Features
DB and AKD
Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), the National People’s Power coalition candidate, has been elected Sri Lanka’s ninth President. Although he did not secure the required 50% plus one vote for outright victory, Dissanayake led with 42.31% of the votes, 1.3 million ahead of his nearest rival, Sajith Premadasa of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB).
Dissanayake’s party, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), had been waiting a long time for this opportunity, despite having only three MPs in parliament. A viral Facebook post from 2015, where Dissanayake stated, “They tried to bury us. They didn’t know we were seeds,” reflects the party’s resilience.
This election marked the first ever preferential vote count due to constitutional requirements, which created confusion during the counting process. Nevertheless, the campaign and polling proceeded without violence. Dissanayake’s initial lead in postal votes suggested a strong performance.
Despite this success, former Minister Champika Ranawaka noted that 58% of voters had voted against Dissanayake, highlighting the challenges ahead.
Dissanayake performed well in historically significant areas, even surpassing the votes of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in his stronghold of Hambantota. Conversely, the Tamil common candidate, P. Ariyanethiran, received just over 2.25 lakh votes, further complicating the political landscape for Tamil representation and unity.
Traits and personality
When D.B. Wijetunga unexpectedly assumed the presidency following the assassination of Premadasa in 1993, and successfully led the military campaign to clear the eastern regions during the civil war, his close associates humorously referred to him as “Doing Bloody Well,” playing on his initials, D. B. W. However, as time passed and Wijetunga began favouring his close allies, often using state banks to accommodate them, and showing a stubborn refusal to listen to advice, the same associates started referring to him as “Deaf and Blind Wijetunga.”
President Dissanayake has shown remarkable adaptability, even making decisions that contradict some of the principles he advocated during his election campaign. Dissanayake could be considered adoptable and keen even when it means making compromises on his earlier campaign promises. AKD embodies the qualities of being adaptable, keen, and dynamic and navigates life with remarkable flexibility but also approaches challenges with enthusiasm and energy.
It is crucial for President Dissanayake to consult rela experts when making decisions. Unlike Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who sought advice from medical practitioners and monks on agricultural issues, Dissanayake should ensure that his decisions are informed by subject-matter experts who are well-versed in the complexities of the issues at hand. This approach will help Dissanayake maintain a dynamic and effective leadership style, avoiding the pitfalls of poor decision-making and ensuring sustained progress for the country.
DBW and Personal Success Attributes
The DBW concept emphasises action, perseverance, and excellence, showcasing remarkable success despite challenges. Together, these perspectives highlight different facets of excelling in various contexts; the “bloody” aspect of DBW signifies grit and determination. This intensity indicates that individuals do not merely perform adequately; they push boundaries and surpass expectations. Here, the critical difference emerges: while keenness emphasises a positive approach to learning and growth, the DBW perspective underscores the importance of perseverance in achieving success.
In the latter part of his presidency, Wijetunga’s ability to collaborate with Kumaratunga without undermining her government exemplifies the excellence inherent in his leadership. His choice to allow the political process to unfold without interference underscores a commitment to the democratic principles that characterised his tenure.
When qualities like adaptability, keenness, and dynamism are combined with the DBW mindset, they create a powerful formula for success. An individual who embodies these traits is flexible in responding to challenges, eager to learn from experiences, and dynamic in action.
AKD and his duty
President Dissanyake, 55, repesenting a transformative moment on the country’s political landscape, comes from a non-political family background, unlike previous leaders who hail from the political elite, notably the Rajapaksa and Premadasa dynasties. As the leader of the National People’s Power (NPP) coalition, a leftist alliance, Dissanayake’s rise to power follows the country’s worst economic crisis in more than seven decades, which triggered mass protests and the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022.
Dissanayake, leader of the JVP, a party with a Marxist history and a reputation for violent uprisings in the past, has worked over the past decade to reform its image and present a platform focused on anti-corruption, transparency, and economic reform. His campaign centered around a “new era of renaissance” for Sri Lanka, promising to overhaul the entrenched political system plagued by corruption and mismanagement, which resonated with voters seeking drastic change in the aftermath of the country’s economic collapse.
