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Founding of the Federal Party, the B-C Pact, Dudley-Chelva Pact Constituent Assembly and Vadukoddai Resolution

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Signing of Bandranaike – Chelvanayakam Pact on July 26, 1957

(Continued from last week)

Formation of the Federal Party (Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi) in December, 1949, was a turning point. With S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, K. C., as Founder President, and Dr. E. M. V. Naganathan and Mr. V. Navaratnam as Joint Secretaries, the party embarked on a journey which marked a radical departure from the conventional thinking of the past. This was plain from the text of seven resolutions adopted at the first National Convention of the Party, held in Trincomalee in April, 1951. The bedrock of the resolutions was the call to establish a Tamil state within the Union of Ceylon, and the bold assertion that no other solution was feasible.

The trajectory was now becoming manifest. The demand up to this time had been for substantial power sharing within a unitary state. This was now giving way to a strident demand for the emergence of a federal structure, destined to be expanded in due course to advocacy of secession.

The epitome of the resolutions was a critique of the unitary state as a wholly inadequate instrument for the fulfillment of legitimate Tamil aspirations. These were said to be capable of fruition only within the framework of an autonomous Tamil linguistic state forming a unit of the proposed federation. The overriding requirement of preserving the Tamil language and culture, in its pristine integrity, was spelt out explicitly. Territory was identified as the central factor defining the identity of the Tamil people.

From this perspective, a cogent objection was made to government initiatives in respect of colonization schemes which, it was claimed, distorted the demographic character of the areas in question. Asoftening element was introduced by the principle of “non-domination” which purported to allow residual space for other communities and religions.

Although standing out boldly as a landmark in constitutional evolution, the Federal Party resolutions did not carry on their face the hallmark of finality or immutability. In the next two decades, there was still the opportunity for addressing Tamil aspirations within the confines of an undivided country. Unequivocal insistence by the Tamil leadership on secession was yet some years away.

The next two decades saw further attempts, by different governments, to resolve the vexed issues around power sharing. The first of these was the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact, signed by the Prime Minister and the leader of the Federal Party on July 26, 1957. There was an air of uneasy compromise surrounding the entire transaction. This was evident from the structure of the pact, which, as one of its three integral parts, contained a section not reduced to writing in any form, but consisting of a series of informal understandings. The essence of the pact was the proposed system of Regional Councils, which were envisaged as an intermediary tier between the central government and local government institutions.

This did break new ground. Not only did the pact confer on the people of the North and East a substantial measure of self-governance through innovative Regional Councils, including in such inherently controversial areas as colonization, irrigation, and land management, but territorial units were conceived of as the recipients of devolved powers. Thus, the Northern Province was envisaged to encompass one area, while the Eastern Province would comprise of two or more units. Of particular significance, the Regional Councils were to be invested with some measure of fiscal autonomy, in that they were not solely dependent on resources allocated by the Treasury, but were empowered to raise revenue through taxation and borrowing.

These, and other, attributes encouraged the impression that Regional Councils, representing the thin end of the wedge, could be a halting place on the road to fully-fledged federation. Certainly, there was no hesitation by out bidders to present the pact in these terms and to agitate virulently against it. The blow back was so intense as to compel the government to abrogate the pact.

In any event, there was the infirmity that the pact, to be implemented by ordinary legislation, would not have the sanctity of a constitutional amendment. Given the volatility of the subject matter, the comfort zone for the minorities was clearly precarious.

DUDLEY SENANAYAKE – CHELVANAYAKAM PACT

The next attempt, eight years later, was by the United National Party, which had vehemently opposed the Bandaranaike- Chelvanayakam Pact. This was the Dudley Senanayake- Chelvanayakam Pact, signed between the leader of the United National Party, at the time Leader of the Opposition, and the leader of the Federal Party. It differed from the Bandaranaike- Chelvanayakam Pact, both contextually and substantively.

As to context, it was signed on March 24, 1965, on the eve of a parliamentary election, to ensure for the United National Party the support of the Federal Party. A disheartening feature was the plainly evident element of duplicity. Once in government, the Prime Minister’s party showed little interest in giving effect to the terms of the pact. Within three years, the Federalist in the Cabinet, Mr. M. Tiruchelvam QC, Minister of Local Government, whose draft White Paper on the authority of District Councils was not acted upon by the government, relinquished his portfolio.

Substantively, the lynch pin of the pact was a system of District Councils whose powers received no definition but were to be resolved by subsequent negotiation. The primary debilitating aspect was the entrenched control of District Councils by the central government, even in regard to action within their vires (powers). This was largely an exercise in expediency which, far from engendering confidence, was almost universally seen as a sleight of hand.

THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY AND THE MODEL FEDERAL CONSTITUTION

Constitution making was very much at the crossroads in 1970, when the government of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, heading a coalition, was elected with a two- thirds majority. The new administration immediately embarked on the historic task of severing the centuries- old bond with the British Crown, and bringing into being the Republic of Sri Lanka. This was an all-encompassing enterprise, calling for an entirely new point of departure, signified by a comprehensive Constitution.

