.

By this time the rank and file of the UNP wanted a national leader with “star quality” and outstanding oratorical skills. None of the three above mentioned had those attributes and the induction of Anura was meant to forestall a demand for Gamini by UNPers and thereby keep him at bay. With Anura’s hasty decision to cross over, the Anura-Mahinda Rajapaksa alliance was broken as the latter refused to join his “lokka” in the UNP fold. It was a fateful and strategic decision because Anura was then moved out of contention for SLFP leadership and the way forward for Mahinda, as the legatee of the Anura faction, in the SLFP became apparent.

Mahinda’s smart move eliminated Anura from the SLFP leadership struggle and made him the rival and challenger of CBK. It was the beginning of Mahinda’s ascent to power. In the future the dominance of the Bandaranaikes of Horagolla in local politics was to be replaced by the Rajapaksas of Medamulana.

(Volume three of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography covering 1992-2022 is available at the Vijitha Yapa Bookshop)



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Another Christmas, Another Disaster, Another Recovery Mountain to Climb

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In line with its overall response to Cyclone Ditwah that devastated many parts of Sri Lanka, India has undertaken to set up temporary Bailey Bridges at selected locations. Work on the first such bridge has begun in Kilinochchi on the Paranthan–Karaichi–Mullaitivu A35 road. Indian Army engineers are working with their counterparts. The Indian HC said that 185 tonnes of Bailey Bridge units were airlifted to restore critical connectivity, along with 44 engineers (Pic courtesy IHC)

The 2004 Asian Tsunami erupted the day after Christmas. Like the Boxing Day Test Match in Brisbane, it was a boxing day bolt for Indonesia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, India and Maldives. Twenty one years later, in 2025, multiple Asian cyclones hit almost all the old victims and added a few more, including Malayasia, Vietnam and Cambodia. Indonesia and Sri Lanka were hit hard both times. Unlike the 2004 Tsunami, the 2025 cyclones made landfalls weeks before Christmas, during the Christian Season of Advent, the four-week period before Christmas preparing for the arrival of the Messiah. An ominously adventus manifestation of the nature’s fury.

Yet it was not the “day of wrath and doom impending … heaven and earth in ashes ending” – heavenly punishment for government lying, as an opposition politician ignorantly asserted. By that token, the gods must have opted to punish half a dozen other Asian countries for the NPP government’s lying in Sri Lanka. Or all those governments have been caught lying. Everyone is caught and punished for lying, except the world’s Commander in Chief for lying – Donald J. Trump. But as of late and none too sooner, President Trump is getting his punishment in spades. Who would have thought?

In fairness, even the Catholic Church has banished its old hymn of wrath (Dies irae, dies illa) that used to be sung at funerals from its current Missals; and it has on offer, many other hymns of peace and joy, especially befitting the Christmas season. Although this year’s Christmas comes after weeks of havoc caused by cyclonic storms and torrential rains, the spirit of the season, both in its religious and secular senses, will hopefully provide some solace for those still suffering and some optimism to everyone who is trying to uplift the country from its overflowing waterways and sliding slopes.

As the scale of devastation goes, no natural disaster likely will surpass the human fatalities that the 2004 Tsunami caused. But the spread and scale of this year’s cyclone destruction, especially the destruction of the island’s land-forms and its infrastructure assets, are, in my view, quite unprecedented. The scale of the disaster would finally seem to have sunk into the nation’s political skulls after a few weeks of cacophonic howlers – asking who knew and did what and when. The quest for instant solutions and the insistence that the government should somehow find them immediately are no longer as vehement and voluble as they were when they first emerged.

NBRO and Landslides

But there is understandable frustration and even fear all around, including among government ministers. To wit, the reported frustration of Agriculture Minister K.D. Lalkantha at the alleged inability of the National Building Research Organization (NBRO) to provide more specific directions in landslide warnings instead of issuing blanket ‘Level 3 Red Alerts’ covering whole administrative divisions in the Central Province, especially in the Kandy District. “We can’t relocate all 20 divisional secretariats” in the Kandy District, the Minister told the media a few weeks ago. His frustration is understandable, but expecting NBRO to provide political leaders with precise locations and certainty of landslides or no landslides is a tall ask and the task is fraught with many challenges.

