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Hoffmann’s involvement in the WNPS and some unpleasant incidents in later years

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(Excerpted from the authorized biography of Thilo Hoffmann
by Douglas. B. Ranasinghe)

In the development of the Society Thilo received the loyal support of Sam Rajendran, who worked as Office Assistant until 1973. He knew most members personally, and was much liked, an asset to the Society. He was followed by J. Azeez, who worked in that position for many years, with integrity and wide acceptance. Many sound people of eminence were attracted to the General Committee, and other positions were filled by promising youngsters.

There were people such as Leela Dias-Bandaranayake, Chandra Liyanage, Nigel Austin, Charitha Ratwatte and “Ken” Balendra. Chari (C. P.) de Silva was Treasurer for many years. Lalith Senanayake, as the long-standing Honorary Secretary of the Society, was of great help to Thilo, and became a close friend. During the time of his leadership of the Society Thilo Hoffmann was a Director and later the CEO of A. Baur and Co. Ltd. The company provided the infrastructure for his conservation work, and helped the Society in many important ways.

Thilo’s secretary at Baurs, Mrs Yvonne Nadarajah, nee Rogers, most efficiently did all the typing of his innumerable letters, memos, reports, minutes and publications. These were usually dictated after office hours: see the Elapata article. She learned to take down in shorthand most complicated and technical texts. Thilo stresses that without her exceptional devotion and efficiency he would not have been able to achieve what he did.

There were some who claimed that the CEO of a firm which dealt in fertilizers and agrochemicals (amongst other things) could not possibly also be the head of the country’s premier conservation society. Thilo did not see it that way. He explains:

“The responsible use of fertilizers in agriculture worldwide is essential for the ability to feed growing populations and enhance the quality of life. Only the excessive, ill-informed use of fertilizers and chemicals causes environmental damage. Sensible and intelligent conservation has to be combined with realistic and responsible agricultural policies and practices, which on a large scale necessarily involve the use of chemicals.”

When Thilo started at Baurs their special mixtures consisted of up to 50% and more of organic ingredients, such as bone-meal, fish-meal, guano, oil-cakes etc. The prices of these had in the meantime risen to such heights that their use as fertilizers had long become prohibitive.

Alongside his work for the WNPS and conservation, he continued his explorations in the island, surveys of its natural sites and the study of its fauna and flora. This is reflected in various publications. In Loris for example, his personal observations of elephants over the years led him to write the two articles on their habitats, numbers and distribution.

We find that in the issue containing the first there is also by Hoffmann ‘’The Hog Deer’ and ‘The Cats of Sri Lanka’ and in the second: ‘Down the Mahaweli by Boat 114’ – a seven-page survey, much more than an account of adventure. He also pursued his interest in ornithology, and, in parallel with the WNPS, conducted the affairs of the Ceylon Bird Club, as described in a later Chapter.

TWO CRITICAL CHANGES

In 1966, when E. B. Wikramanayake was the President and Thilo was the Secretary, one of the stated objectives of the Society was “to safeguard the interests of legitimate sport”, that is, hunting. Hoffmann was largely responsible for removing that obnoxious clause. Wikramanayake, paying tribute to him on his election as Honorary Life Member in 1981, stated this among his many achievements on behalf of the Society.

It was a hard battle as hunters and their supporters were very strong in the Society. For the first time a poll was taken to ascertain the views of the entire membership. The deletion of the hunting clause was approved by majority vote. In a largely Buddhist country it is remarkable that this change was initiated by Thilo.

During his tenure as President of the Society, Hoffmann suggested that its name be changed from the ‘Wildlife Protection Society of Ceylon’ to the ‘Wildlife and Nature Protection Society of Ceylon’, in view of the fact that wildlife cannot be properly protected without conserving nature in general. This suggestion was given effect to at the Annual General Meeting held on December 14, 1971. The new name (now ending in “Sri Lanka”) is abbreviated `WNPS’.