His victory in the election was historic, not only for securing 43% of the vote but also because it was the first time in Sri Lankan history that a presidential election was decided by a second round of counting, as no candidate achieved an outright majority in the initial vote.
This victory is particularly notable given his marginal support of only 3% in the 2019 election, demonstrating the shift in public sentiment as Sri Lanka’s crisis deepened.
Despite his appeal to the electorate for change, significant concerns persist regarding his ability to unite the country. His party’s past association with Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism and opposition to Tamil rights has raised skepticism, particularly among the Tamil population, which represents about 12% of the country’s 22 million people. The JVP’s historical stance against Tamil aspirations, combined with its actions during past insurrections, may pose challenges in Dissanayake’s efforts to promote reconciliation and inclusivity.
Economic recovery is at the forefront of his agenda, and one of his first tasks will be to manage the austerity measures imposed under Sri Lanka’s $2.9 billion IMF bailout package. Dissanayake has expressed a desire to renegotiate some terms of the agreement, though experts caution that maintaining credibility with international creditors is vital to ensure the country’s financial stability. Navigating the debt restructuring process, currently in its final stages, will be essential for Sri Lanka to exit default status and restore investor confidence.
On the international front, Dissanayake’s presidency also faces significant geopolitical challenges. His historical anti-Indian rhetoric, including opposition to business agreements with Indian companies, could strain relations with India, a crucial neighbour that extended over $4 billion in aid to Sri Lanka during its economic crisis. Balancing these relations with China, which has also invested heavily in the island, will be a critical aspect of his foreign policy.
While his presidency brings the promise of transparency and reform, how he handles these domestic and international complexities will determine the success of his tenure. His ability to adapt, consult the right experts, and make pragmatic decisions—without becoming rigid or resistant to change, as his predecessors did—will be key in navigating the turbulent waters ahead.
Conclusions
President Dissanayake’s Marxist-rooted JVP has evolved under his guidance, yet the party’s history of violence and its past opposition to Tamil rights continue to raise concerns. Reconciliation with minority communities, especially the Tamil population, will be crucial for national unity and healing.
On the economic front, Dissanayake faces the immediate task of navigating austerity measures tied to Sri Lanka’s IMF bailout, while seeking to restore financial stability and regain the confidence of international creditors. Dissanayake’s presidency marks a significant shift in Sri Lanka’s political landscape, offering the promise of reform and recovery amid the country’s worst economic crisis. His leadership faces major challenges, including navigating IMF-imposed austerity, and balancing international relations with India and China. To succeed, Dissanayake must rely on adaptability, expert consultation, and pragmatic decision-making, avoiding the pitfalls of rigidity and poor governance seen in past leaders. His ability to unite the country and manage complex domestic and international issues will define his presidency.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
Cyclones, greed and philosophy for a new world order
Further to my earlier letter titled, “Psychology of Greed and Philosophy for a New World Order” (The Island 26.11.2025) it may not be far-fetched to say that the cause of the devastating cyclones that hit Sri Lanka and Indonesia last week could be traced back to human greed. Cyclones of this magnitude are said to be unusual in the equatorial region but, according to experts, the raised sea surface temperatures created the conditions for their occurrence. This is directly due to global warming which is caused by excessive emission of Greenhouse gases due to burning of fossil fuels and other activities. These activities cannot be brought under control as the rich, greedy Western powers do not want to abide by the terms and conditions agreed upon at the Paris Agreement of 2015, as was seen at the COP30 meeting in Brazil recently. Is there hope for third world countries? This is why the Global South must develop a New World Order. For this purpose, the proposed contentment/sufficiency philosophy based on morals like dhana, seela, bhavana, may provide the necessary foundation.
Further, such a philosophy need not be parochial and isolationist. It may not be necessary to adopt systems that existed in the past that suited the times but develop a system that would be practical and also pragmatic in the context of the modern world.