In fairness to NBRO and its Engineers, their competence and their responses to the current calamity have been very impressive. It is not the fault of the NBRO that local disasters could not be prevented, and people could not be warned sufficiently in advance to evacuate and avoid being at the epicentre of landslides. The intensity of landslides this year is really a function of the intensity and persistence of rainfall this season, for the occurrence of landslides in Sri Lanka is very directly co-related to the amount of rainfall. The rainfall during this disaster season has been simply relentless.

Evacuation, the ready remedy, is easier said than socially and politically done. Minister Lal Kantha was exasperated at the prospect of evacuating whole divisional secretariats. This was after multiple landslides and the tragedies and disasters they caused. Imagine anybody seriously listening to NBRO’s pleas or warnings to evacuate before any drop of rainwater has fallen, not to mention a single landslide. Ignoring weather warnings is not peculiar to Sri Lanka, but a universal trait of social inertia.

I just lauded NBRO’s competence and expertise. That is because of the excellent database the NBRO professionals have compiled, delineating landslide zones and demarcating them based on their vulnerability for slope failure. They have also identified the main factors causing landslides, undertaken slope stabilization measures where feasible, and developed preventative and mitigative measures to deal with landslide occurrences.

The NBRO has been around since the 1980s, when its pioneers supplemented the work of Prof. Thurairajah at Peradeniya E’Fac in studying the Hantana hill slopes where the NHDA was undertaking a large housing scheme. As someone who was involved in the Hantana project, I have often thought that the initiation of the NBRO could be deemed one of the positive legacies of then Housing Ministry Secretary R. Paskaralingam.

Be that as it may, the NBRO it has been tracking and analyzing landslides in Sri Lanka for nearly three decades, and would seem to have come of age in landslides expertise with its work following 2016 Aranayake Landslide Disaster in the Kegalle District. Technically, the Aranayake disaster is a remarkable phenomenon and it is known as a “rain-induced rapid long-travelling landslide” (RRLL). In Kegalle the 2016 RRLL carried “a fluidized landslide mass over a distance of 2 km” and caused the death of 125 people. International technical collaboration following the disaster produced significant research work and the start of a five-year research project (from 2020) in partnership with the International Consortium on Landslides (ICL). The main purpose of the project is to improve on the early warning systems that NBRO has been developing and using since 2007.

Sri Lankan landslides are rain induced and occur in hilly and mountainous areas where there is rapid weathering of rock into surface soil deposits. Landslide locations are invariably in the wet zone of the country, in 13 districts, in six provinces (viz., the Central, Sabaragamuwa, Uva, Northwestern, Western and Southern, provinces). The Figure below (from NBRO’s literature) shows the number of landslides and fatalities every year between 2003 and 2021.

Based on the graphics shown, there would have been about 5,000 landslides and slope failures with nearly 1,000 deaths over 19 years between 2003 and 2021. Every year there was some landslide or slope failure activity. One notable feature is that there have been more deaths with fewer landslides and vice-versa in particular years. In 2018, there were no deaths when the highest number (1,250) of landslides and slope failures occurred that year. Although the largest number in an year, the landslides in 2018 could have been minor and occurred in unpopulated areas. The reasons for more deaths in, say, 2016 (150) or 2017 (250+), could be their location, population density and the severity of specific landslides.

NBRO’s landslide early warning system is based on three components: (1) Predicting rainfall intensity and monitoring water pressure build up in landslide areas; (2) Monitoring and observing signs of soil movement and slope instability in vulnerable areas; and (3) Communicating landslide risk level and appropriate warning to civil authorities and the local public. The general warnings to Watch (Yellow), be Alert (Brown), or Evacuate (Red) are respectively based on the anticipated rainfall intensities, viz., 75 mm/day, 100 mm/day; and 150 mm/day or 100 mm/hr. My understanding is that over the years, NBRO has established its local presence in vulnerable areas to better communicate with the local population the risk levels and timely action.

Besides Landslides

This year, the rain has been relentless with short-term intensities often exceeding the once per 100-year rainfall. This is now a fact of life in the era of climate change. Added to this was cyclone Ditwah and its unique meteorology and trajectory – from south to north rather than northeast to southwest. The cyclone started with a disturbance southwest of Sri Lanka in the Arabian Sea, traversed around the southern coast from west to east to southeast in the Bay of Bengal, and then cut a wide swath from south to north through the entire easterly half of the island. The origin and the trajectory of the cyclone are also attributed to climate change and changes in the Arabian Sea. The upshot again is unpredictability.