At the same meeting a resolution to launch a campaign for the preservation of some 20,000 acres of Sinharaja was adopted. The rescue of this rainforest is the subject of the next Chapter. Hoffmann had argued also that without the change the Society would not be able to speak effectively in this matter.

Spreading the message

After the successful battle to save Sinharaja, it became apparent to the WNPS that the message of conservation should be taken to the grassroot level, the village. From time immemorial villagers knew the value of protecting the forest, as much as the wewa and temple. There is a belief among them that every large tree is the abode of a deity and the forest is sacred. When the necessity arose to cut a tree, they lit a lamp and obtained permission from the incumbent deity before it was felled. These old customs and traditions were gradually eroding.

The Rev. Neluwe Gunananda Thero, who helped in saving Sinharaja, met Thilo as President of the WNPS in his office, and made a request that the Society, as the only concerned organization in Sri Lanka, should endeavour to convey the conservation message to the rural population. A similar point had been made earlier by Dr R. L. Spittel, the first Ceylonese President of the Wildlife Protection Society of Ceylon, when in his biography ‘Surgeon of the Wilderness’, he declared:

“Conservation in this island is essentially for the people of Ceylon, and we should not for a moment forget this.” The same idea had been expressed many times by Thilo, both verbally and in writing. The General Committee of the Society appointed an Action Committee. Thilo obtained data from World Wildlife Fund India about the formation of Nature Clubs in schools.

The action committee submitted their proposals to take conservation to village communities through schools, and to publish the first nature magazine in Sinhala. In this manner knowledge of conservation could be imparted, and children encouraged to write about their experiences.

The proposals were approved and the first student Nature Club was declared open in 1976 at Kalutara Maha Vidyalaya, with the assistance of Nimal Liyanarachchi, a science teacher of the school. He had been a student of Douglas B. Ranasinghe, the Secretary of the Action Committee. Thilo Hoffmann, as President, and Ranjen Fernando, as Secretary, of the WNPS participated in this event, and a mango tree was planted in the school premises to commemorate it.

View from Baur’s Building, Colombo, towards Mount Lavinia (1960). At left rear, the new Ceylinco Building under construction, the old building in front of it. Foreground: Clippenberg House, empty space for the Central Bank with British military quarters (right extreme).

In the same year the Sinhala magazine Warana — translation: great tusker — was published, with Russell Kuruppu as editor and Ranasinghe as sub-editor. The concept was an instant success. By 1987 there were 80 Student Nature Clubs in various parts of the country, and from the inception the Department of Education purchased annually 6,400 copies of the biennial magazine for distribution to all government schools in the country. Warana, the first Sinhala nature periodical continues without a break, with Ranasinghe as editor, and has now attained 30 years of successful existence.

In order to further activate interest of school students especially and of all Sinhala- speaking people in birds and their environment, the WNPS in 1978 financed the first book on birds written in Sinhala, namely Asirimat Kurulu Lokaya by Douglas Ranasinghe, and also the Sri Lanka’ Avifaunal List by T. S.U. de Zylva and the same author, which presented the first list of Sinhala names of all the bird species known in Sri Lanka.

As a result of the pioneering action taken by the WNPS headed by Hoffmann, there are at present over 400 Student Nature Clubs in schools in Sri Lanka, and the past members of these have their own NGOs, to promote the conservation movement in urban areas as well as at village level. The patron teachers of the Student Nature Clubs, too, have their separate Patron Teachers Clubs, and a nature magazine, and quietly promote the conservation movement at village level.

In 1976 Hoffmann, as President of WNPS, wrote a handout titled Conserve or Perish, which was distributed throughout the country to schools, to farmers, to administrators and all people young and old. This was done in the hope that those who read the leaflet would look at their own environment, recognize the truths of warnings given in the address and act in a responsible manner for the good of all citizens and the country. 100,000 copies of this leaflet in Sinhala and 15,000 copies in English were printed and distributed.