It must be reiterated that without controlling the force of collective greed the present destructive socioeconomic system cannot be changed. Hence the need for a philosophy that incorporates the means of controlling greed. Dhana, seela, bhavana may suit Sri Lanka and most of the East which, as mentioned in my earlier letter, share a similar philosophical heritage. The rest of the world also may have to adopt a contentment / sufficiency philosophy with strong and effective tenets that suit their culture, to bring under control the evil of greed. If not, there is no hope for the existence of the world. Global warming will destroy it with cyclones, forest fires, droughts, floods, crop failure and famine.
Leading economists had commented on the damaging effect of greed on the economy while philosophers, ancient as well as modern, had spoken about its degenerating influence on the inborn human morals. Ancient philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, and Epicurus all spoke about greed, viewing it as a destructive force that hindered a good life. They believed greed was rooted in personal immorality and prevented individuals from achieving true happiness by focusing on endless material accumulation rather than the limited wealth needed for natural needs.
Jeffry Sachs argues that greed is a destructive force that undermines social and environmental well-being, citing it as a major driver of climate change and economic inequality, referencing the ideas of Adam Smith, John Maynard Keynes, etc. Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel Laureate economist, has criticised neoliberal ideology in similar terms.
In my earlier letter, I have discussed how contentment / sufficiency philosophy could effectively transform the socioeconomic system to one that prioritises collective well-being and sufficiency over rampant consumerism and greed, potentially leading to more sustainable economic models.
Obviously, these changes cannot be brought about without a change of attitude, morals and commitment of the rulers and the government. This cannot be achieved without a mass movement; people must realise the need for change. Such a movement would need leadership. In this regard a critical responsibility lies with the educated middle class. It is they who must give leadership to the movement that would have the goal of getting rid of the evil of excessive greed. It is they who must educate the entire nation about the need for these changes.
The middle class would be the vanguard of change. It is the middle class that has the capacity to bring about change. It is the middle class that perform as a vibrant component of the society for political stability. It is the group which supplies political philosophy, ideology, movements, guidance and leaders for the rest of the society. The poor, who are the majority, need the political wisdom and leadership of the middle class.
Further, the middle class is the font of culture, creativity, literature, art and music. Thinkers, writers, artistes, musicians are fostered by the middle class. Cultural activity of the middle class could pervade down to the poor groups and have an effect on their cultural development as well. Similarly, education of a country depends on how educated the middle class is. It is the responsibility of the middle class to provide education to the poor people.
Most importantly, the morals of a society are imbued in the middle class and it is they who foster them. As morals are crucial in the battle against greed, the middle class assume greater credentials to spearhead the movement against greed and bring in sustainable development and growth. Contentment sufficiency philosophy, based on morals, would form the strong foundation necessary for achieving the goal of a new world order. Thus, it is seen that the middle class is eminently suitable to be the vehicle that could adopt and disseminate a contentment/ sufficiency philosophy and lead the movement against the evil neo-liberal system that is destroying the world.
The Global South, which comprises the majority of the world’s poor, may have to realise, before it is too late, that it is they who are the most vulnerable to climate change though they may not be the greatest offenders who cause it. Yet, if they are to survive, they must get together and help each other to achieve self-sufficiency in the essential needs, like food, energy and medicine. Trade must not be via exploitative and weaponised currency but by means of a barter system, based on purchase power parity (PPP). The union of these countries could be an expansion of organisations,like BRICS, ASEAN, SCO, AU, etc., which already have the trade and financial arrangements though in a rudimentary state but with great potential, if only they could sort out their bilateral issues and work towards a Global South which is neither rich nor poor but sufficient, contented and safe, a lesson to the Global North. China, India and South Africa must play the lead role in this venture. They would need the support of a strong philosophy that has the capacity to fight the evil of greed, for they cannot achieve these goals if fettered by greed. The proposed contentment / sufficient philosophy would form a strong philosophical foundation for the Global South, to unite, fight greed and develop a new world order which, above all, will make it safe for life.
by Prof. N. A. de S. Amaratunga
PHD, DSc, DLITT
Features
SINHARAJA: The Living Cathedral of Sri Lanka’s Rainforest Heritage
When Senior biodiversity scientist Vimukthi Weeratunga speaks of Sinharaja, his voice carries the weight of four decades spent beneath its dripping emerald canopy. To him, Sri Lanka’s last great rainforest is not merely a protected area—it is “a cathedral of life,” a sanctuary where evolution whispers through every leaf, stream and shadow.