Besides landslides, the rainfall this season has inundated and impacted practically every watershed in the country, literally sweeping away roads, bridges, tanks, canals, and small dams in their hundreds or several hundreds. The longitudinal sinking of the Colombo-Kandy Road in the Kadugannawa area seems quite unparalleled and this may not be the only location that such a shearing may have occurred. The damages are so extensive and it is beyond Sri Lanka’s capacity, and the single-term capacity of any government, to undertake systematic rebuilding of the damaged and washed-off infrastructure.

The government has its work cutout at least in three areas of immediate restoration and long term prevention. On landslides warning, it would seem NBRO has the technical capacity to do what it needs to do, and what seems to be missing is a system of multi-pronged and continuous engagement between the technical experts, on the one hand, and the political and administrative powers as well as local population and institutions, on the other. Such an arrangement is warranted because the landslide problem is severe, significant and it not going to go away now or ever.

Such an engagement will also provide for the technical awareness of the problem, its mitigation and the prevention of serious fallouts. A restructuring could start from the assignment of ministerial responsibilities, and giving NBRO experts constant presence at the highest level of decision making. The engagement should extend down the pyramid to involve every level of administration, including schools and civil society organizations at the local level.

As for external resources, several Asian countries, with India being the closest, are already engaged in multiple ways. It is up to the government to co-ordinate and deploy these friendly resources for maximum results. Sri Lanka is already teamed with India for meteorological monitoring and forecasting, and with Japan for landslide research and studies. These collaborations will obviously continue but they should be focused to fill gaps in climate predictions, and to enhance local level monitoring and prevention of landslides.

To deal with the restoration of the damaged infrastructure in multiple watershed areas, the government may want to revisit the Accelerated Mahaweli Scheme for an approach to deal with the current crisis. The genesis and implementation of that scheme involved as many flaws as it produced benefits, but what might be relevant here is to approach the different countries who were involved in funding and building the different Mahaweli headworks and downstream projects. Australia, Britain, Canada, China, Italy, Japan, Sweden and Germany are some of the countries that were involved in the old Mahaweli projects. They could be approached for technical and financial assistance to restore the damaged infrastructure pieces in the respective watershed areas where these countries were involved.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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Feeling sad and blue?

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Rowan Atkinson

Here is what you can do!

Comedy and the ability to have a good laugh are what keep us sane. The good news to announce is that there are many British and American comedy shows posted up and available on the internet.

They will bring a few hours of welcome relief from our present doldrums.

Firstly, and in a class of its own, are the many Benny Hill shows. Benny is a British comedian who comes from a circus family, and was brought up in an atmosphere of circus clowning. Each show is carefully polished and rehearsed to get the comedy across and understood successfully. These clips have the most beautiful stage props and settings with suitable, amusing costumes. This is really good comedy for the mature, older viewer.

Benny Hill has produced shows that are “Master-Class” in quality adult entertainment. All his shows are good.

Then comes the “Not the Nine o’clock news” with Rowan Atkinson and his comedy team producing good entertainment suitable for all.

And then comes the “Two Ronnies” – Ronnie Barker and Ronnie Corbett, with their dry sense of humour and wit. Search and you will find other uplifting shows such as Dave Allen, with his monologues and humour.

All these shows have been broadcast in Britain over the last 50 years and are well worth viewing on the Internet.

Similarly, in The USA of America. There are some really great entertainment shows. And never forget Fats Waller in the film “Stormy Weather,” where he was the pianist in the unforgettable, epic, comedy song “Ain’t Misbehavin”. And then there is “Bewitched” with young and glamorous Samantha Stevens and her mother, Endora who can perform magic. It is amazing entertainment! This show, although from the 1970s was a milestone in US light entertainment, along with many more.

And do not overlook Charlie Chaplin and Laurel and Hardy, and all the Disney films. Donald Duck gives us a great wealth of simple comedy.

The US offers you a mountain of comedy and good humour on Youtube. All these shows await you, just by accessing the Internet! The internet channel, ‘You tube’ itself, comes from America! The Americans reach out to you with good, happy things right into your own living room!