Problems within

Thilo Hoffmann’s leadership had clearly brought the Society greater respect and influence. Yet there came a time when opposition to his Presidency began to make life difficult for him.It all started with a dispute with the World Wildlife Fund. Thilo tried to uphold the independence and dignity of the Sri Lankan national society against the overbearing attitude of the international giant and its representatives. One of the issues was Hoffmann’s opposition to a First-World ‘elephant expert’. This man proposed, among other things, that all or most wild elephants in Sri Lanka over seven feet tall should be killed.

The situation was used against Thilo by a young woman who had lately formed a dislike towards him. She thought, mistakenly, that the Hoffmanns were partly to blame for the breakdown of her marriage to a close friend and fellow office-bearer in the WNPS. A campaign of vilification against Thilo began to spread, through powerful family connections. It had strong xenophobic undertones: “Why do we need a foreigner as President of the WNPS?”

This was eagerly picked up by a motley range of people of all walks of life, most of whom did not know Thilo Hoffmann, or what he stood for, and also by some with personal grudges. Others who had never before or after shown even the vaguest interest in conservation or wildlife, and knew nothing about it, were recruited into the ranks of opposition, and soon began to make themselves felt.

The drive gathered momentum from one AGM to the next, the campaign, now of personal vilification, spilled over into the press. Particularly, the monthly Tribune carried regular features attacking him ruthlessly and unfairly. There was nothing that could be done against this massed hostility. Eventually it forced Thilo to give up in dismay.

At no stage were any of his actions for nature, wildlife or the Society questioned or criticized. He was accused of being autocratic and a foreigner, and – incongruously – it was held against him that the WWF, an INGO, had declared him ‘persona non grata’. Its Director-General had actually written to a Committee Member that as long as Hoffmann was President of the WNPS they would have no dealings with it.

For many years the WNPS under Thilo had, in fact, been working closely with the WWF – a much younger organization – and was its official representative in Sri Lanka. Its first Director-General was Dr Fritz Vollmar, a Swiss. He and his wife Daniele visited Sri Lanka several times and had a good rapport with both Lalith Senanayake and Thilo.

Then Vollmar was pushed out of his position, which was taken by a Dutch national. The World Wildlife Fund was later renamed the World Wide Fund for Nature.Other allegations about Thilo Hoffmann began to spread and two linger to this day. One is a conflict between his employment and conservation. His response has been noted above. The other is that he “smuggled antiques” out of Sri Lanka. The only matters which could even faintly be related and possibly be a basis for distortion are given below.

Thilo was once held up at Customs for having a geuda with him, during the days of hyper-strict control. It was a birthday present from his wife to his younger sister, who was ill with cancer. The purchase, for Rs 50, was confirmed by Wimalaratna Bros. and the stone given back to him. Another time, too, shortly before, he was searched at the airport and nothing found. On each occasion, the embarrassed officer hinted that there was a tip-off!

Throughout their life in Sri Lanka, Thilo’s wife collected many diverse objects and wares, some of British and Dutch origin. These were sent to Switzerland together with other household goods when the couple was moving there, after Thilo’s retirement, long after the campaign. The official procedures were always followed.

The General Committee with the exception of three members stood loyally by their President. So did the majority of members at various AGMs. The Committee tried hard to persuade Thilo to continue as President. But in 1982 he declined to offer himself for re-election. The workload at Baurs, too, had greatly increased, and the lessening of one set of responsibilities would be a relief.

Afterwards

The Society later elected him an Honorary Life Member. In 1997 it presented to him a plaque on which is recorded “grateful appreciation of services rendered from 1960-1997”. Thilo continued for many years as ex-officio member of the General Committee of the Society. His interest and active involvement in conservation issues has never ceased to this day.



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The Division Bell Mystery

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.

Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.

Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.

That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.

Ellen

Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.

But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.

He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.

Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.

Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.

After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.

The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.

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The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive

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Anti-migrant protests in Durban, South Africa. BBC

The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.

At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.

Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.

In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.

Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.

The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.

Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.

In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.

The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.

It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.

Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.

On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.

That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’

In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.

In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’

True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.

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Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly

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Perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions // Gift pack

I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.

Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.

She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.

As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes

Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.

Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity

These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.

What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.

What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.

According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.

Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”

Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.

Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.

He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love

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