“Sinharaja is the largest and most precious tropical rainforest we have,” Weeratunga said.
“Sixty to seventy percent of the plants and animals found here exist nowhere else on Earth. This forest is the heart of endemic biodiversity in Sri Lanka.”
A Magnet for the World’s Naturalists
Sinharaja’s allure lies not in charismatic megafauna but in the world of the small and extraordinary—tiny, jewel-toned frogs; iridescent butterflies; shy serpents; and canopy birds whose songs drift like threads of silver through the mist.
“You must walk slowly in Sinharaja,” Weeratunga smiled.
“Its beauty reveals itself only to those who are patient and observant.”
For global travellers fascinated by natural history, Sinharaja remains a top draw. Nearly 90% of nature-focused visitors to Sri Lanka place Sinharaja at the top of their itinerary, generating a deep economic pulse for surrounding communities.
A Forest Etched in History
Centuries before conservationists championed its cause, Sinharaja captured the imagination of explorers and scholars. British and Dutch botanists, venturing into the island’s interior from the 17th century onward, mapped streams, documented rare orchids, and penned some of the earliest scientific records of Sri Lanka’s natural heritage.
These chronicles now form the backbone of our understanding of the island’s unique ecology.
The Great Forest War: Saving Sinharaja
But Sinharaja nearly vanished.
In the 1970s, the government—guided by a timber-driven development mindset—greenlit a Canadian-assisted logging project. Forests around Sinharaja fell first; then, the chainsaws approached the ancient core.
“There was very little scientific data to counter the felling,” Weeratunga recalled.
- Poppie’s shrub frog
- Endemic Scimitar babblers
- Blue Magpie
“But people knew instinctively this was a national treasure.”
The public responded with one of the greatest environmental uprisings in Sri Lankan history. Conservation icons Thilo Hoffmann and Neluwe Gunananda Thera led a national movement. After seven tense years, the new government of 1977 halted the project.
What followed was a scientific renaissance. Leading researchers—including Prof. Savithri Gunathilake and Prof. Nimal Gunathilaka, Prof. Sarath Kottagama, and others—descended into the depths of Sinharaja, documenting every possible facet of its biodiversity.
“Those studies paved the way for Sinharaja to become Sri Lanka’s very first natural World Heritage Site,” Weeratunga noted proudly.
- Vimukthi
- Nadika
- Janaka
A Book Woven From 30 Years of Field Wisdom
For Weeratunga, Sinharaja is more than academic terrain—it is home. Since joining the Forest Department in 1985 as a young researcher, he has trekked, photographed, documented and celebrated its secrets.
Now, decades later, he joins Dr. Thilak Jayaratne, the late Dr. Janaka Gallangoda, and Nadika Hapuarachchi in producing, what he calls, the most comprehensive book ever written on Sinharaja.
“This will be the first major publication on Sinharaja since the early 1980s,” he said.
“It covers ecology, history, flora, fauna—and includes rare photographs taken over nearly 30 years.”
Some images were captured after weeks of waiting. Others after years—like the mysterious mass-flowering episodes where clusters of forest giants bloom in synchrony, or the delicate jewels of the understory: tiny jumping spiders, elusive amphibians, and canopy dwellers glimpsed only once in a lifetime.
The book even includes underwater photography from Sinharaja’s crystal-clear streams—worlds unseen by most visitors.
A Tribute to a Departed Friend
Halfway through the project, tragedy struck: co-author Dr. Janaka Gallangoda passed away.
“We stopped the project for a while,” Weeratunga said quietly.