Thiswas to be drafted by a Constituent Assembly, which commenced its work with the formulation of a set of Basic Resolutions. The second of these, which eventually found expression in Article 2 of the new Constitution, characterized Sri Lanka as a unitary state. The Federal Party moved an amendment to this resolution, proposing that the word “federal” should be substituted for “unitary”.

The Federal Party, participating in the proceedings of there early stages on November 23, 1970, presented a Memorandum and a Model Federal Constitution. The striking feature of this intervention was its flexibility in respect of many critical issues, which saw a distinct hardening of attitudes through the developments of subsequent years. At the time of adoption of the first Republican Constitution, however, the resilience of approach of the Federal Party manifested itself in a variety of ways.

Mr. V. Dharmalingam, the spokesperson for the party on this subject, in his address to the Constituent Assembly on March 16, 1971, scrupulously refrained from insistence on any specific model and made it clear that all matters pertaining to the powers of the federating units and their relationship to the Centre could be freely discussed, once the principle of federalism was accepted. The principle of indivisibility of the Republic of Ceylon was emphatically articulated in the document as a non-negotiable premise. Exercise of the right of self-determination, in its external aspect, was firmly ruled out.

Unlike the Interim Self-Governing Authority document drafted by the LTTE, which sought to bring the President of the International Court of Justice into an arbitral process in the context of settlement of disputes between Centre and Periphery, the Federal Party document was content to vest responsibility in this regard in the Constitutional Court of the Republic, clearly designated the final arbiter. Here, too, an external dimension was studiedly avoided.

Demarcation of the powers and responsibilities of the Centre and the units was done in such a manner as to reserve to the Centre all authority for which there was legitimate need. This is clear from a comparison of the 29 clauses in Article 16 of the Model Constitution of the Federal Party with the provisions contained in the 9th Schedule to the 13th Amendment which forms part of the present Constitution. The former is not materially less extensive than the latter.

In sharp contrast with the acrimony generated in relation to the issue of Muslim representation in the Norwegian- facilitated peace talks between the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE, the Federal Party Memorandum had no reservation about conceding to the Muslim community the right to form their own unit in Ampara district.

The Federal Party Memorandum, invoking as its inspiration the principle of “democratic decentralization”, claimed that it was motivated by the basic purpose of achieving integration among the different ethnic groups of the population within a conceptual scheme which offered ample scope for the preservation of their distinct identities. There was, however, the stark admonition that persistent refusal to address these issues in earnest would inevitably propel the minorities to fall back on the residual option of external self-determination, culminating in secession.

The relative moderation of tone and substance reflected in the Federal Party documents, in comparison with far more extreme formulations which dominated the discourse in succeeding decades, met with nothing approximating to reciprocity in the slightest degree. The response came in the form of a sharp rebuke by Mr. Sarath Muttetuwegama, administered on the floor of the Constituent Assembly. Adamant in his refusal to leave the door ajar for any discussion, he declared: “Federalism has become something of a dirty word in the southern parts of this country.” The last opportunity to halt what turned out to be the inexorable march of events was arrogantl and contumaciously spurned.

VADUKODDAI RESOLUTION

The pushback came briskly, and with singular ferocity. This was in the form of the Vadukoddai Resolution, adopted by the Tamil United Liberation Front at its first National Convention held on May 14, 1976. The historic significance of this document, marking an irreversible trend, is that it set out for the first time, in the most unambiguous terms, the blueprint for an independent state for the Tamil Nation, embracing the merged Northern and Eastern Provinces.

The catalyst for this development arose from three fundamental features of the Constitution of 1972, which, taken in combination, were seen as a cavalier affront to Tamil aspirations. These characteristics were firm affirmation of the unitary state, the foremost place accorded to Buddhism, and the recognition of Sinhala as the sole official language. Tamil sentiment was convinced that the Rubicon had been crossed.

The first part of the resolution chronicled the grievances, over time, of the Tamil community, their persevering efforts to secure redress, and the unreceptive, indeed dismissive, reaction of successive governments in an unbroken sequence. The second part contained the nucleus of Tamil Eelam. Its scope extended beyond the shores of the Island. The state of Tamil Eelam was to be home not only to the people of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, but to “all Tamil-speaking people living in any part of Ceylon, and to Tamils of Eelam origin living in any part of the world who may opt for citizenship of Tamil Eelam”.

“Restoration and reconstitution of the free, sovereign, secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam” was declared to be “based on the right of self-determination inherent to every nation”, which had “become inevitable in order to safeguard the very existence of the Tamil Nation in this country”. Giving credence to the document was the idea that the Tamils, as a nation, had an identity distinct and separate from the Sinhalese, with historical habitation of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The final exhortation was that “This Convention calls upon the Tamil Nation in general, and the Tamil youth in particular, to come forward to throw themselves fully into the sacred fight for freedom, and to flinch not till the goal of a sovereign, socialist state of Tamil Eelam is reached.”

(Professor Pieris’ book is available at Vijitha Yapa Bookshops.)

(Excerpted from The Sri Lanka Peace Process: An Inside View by GL Peiris)



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Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

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Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

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“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

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‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

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A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

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