Those few people with the ability to understand English have the key to a great- great storehouse of uplifting humour and entertainment. They are rich indeed!

by Priyantha Hettige

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Lalith A’s main enemy was lack of time and he battled it persistently

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Athulathmudali

Presidential Mobile Service at Matara amid JVP terror

Like most Ministers, Mr. Athulathmudali over programmed himself. In this respect his was an extreme case. He was an early riser and after his morning walk and the usual routines of a morning, was ready for business by 6.30 a.m. In fact he once shocked an IMF delegation by fixing the appointment with it at this hour. The delegation had to be persuaded that they had heard right, and that the appointment was indeed for 6.30 a.m. and not 6.30 p.m. This desire to get through much as possible during a day inevitably led to certain imbalances. Certain matters which needed more time did not get that time, whilst at the level of officials, we felt that we needed more time with him, and quality time at that.

I had spoken to him several times on this subject. He always had good intentions and wanted to give us more time. But with his political, social and even intellectual responsibilities in regard to speaking engagements of a highly professional nature, it was not often possible to find this time. This situation was highlighted in a comic way, when one day on hearing that the minister had arrived in office for a short time, I grabbed some important papers which I wanted to discuss with him, and made for his room. When I entered, I found three officers, with files in their hands milling outside the door of the washroom. The minister was inside.

I suggested that we might as well form a queue outside the door, a queue which I also joined. An official who came after me also joined the queue. When the minister opened the door, to his great astonishment, and then to his amusement, he found five senior officials, including his Secretary lined up outside the bathroom door! It was funny and we made it funny. But the underlying intentions were quite serious, and we wanted to send him a message that we wanted more time with him. We had to however grab moments such as these in order to keep the flow of work going.One day he good humouredly said, “You all swamp me as I come in,” to which I lightly replied “As a distinguished lawyer you should know that possession is nine-tenths of the law, and now we are in possession of both your room and your attention.” Mr. Athulathmudali chuckled.

An important requirement under Mr. Athulathmudali was a report that had to be submitted to him if any official under his Ministry went abroad on official business. The report had to be reasonably brief, more analytical than descriptive and wherever possible or relevant contain specific recommendations in regard to the betterment of the officer’s area of work. Since the Ministry was quite large, a considerable number of officials went abroad for seminars, study tours, research collaboration, conferences, negotiations and so on. There were, therefore a significant number of reports coming to him. Many of these he read, and on some, he commented or asked questions or sought clarifications. What amazed us was how he found the time. His main enemy was time and he battled it with persistence and determination. Most of us were also in a similar position, and in this, his powerful example was a source of encouragement.

Duties not quite pleasant

As mentioned in several places in these memoirs, a senior public servant’s or a Secretary’s job is not always a pleasant one. At the level of the hierarchy of officials the buck stops with you. Thereafter, when necessary, battling the minister becomes your business. I used to insist to my officials that I needed a good brief. I was not prepared to go and start an argument with a minister unless I was in possession of the full facts. Interpretation was my business. But I needed verifiable facts and authentic figures. Officers who worked with me were soon trained to comply with these requirements. After that was done, if there was any flak, it was my business to take it upon myself. On one such occasion, I had to speak rather firmly to the acting Minister, Mr. G.M. Premachandra. He was young, energetic and even aggressive and was somewhat of a “stormy petrel.” He was an effective speaker in the Sinhala e and could be a formidable debater.

When he became State Minister for Food, he took it upon himself to probe everything. He started getting involved in administrative matters, the implications of which he did not understand, and the details of which he had no time for. During the course of these he not only started criticizing officials liberally, but also employed innuendo to suggest that they were corrupt. When interested parties got to know this, they fed him with halftruths and sometimes plain lies. This naturally confirmed the suspicions in his own mind. He blindly felt around and got hold of some tail and thought that was the elephant. The State Secretary, Mr. Sapukotana, an experienced and balanced official tried his best to advice the minister of the consequences of his actions.

Senior officials in the Food Department were being kept off balance much of the time. Paralysis as creeping into the decision making process. No one was taking decisions because taking decisions risked misinterpretation, suspicion and innuendo. The Deputies were pushing papers up to the Food Commissioner, and soon the Food Commissioner was pushing papers up to the State Secretary. Matters were getting really serious, because delays in calling for and deciding on tenders, attending to commercial disputes and so on were bound to have a serious effect on the availability of timely food supplies, and the maintaining of food security.