“But Dr. Thilak Jayaratne reminded us that Janaka lived for this forest. So we completed the book in his memory. One of our authors now watches over Sinharaja from above.”
An Invitation to the Public
A special exhibition, showcasing highlights from the book, will be held on 13–14 December, 2025, in Colombo.
“We cannot show Sinharaja in one gallery,” he laughed.
“But we can show a single drop of its beauty—enough to spark curiosity.”
A Forest That Must Endure
What makes the book special, he emphasises, is its accessibility.
“We wrote it in simple, clear language—no heavy jargon—so that everyone can understand why Sinharaja is irreplaceable,” Weeratunga said.
“If people know its value, they will protect it.”
To him, Sinharaja is more than a rainforest.
It is Sri Lanka’s living heritage.
A sanctuary of evolution.
A sacred, breathing cathedral that must endure for generations to come.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
How Knuckles was sold out
Leaked RTI Files Reveal Conflicting Approvals, Missing Assessments, and Silent Officials
“This Was Not Mismanagement — It Was a Structured Failure”— CEJ’s Dilena Pathragoda
An investigation, backed by newly released Right to Information (RTI) files, exposes a troubling sequence of events in which multiple state agencies appear to have enabled — or quietly tolerated — unauthorised road construction inside the Knuckles Conservation Forest, a UNESCO World Heritage site.
At the centre of the unfolding scandal is a trail of contradictory letters, unexplained delays, unsigned inspection reports, and sudden reversals by key government offices.
“What these documents show is not confusion or oversight. It is a structured failure,” said Dilena Pathragoda, Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice (CEJ), who has been analysing the leaked records.
“Officials knew the legal requirements. They ignored them. They knew the ecological risks. They dismissed them. The evidence points to a deliberate weakening of safeguards meant to protect one of Sri Lanka’s most fragile ecosystems.”
A Paper Trail of Contradictions
RTI disclosures obtained by activists reveal:
Approvals issued before mandatory field inspections were carried out
Three departments claiming they “did not authorise” the same section of the road
A suspiciously backdated letter clearing a segment already under construction
Internal memos flagging “missing evaluation data” that were never addressed
“No-objection” notes do not hold any legal weight for work inside protected areas, experts say.
One senior officer’s signature appears on two letters with opposing conclusions, sent just three weeks apart — a discrepancy that has raised serious questions within the conservation community.
“This is the kind of documentation that usually surfaces only after damage is done,” Pathragoda said. “It shows a chain of administrative behaviour designed to delay scrutiny until the bulldozers moved in.”
The Silence of the Agencies
Perhaps, more alarming is the behaviour of the regulatory bodies.
Multiple departments — including those legally mandated to halt unauthorised work — acknowledged concerns in internal exchanges but issued no public warnings, took no enforcement action, and allowed machinery to continue operating.
“That silence is the real red flag,” Pathragoda noted.
“Silence is rarely accidental in cases like this. Silence protects someone.”
On the Ground: Damage Already Visible
Independent field teams report:
Fresh erosion scars on steep slopes
Sediment-laden water in downstream streams
Disturbed buffer zones
Workers claiming that they were instructed to “complete the section quickly”
Satellite images from the past two months show accelerated clearing around the contested route.
Environmental experts warn that once the hydrology of the Knuckles slopes is altered, the consequences could be irreversible.
CEJ: “Name Every Official Involved”
CEJ is preparing a formal complaint demanding a multi-agency investigation.
Pathragoda insists that responsibility must be traced along the entire chain — from field officers to approving authorities.
“Every signature, every omission, every backdated approval must be examined,” she said.
“If laws were violated, then prosecutions must follow. Not warnings. Not transfers. Prosecutions.”
A Scandal Still Unfolding
More RTI documents are expected to come out next week, including internal audits and communication logs that could deepen the crisis for several agencies.
As the paper trail widens, one thing is increasingly clear: what happened in Knuckles is not an isolated act — it is an institutional failure, executed quietly, and revealed only because citizens insisted on answers.
by Ifham Nizam
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