Mr. Sapukotana kept me informed from time to time of the developing situation. He tried his best to handle it without disturbing me. But it gradually came to a point that we were both of the view that my intervention was necessary. I took an opportunity that presented itself after a “mini cabinet” meeting which Mr. Premachandra chaired as Acting Minister. I asked him whether he would stay back for a moment. His Secretary seemed embarrassed to stay, but I asked him also to sit. Thereafter, I politely but firmly explained to the minister, the consequences of his actions.

I asked him whether he was aware that nobody was prepared to take a decision in the food sector. I pointed out that should disaster strike, Minister Athulathmudali would certainly ask him for an explanation. I told him further, that in such a contingency, that we as officials will have to tell the truth to the minister. The acting minister listened in silence. I wondered as to what forces of counter attack were gathering in his breast. He did not have the reputation of bowing meekly to a challenge and here I was calling into question his entire approach to his work.

Ultimately when he spoke, he said something that we least expected and which took us completely by surprise. He said that he listened carefully to me; he said that until now he had not realized the gravity of the situation that his actions were precipitating. Then to my great astonishment he said: “You have given me advice like a parent, like a father. Even parents don’t always give such good advice. I will act according to your advice.” Mr. Sapukotana and I were rendered speechless. This was one more of the many experiences I had in public service, where the totally unexpected had occurred.

Through my experience I have been convinced that one should not shirk one’s duty to advice ministers. This duty has to be performed in the public interest and one should not be deterred by possible consequences. However, there is a way and manner of giving this advice. One has to be polite. One should not adopt a confrontational attitude. In my experience, some of these “consequences” which people fear are more imagined than real, and ministers and politicians do not always act according to their perceived public characteristics. On this occasion Mr. Premachandra was a case in point.

Presidential Mobile Service – Matara

The second Presidential Mobile Service was to be held at Matara on November 3, 1989. This was a time of intense JVP activity when the country was gripped by fear. The decision to hold the service in Matara in the deep south was it a sense a challenge to the JVP. Rumours were rife that they would disrupt activities. We were to leave during the early morning of Nov. 3 and this itself was scary. In fact the country had reached a stage where there was very little traffic on the roads after about 9 p.m. We had now to leave for Matara to face an unknown situation leaving home around 4.30 in the morning.

When we left, we noticed that there was hardly any traffic on the roads. All around was in pitch darkness. Even some of the street lights were not functioning. It was quite eerie. We made our way past numerous check points at a couple of which we were stopped.

All this was not a comfortable experience. One felt apprehension. I was booked at the Weligama rest house but when I reached it I found that the power had been disrupted by the JVP during the previous night. We would have to be without lights or fans. But what was far worse was that the disruption of power had affected the pumping of water and the toilets could not be flushed.

The rest house was in short uninhabitable. The authorities there informed us that power would be restored by evening. But none of us had confidence that this would be done or if done, that it would not be disrupted again during the night. Some of us therefore decided to make alternative arrangements, which were not easy to make. Most of the hotels in the vicinity of Matara and even somewhat beyond had already been booked. Eventually, after a diligent search and with the assistance of friends, I found myself a room at Koggala Beach hotel.

This was an immense relief. In fact, it turned out to be much more than mere relief because of the interesting crowd of public servants in occupation. They were a jolly group of story tellers who had a variety of the most hilarious anecdotes to retail, which spared no one. When we reached the hotel at the end of a tiring day, we were able to forget the grim reality outside. Perhaps we really needed to laugh our cares away. Most of us had been subjected to considerable strain for a significant period of time.

At the mobile service itself in the Rahula College premises where the service was held was almost completely deserted on the first day. People were afraid to defy a JVP ban on attending. On the second day however the dam burst. People flocked in from all quarters and directions jamming the space and facilities available. Long queues formed outside areas allocated to all Ministries. The people themselves had suffered due to the disruption of their lives and activities, and when some relief seemed available, one day was all they could contain themselves however dire the threat. They voted with their feet.

On that second day we couldn’t finish at 5 p.m. There were so many people that hours were extended till 6.30 p.m. By the time we got back to our hotels, it was well past 8 p.m. Usually, the third day of the service was a half day, where we finished by 1 p.m., had lunch and started for home. But because of the lost first day and the crowds, the third day was extended to 5 p.m. But that was the official time. Many of us were stuck till about 7 p.m. We did not want to abandon the people still in the queue and who were now looking pretty desperate that they would not be attended to. They had suffered much. This meant once again traveling in the dark, this time to get home.

(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Peiris)

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